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1 

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illustrent  la  mdthode. 


1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

B 


ITS 


HI5 


AN 


AUTHENTIC  AND  COMPREHENSIVE 


HISTORY  OF  BUFFALO, 


WITH  SOME   ACCOC.N'T   OP 


ITS  EARLY  INHABITANTS  BOTH  SAVAGE  AND  CIVILIZED. 


COMPRISING 


HISTORIC  NOTICES  OF  THE  SIX  NATIONS  OT'  "OQUOIS  INDIANS  INCLU- 
DING A  SKETCH  OP  THE  LIFE  OF  SIR  WiLLlAM  JOHNSON.ANU 
OF  OTHER  PROMINENT  WHITE  MEN,  LONG  RESIDENT 
AMONG  THE  SENEGAS. 

ARRANGLD    IN   CHRONOLOGICAL   ORDER, 
IN   TWO    VOLUMES. 


BY  WILLIAM  KETCHUM. 


VOL.    I. 


BUFFALO,  K  Y. 

ROCKWELL,  BAKER  &  HILL,  PRINTERS. 
1861. 


269073 


ENTKEKD  according  to  Act  of  Congress  of  the  TJnlted  States  of  America  In  the 

yearl8M,by  WILLIAM   KBTOHUM,  In  the  Office  of  the  Clerk  of 

the  District  Court,  for  the  Northern  District  of  New  York. 


• 


M 


I  the 
if 


TO  THE 

HOK.   MILLARD   FILLMORE, 

PRESIDENT  OF  THE 
THESE- VOLUMFF,  ARE  RESPECTFULLY  DEDICATED, 

BY   THE 


Bl-fpai.0,  December,  1864. 


AUTHOR. 


I 


COKTENTS. 


CHAPTER  I. 


try  of  the  Iroqiioirt    Greit  chaiiVro  woii.4    in  w^^^  ^v^  }"''^  ""  ^^^  conn- 

hundred  yeara-Fir..t  vi.l  s  of  E^,ro^Lans  o  U,l«  uS^  ^m'"''.'"  '-i^* '"««  on« 

upon  both  aides  of  the  Uiver-L  KfHw.  fc-'r    i.  "T"' VT-''"  ^'',l"'°  ^""o"  f'^slde 
£rie.s-fire-arm9  furnished  Mic  Iron  loUH^w^^^  Nation-Kuw-Kwns  not  the 

the  Iroquols-Wnrs  of    he    roquS  rnLah.srotl  ir  N  ?hIIw"'  n"',"  '''^Tl°  "S"'"^' 
nrmed  by  history-War.  of  tho''lroqu2l^'wll"tl!e  Li^'l>V"'ca'i'^'a-l'on™'.'!!??.^^ 


CHAPTER  II. 


J 


Pagf!  7. 

CHAPTER  III. 

done  to  .^ntico  theVraminivoroi  s  in"mau'^o^v^      Z""''^  -^  P^fio'licnl  burnings  ; 
ings  formerly  prairfes-ProSt  "^^'^V^^IrV^L^^^^^^^^^^^^ 


the  waters  of  Lake  Erie  and  Ontario 


ther  U  Moines  reniarks-Muliitiido  of  animals 


u         ,       ,  „9"  f'"^  subject— Subsidence  of 
i<emarks  of  Wekl,  an  Indish  traveler-Fa- 


-VVanton  desrrucdou-of  animals  "       ""'»"»'*-««v.  Mr.  IlarrFsTemarks  thereon 

Page  10, 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Th°eX°nVi«c\nT?l"e  flr'?'to1i':i;7h7^1'"'"P^         (Irst  arrival  in  the  St.  Lawrence- 

Page  25. 


I 


k 


:\ 


aiaiOBY  OV  BUfFALOt 
CHAl'TlCR  V. 


La  Salle  leaves  Quebec  for  Mncklnnw-llls  party  visit  the  f  allc  of  Niagara.-FlrBt 
written  dcscrlptl.m  of  tho  D'«ll»-Dos<;rlptlon  of  their  voyage  across  ake  I  ntario- 
Arrlve  .U  the  mouth  of  the  Nh.gara-I'roceecl  up  tUo  rlver-Keturn  to  U'W Is^^ 
Sends  an  Embassy  to  tho  Henecus-Kiicouuter  a  jnm  of  the  Ice,  I  y  >/liieli  their  bont 
was  In  L'reat  peril  of  beluK  lost- Went  two  louL'ues  above  the  Kails,  ami  built  a  dock 
^r  bulUlInc  a  vessel-La %alle  retires  to  (hieSec-Uenneplns  aceouiit  of  butlillng 
tho  llrst  vessel-Entrance  of  tho  vessel  IntoXake  Krie-Voyage  of  tho  OriUln  throufiK 
tho  Lakes-llor  arrival  at  Mackinaw— Uer  return  auU  loan Fage  01. 

CHAPTER  VI. 

lllstory  of  tho  Senecas  rcsninod— Correapondcnco  between  Gov.  Dongau  of  New 
York,  and  Mou9.  Do  Nonville,  O.ov.  of  Canada I'ago  dl). 

CHAl'TEK  VII. 

Tho  Five  Nations  make  a  descent  upon  the  French  settlements  on  (ho  Island  of 
Montreal- Tho  French  abandon  Fort  Cndnrnqui,  and  they  are  threatened  with  fani- 
Ine-Mons.  l)e  Nonville  recalled,  and  tiio  fount  do  Frontenac  reinstated- Indian 
prisoners  brought  back  from  Franco— The  French  endeavor  to  conclllnto  a  peace 
with  the  Ironuois— Speech  of  a  Seneca  Saehem-roiint  do  Prontenm;  adopts  vigor- 
ous measures  neiilust  the  English  colonies,  and  tho  Six  Natlons-Schenectadv  do- 
stroyed— Speech  of  Condolence  of  tho  Mohawk  sachems  on  tho  occasion— '1  he  I"  ivo 
Nations  prosecute  the  war  with  great  vigor  against  the  French,  but  are  disappointed 
In  their  expeetHtlon  of  aid  from  tho  J':uglish-Gov.  Slaughter  of  New  \ork,  holds  a 
council  with  the  Five  Nations-Count  de  Frontenac  condemns  two  Iroquois  prison- 
ers to  be  burnt  alive-Expedition  of  tho  French  against  the  Mohawks-Col.  1'  letch- 
er,  Governor  of  New  York,  holds  a  council  with  the  Kivo  Nations  at  Albany— They 
give  an  equivocal  answer-They  negotliite  terms  of  peace  with  the  Irench— AH 
prisoners  to  bo  given  up-The  negotiations  fail-Count  de  Jrontenac  resolves  to 
Jorco  them  to  terms-lie  attacks  and  destroys  Onondaga— The  peace  ol  lieswick— 
Death  of  Count  de  Frontenac- An  exchange  of  prisoners  made  at  Onondaga— I  ris- 
oncra  refuse  to  be  exchanged lagoM. 


1 


:i 


I  ' 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

History  of  tho  Senecas  resnmed- Efforts  of  tho  French  to  alienate  the  Five  Na' 
tiona-They  arc  intltionced  to  peremptorily  decline  thn  offer  of  a  French  missionary 
to  reside  among  them-The  English  attempt  to  establish  traders  in  tho  Seneca  8 
country— Tho  Five  Nations  weakened  by  their  long  and  constant  wars  with  the 
French. Pl^SO  WD. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Indian  relations  left  in  the  hands  of  agents  and  traders— Fronch  keep  possession 
of  all  the  principal  trading  posts- \Vm  Johnson;  notice  of  his  character  and  first 
settlement  in  the  valley  of  tho  Mohawk— His  daughter  marries  Col.  Guy  Johnson- 
Sends  Joseph  Brant  to  the  Moors  Charity  School  in  Lebanon,  with  sev.  ral  other  In- 
dian boys— The  sister  of  Hrant  received  into  his  family— Johnson  receives  the  ap- 
pointment of  Colonel— Indian  estimate  of  him-Comniissioned  as  a  Miijor  General 
—Organizes  a  force  to  attack  Crown  Point— lieappoinled  General  Superintendent 
of  the  six  Nations-Defeats  the  French  under  Baron  Dieskeau,  who  Is  wounded 
and  taken  prisoner— Gen.  Jnhnson  wounded  severely- Hendrick,  the  great  Mohawk 
war  chief  killed-The  King  confers  the  title  ol  a  Paron  of  Great  Britain  npon  Gen. 
Johnson— The  French  under  Montcalm  capture  Oswego 1  age  120. 


CHAPTER  X. 


French  agents  and  emmisaaries  among  the  Senecas— They  are  greatly  demoralized 
by  the  Introduction  of  rum,  among  them— Deplored  by  Col.  .Johnson— Speech  of 
Skanyonyade,  or  Half  King  of  the  Senecas— Expedition  against  Niagara  organized 
under  Gen.  Pridcaux— Joined  by  one  thousand  warriors  of  tho  Six  Nations  under 


un 


CONTENTS. 


Vll 


Sir  William  .TolinHon— Gen.  Prldoiinx  killed,  and  the  coinnianU  (Involved  uoon  Hlr 
Wm.  JoliUBon,  to  wlioiu  tlio  Fort  Hiirrendurud-A  triiL'Ical  event— Dllllciiltles  In  le- 
giird  10  llio  piircliajso  of  Indian  lands— <  onxplracy  of  Fontlac-'l'lio  Senecas  and  the 
carrylnj;  I  laa)  at  MaL'ara-Alt.iik  upon  lliu  wajfon  trahi-Steadtnans  aeeount  of 
the  altuck-John  Mnud,  an  in^llsh  traveler,  visits  the  Falls I'age  l.')(l. 

CHAPTEU  XI. 

The  land  at  tho  Carrying  Plncoeedod  to  the  Engllsh-Tlio  Senceaa  are  addressed 
by  the  L-ortr  Nations,  jind  admonished  to  peaco-'i  hey  aroalso  addrei-sed  hySIr  Win 

.Inhflsnn — 'l^rnithlnd  rin  tint  HiiMf.ii»l....ii,<i     l\..\ -,.  .....i  /  vv.i  _  i.t .        ''    .       »»  m. 


.Johnson— 1  roubles  on  the  Susquehanna,  Delaware  and  Ohio  Klvers— A  creat  treatv 
at  tort  stanwlx,  to  settle  the  boundary  llne-lndlnn  nuuderB  instlgatccfby  C'rensan 
and  others,  on  the  borders  ol  iMarylancI  and  Vlrglnla-l.etler  of  Sir  William  John- 

Indians  upon  the  Ohio  Klver-Blr  Win.  JoUnaon  visits  England I'ago  15" 


CIIAPTEn  XII. 


Evenly  on  the  Ohio,  near  Whooling  and  Plttsbiirgh-Crensnp's  War-Addregg  of  a 
Seneca  <  hlof- 1  he  father  of  Logan-Michael  Oreasni)-I,ogans  chnracter-Baltro at 
the  month  of  the  Kanlinwa-Cornstockand  others  with  Logan— Coriistock's  address 
—Logan  s  speech-Col.  Gibson's  affidavit- Attempt  to  deprive  Logan  of  the  credit 
of  making  tho  speech  attributed  to  hlm-Logan'a  death. .....  Page  l«T 


CHAPTER  XIII. 


Council  at  Johnson  Hall,  in  relation  to  the  troubles  on  tho  Olilo— Seneca  nrigon- 
ers  released-Specch  of  condolence  of  n  Seneca  chlef-Slr  Wni.  Johnson's  last  speech 
to  the  Indians— Death  of  Sir  Wm.  Johnson-Col.  (iny  Johnson  assumes  bis  olHce— 
His  address  to  the  Indians— Funeral  of  Sir  Wm.  Johnnon-Speech  of  condolence 
of  an  Oneida  chief-Speech  of  a  Mohawk  chlef-Col.  Guy  Johnson's  address  to  ihe 
ai.t  Nations— Messnge  ot  the  Six  Nations  to  theSliawnese Page  I8.J 


CHAPTER  XIV. 


riie  death  of  Sir  Wm.  Johnson  a  great  calamity  to  the  Indians— Other  versions  of 
hlsdeath— Ihe  Johnson's  and  their  adherents  active  in  counteracting  therevolu- 
tlonary  spirit— A  meeting  Interrupted  by  Uiem  in  Johnstown— Kev.  Samuel  Klrk- 
land 8  letter— Notice  of  hlm-IIis  journal _ Pagcoi 


-m 


CHAPTER  XV. 

Councils  held  with  the  Six  Nations  by  both  tho  colonists  and  torios— A  chief  of 
the  unoldas  speaks  of  Mr  Klrkland-Col.  Guy  Johnson  removes  to  Fort  Stanwlx— 
Extracts  from  the  records  of  Indian  Transaciion.s— Taking  of  Col.  Fthan  Allen 
P'''*""'''* Page  S40. 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

Col.  Guy  Johnson  goes  to  England,  nccompanied  by  Brant,  and  a  Afohawk  war 
chief-Kctuni  to  Mtaten  I»land,lf.  Y.-Diclaration  of  Gumeraall-rjcn.  Schuvler'a 
etterto  Sir  John  Johnson— Interview  between  Gen.  Schuyler  and  Sir  .Tohn-Mo- 
hawk  sachems  and  warriors  visit  Gen.  Schuyler— Sir  John  surrenders  to  Gen.  Schuy- 
ler Vote  of  thanks  to  Gen,  Schuyler  by  Congress-Sir  John  Johnson  departs  with 
a  body  of  his  followers  to  Canada— His  family  Bible- Lady  Johnson  removed  to 
Albany  as  a  hostage-Gov.  Tryons  letter-Earl  Dartmouth's  letter  to  Guy  Johnson 
—Col.  Johnson  to  Lord  Germain-Onelda's  letter  to  Gen.  Schuyler-Gen.  St  Lccer'a 
expedition  ag.jinst  Fort  Stanwlx— Action  near  Fort  Stanwlx— Mohawks  plunder 
the  Oneldas-MoUy  Brant  flees  to  the  Onoudagas Page  254 


CHAPTER  XVn. 


Information  given  to  St.  Leger  through  Molly  Brant- Speech  of  a  sa. 
da— Ihos.  Spencers  letter— Gen.  Herkimer  advances  to  the  relief  of  Fo.  i  om 
1  hey  fall  into  an  ambush— Severe  fight— Herkimer  severely  wounded— His  & 
and  courage— Severe  loss  on  both  sides— Senecas  deceived  and  drawn  Into  tl 


chemofOnel- 

Fortstanwix— 

coolness 

the  con- 


flict-Indian loss-Story  of  Capt.  Gregg  and  his  dog-Col.  Clans'  letter  to  Secretary 
Knox— Col  Guy  Johnson  to  Lord  Germain— The  Mohawks  plunder  the  Oneldns 


^vho  retaliate 


Oneldns, 
.Page2T4- 


i 


If 


VIU 


iUSTOKVr   OF  BUFFALO. 


'Ik 


[sj}« 


CHAI'TER  XVIII. 


CIIAPTEII  XIX. 


i'ii|{u  3U0. 


CUAPTEU  XX 


find  tu^lr  di   ilion-Lettorof  ('apt    \V«lter  Umlcr  to  (iou  Schnyicr-n  ut  Wtv  of 
,,  >,1,.i  "'''J'*".T"""^''"'""  *  '""'*^^'''  t"  fopl  «i"l«''H  letter-   iitl,.r-8  m  i%o. 

omi       110  excUiiiiL'i)  tilltictiid— Oiiu  of  the  cnpt  vo  l-Ii-U  marries  h  Hrltlsh  ortlrornf 
ton  Nlipini-t  atlmrlno  Montour-  Indian  leader  at  U^yoim '  -ac  li)  cerM^^^^^^^^^^^ 
Brunt  not  tho  principal  war  cUlcfof  tho  Six  i^MlonL.^...  !  r...  .  }!. .  .V'ago  siT. 


CHAPTER  XXI. 


-Col  Guy 
I'ugo  m. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 


CIIAPTKU  XXIII. 

Campaign  ofGcn  Sullivan  a  terrible  blow  to  the  Seneca...-Great  numbers  nor. 

fu  «'!^r'^  <^''iy,'^pl'"«"n  l"  I-ord  (ieo  (ierniain-Nairative  of  the  llrst  se  llemenf 
of  UufTalo  Cre(^k-The  child  of  one  of  the  capllvcs  taken  fro,     her-l^int  P  n  wr« 

CHAPTER  XXIV. 

^1*,'"?"'?.'',"'°"^''"].''?"  "ft'"' Gilbert  family  broufrht  to  N'ncara  and  its  vielnitv 
First  settletneiit  of  tho  Scnccas  at  BuQalo  n-eok.  muler  tlu-  c,?ro    f  t  le  Brl-M,  m  7 
ernm.MU-VVi  I  ani. Johnson  acc.aT.panies  the  Indian.--)    ains"  era     ,,• 

— captme  ot  Capt  Alexander  Harper-Taken  to  Ma''nra-Meel8  ills  nieee  In  T 
Moore -Cap  Powell's  artittce-.Ja.ie  Moore,  now  Mrs.  'capt.  Powell,  InrchaVS^^ 
-Releaae  ol  Rebecca  and  BenJ.  (ii  bert,  Jr.-LDe.scdptioii  of  For  N  mara^^^^^^ 

"*" • ---... 1  ilgo   (5(1. 


OnAPl'ER  XXV. 


Sir  John  Johnson  invades  Johnstown— Cornplnnter  with  the  evnPflitir,n_iii.=f«, 


hi 

fa 

til 

th 

liii 

<le 

th 

bo 

of 

wa 

po( 

An 

wh 

cm 

wai 

prai 

pxh 

com 

tie, 


'• 


PREFACE 


Tlio  liLstorical  nolico  of  the  Siv  Vnf!r>„.  „r  i    i, 
vohinio.  embracing  llio  ,,o,1„,|  ,„„  .10  ''"""•      '''"'  '"'"' 

"...wo,.,,.,  co„r„„..c,  ,;,.r;:::r;::i;::r '° "° """  -"■ 

>™  cxc-ciml  from  a  far  .lifferent  Llivo  TZ  T '  '"''"""ni'y 

And  .h.,  .„„t  great  pa,„,  „„i  „„„  ,„  'l "     7^  ,"  '»  n  '°''°- 

whom  tliCT  camo  In  conlacl  l,„.  iL     '"'""'f  ""»  "1™  "pon  all  wiih 

praotico  of  tto  cnioltio,  Ihov  Mictrf  „JZ^T         " "•'•""«•'■    '•>  the 

..h.ruo„  no.  o„„  or  ,Lcirr„"':  t;:  ,v ::;  zr:;':;.?  °?,r 

courage  and  fortitude  of  those  wlio  had  n««L  !  '  ^^  '""  ^^« 

'M..e..,.,oom.,,.,rnr;z2r,n';,:,ro;;:: 


i! 


I' 


M 


X  IIIBTORT  OF  BIT?iALC. 

tortures.  They  gloried  in  submitting  to  the  stme  trial  of  their  own  cour- 
ages and  fortitude,  if  captured  in  war,  and  their  old  men  have  voluntarily 
submitted  to,  nay,  even  courted,  the  infliction  of  these  barbarous  cruel- 
ties upon  themselves.  It  was  a  part  of  their  education,  a  part  of  their 
system  of  war.  Golden  in  his  history  of  the  Five  Nations  written  early 
In  the  eighteenth  century,  says : 

"  Our  Indians  have  refused  to  die  meanly,  or  with  but  \ittlo  pain,  when 
they  thought  their  country's  honor  would  be  at  stake  by  it;  but  have  giv- 
en their  bodies  willingly  to  the  most  cruel  torments  of  their  enemies,  to 
show,  as  they  said,  that  the  Five  Nations  consisted  of  men,  whoso  cour- 
age and  resolution  could  not  be  shaken." 

The  torture  of  Father  Jogues  and  others  by  the  Mohawks,  in  1G43,  has 
been  referred  to  by  some  writers  as  evidence  of  their  cruelty,  he  beiug  a 
Jesuit  Priesc,  or  Mi?^ionary.  But  it  should  be  rem  'mbered  that  he  was 
taken  in  battle.  He  was  found  with  weapons  of  war  in  his  hands,  fightin" 
by  the  side  of  the  Hurons,  the  <•  sworn  enemies  of  the  Iroquois."  He  had 
taken  the  swo:  d,  and  could  expect  nothing  else  but  to  "  perish  oy  the 
sword."  He  had  undertaken  to  act  the  warrior's  part,  could  he  expect 
to  escape  the  warrior's  fate? 

At  the  same  time  when  Father  Jogues  was  a  prisoner  in  the  hands  of 
the  Mohawks,  the  Dutch  Domine  of  the  Collegiate  Reformed  Protestant 
church  in  New  York,  writes  thus  of  the  Imquois:  <'  though  they  are  so 
very  c:'uel  to  their  r  nemies,  they  are  very  friendly  to  us,  and  we  have  no 
dread  of  ohem.  We  go  with  them  into  the  woods,  we  meet  with  each 
other  sometimes  at  an  hour  or  two's  walk  from  any  houses,  and  think  no 
more^about  it  than  if  we  met  witl>  christians.  They  sleep  by  us  too,  in  our 
chambers  ht*  ne  our  beds.  I  have  had  eight  at  onco,  who  laid,  and  slept 
upon  the  floor  near  my  bed."* 

It  has  been  lopresented  that  in  the  conduct  of  their  wai-s.  the  Iroquois 
were  actuated  by  a  spirit  of  revenge.  But  it  may  be  do  ibted  whether 
they  were  influenced  by  any  baser  motives  in  this  respect,  than  those  civ- 
ilized nations  who  do  the  same  things  under  th  ^  more  specious  name  of 
•'retaliation."  At  tue  first  introduction  of  fire-arms  among  the  Iroquois, 
they  did  not  readily  adopt  their  use  in  war.  They  did  not  consider  it 
bravo,  or  honorable,  to  shoot  an  adversary  while  at  a  distance;  but,  chof  • 
to  meet  him  at  close  quarters,  with  tlij  tomahawk  and  scalping  knife;  and 
when  they  f;"st  began  to  use  fire-arms,  they  usually  threw  them  away  af- 
ter the  first  fire,  and  nished  in,  with  tomaha.vk  in  hand;  they  could  not 


♦See  a  short  sketch  of  the  Molmwks  by  Jobaniiis  Mcxanolensls  Jr  ,  New  Tork 
Historical  Society's  collections,  Sd  scries,  vol .  3,  page  150. 


^11 


PREPi.CB.  xi 

It'll  rlf  •    r'',f '^  '^  ''°°"°°  '''  ^^^'^  "^''^^  '^^  '  ^'''-^'^'  to  them 
was  no  fighting  at  all,  and  the  best  armed  and  best  disciplined  soldier* 
were  no  match  for  them  at  close  quarters.  ' 

Their  social  habits  and  moral  character  have  been  equally  misrepresent- 
ed and  m,sunderstood.    Before  they  had  became  contaminated  by  their 

a  :rr  ^'^^^.^r^^"'^'  ^^^y  -^^^  -  --^  -Pects  have  serve  i 
pa  tern  for  our  imitation.  «Tho  hospitality  of  these  rndians."  (says 
Golden)  IS  no  less  remarkable,  than  their  virtue;  as  soon  as  any  slran- 
gei  comes,  they  are  sure  to  offer  him  victuals.  If  there  be  several  in  com- 
pany, and  come  from  afar,  one  of  their  bes^  houses  is  cleaned,  and  given 
up  for  their  entertainment.  Their  complaisance  on  these  occasions,  goes 
even  farther  than  christian  civility  allows  of,  as  they  have  no  oLr ' 
rue  or  It,  than  the  furnishing  their  guest  with  everything  th^y  thTnk 
will  bo  agreeable  to  him."  ^ 

And  if  the  person  be  one  of  distinction,  eveiy  inducement  was  offered 
to  prolong  his  visit,  or  to  make  his  permanent  abode  with  them:  and  it 
was  esteemed  an  honor  for  the  young  women  to  become  the  chosen  part- 
ners of  such,  and  «  perform  all  the  duties  of  a  fond  wife,  during  thestran- 
gers  stay,,   and  this  was  from  no  base,  or  sordid  motive.     These  associa- 
t^ns  often  became  lasting,  and  as  in  the  ca.e  of  the  Jonciares  and  the 
MonU,ur.s,  among  the  French,  the  Johnsons,  Abeels,   and  others  among 
the  English,  became  permanent,  and  of  mutual  obligation.    Indeed  there 
were  weightier  objects  underlying  these  associations.    The  intermarriage 
with  other  nations  or  individuals,  was  encouraged,  and  practiced  from 
motives  of  state  policy,  as  much  as  in  European  governments.  The  union 
thus  formed,  though  wanting  in  the  formality  required  by  our  customs 
and  laws,  was  the  most  solemn  and  binding  known  to  them.    It  was  not 
coercive,  but  entirely  optional  on  both  sides. 

Greenhalgh,  who  visited  the  Senecas  as  early  or  earlier  than  any  other 
white  man  ofwhom  we  have  any  account,  says:  they  invited  him  and 
his  party  to  choose  from  their  maidtns,  not  such  as  we  liked,  but  "  such 
as  liked  us."  That  these  alliances  wero  often  of  great  political  conse- 
quence to  the  Six  Nations,  there  is  abundant  proof  in  the  instances,  which 
Have  been  already  mentioned. 

The  Iroquois  wore  equally  remarkable  in  regard  to  their  civil  polity;  and 
It  IS  utterly  impossible  to  account  for  their  superiority  in  this  respect 
over  all  the  other  Indian  Nations,  upon  any  other  hypothesis,  thon  that 
they  must  have  obtained  their  ideas  on  this  subject,  from  Europeans 
^  "The  Five  Nations,  (sn.ys  Golden)  have  such  absolute  notions  of  liber- 
•J,  that  they  allow  of  no  kind  of  superiority  one,  over  an  other;  and  ban- 


n  I 


\r 


I  hi; 


xu 


UlSTORYOF   BUFFALO. 


ish  all  servitude  from  thoir  territories.  They  never  make  any  prisoner  a 
slave,  but,  it  is  customary  among  them,  to  make  a  compliment  of  natural- 
ization into  the  Five  Nations;  and  considering  how  highly  they  value 
themselves  above  all  others,  this  must  be  no  small  compliment." 

And  although  there  was  no  power  to  punish  for  crimes,  they  were  less 
frequent  than  in  civilized  society.  They  had  also  a  high  sense  of  honor. 
'  After  theirprifoners  were  secured  (we  again  quote  from  Golden)  they 
never  offered  them  the  least  mal-treatmont,  but  on  the  contrary  will  rath- 
er starve  themselves,  than  to  suffer  them  to  want;  and  I  have  been  al- 
ways assured,  that  there  is  not  one  instance  of  their  offering  the  least  vio- 
lence to  female  chastity."  The  following  is  the  testimony  of  Mrs.  Rebec- 
ca Gilbert,  who  with  her  family  was  a  prisoner  two  years  among  the  Sen- 
ocas,  in  1781-2: 

''The  Indians  were  remarkable  on  all  occasions  for  their  modesty,  their 
chaste  reserve,  and  their  deference  and  respect  for  their  female  captives, 
Insomuch,  that  no  forwardness,  no  insult,  no  curiosity,  or  impropriety  of 
conduct,  or  expression,  was  ever  manifested,  towards  any  of  the  female 
prisoners,  during  the  time  of  their  captivity  among  them.'" 
_   This  has  been  the  uniform  testimony  of  all  female  prisoners  on  this  sub- 
ject, and  speaks  volumes  in  praise  of  the  Indians.  The  Iroquois  have 
been  distinguished  for  their  orators,  and  it  has  been  a  subject  of  remark 
as  well  as  surprise,  how  they  should  be  able  to  attain  such  proficiency  in 
this  art,  without  apparent  means  for  studying,  and  perfecting  themselves 
in  so  high  an  accomplishment.    In  no  age  of  their  history,  as  it  has  come 
down  to  us,  have  they  been  destitute  of  men  possessing  very  high  qualifi- 
cations as  public  speakers.  In  all  theirpublic  business,  they  use  great  de- 
liberation, and  it  would  be  considered  a  breach  of  decorum,  to  reply  to  a 
speech,  on  the  same  day;  and  when  the  reply  is  made,  it  is  done  with  the 
strictest  observance  of  order,  and  deliberation.     Every  sentence  or  topic 
under  uscussion,  is  first  repeated,  almost  verbatim,  in  the  words  of  the 
first  speaker;  and  then  answered  in  their  regular  order,  with  a  directness, 
and  precision,  that  might  be  imitated  with  great  propriety  by  orators 
who  boast  ofa  higher  cultivation,  and  training  in  the  schools.     So  re- 
markable is  this  trait  in  the  chara.ior  of  the  Iroquois,  as  to  lead  to  the 
conjecture  that  thu  too,  must  have  been  learnod  from  intercourse  with 
cultiva  ed  Europeans;  how.  or  at  what  period  of  their  history,   even  tra- 
dition does  not  inform  us. 
^U^o  be  considered  that  most  of  the  Indian  speeches  which  have  come 


♦Narrative  of  the  captivity  of  tho  Gilbert  family,  p  218. 


Wm 


d 
a 

8 

d 

a; 

^\ 
tc 
Ii 
di 

In 


PKEFACE. 


xiii 


dm^n  to  us,  wore  interpreted  by  illiterate,  or  uneducated  persons;  and 

udl        ',r      "'"'^  ''^^  ""''  ^^"  P'^«^"«'J5  ««  that  it  is  not  f  ir  to 
judge  in  all  cases,  by  these  imperfect  specimens     That  the  Iroquo  sis 

h  ve  knollr '"  f '.''"'''  ''*'  ^°'  ^°^^'^'='''  *^«-  "  "^^  doubt.  But  we 

character  in     ^       T^  ^"  ^^'^'^'sh,  ennobling  qualities  of  his  original 
ita      i  hL  b       r  ''''''  '°^'^*'  ^"^  '•'''''  '^'^^  --  he  strove  to  im- 
0  w    teT  ZVr      'r:  ^r'-^°^t^«-t-course  of  the  Indians  with 
the  whites  that  they  readily  learned  to  practice  the  vices  of  the  whites 

«em  'T'  Tu  t"^^'    '''  ^'^'^°^-«-  Of  spiritousCoS 
among  them,  was  probably  the  most  prolific  source  of  evil.    As  early  a. 

s  i^rirr  '''''^""  ^"' "  ^^^ '"— ^^  ^™^  °^"'^^ 

>'  There  is  one  vice,  which  the  Indians  have  all  fallen  into    since  their 
they  know  no  bounds  to  their  desire   -  *  *  Thpv  h  7  ' 

,  „   . '  '"""^  ^""^^1  a°«  disease  put  toKetlior." 

Tbe  most  fruitful  ,„„pce,fdl|iic„lt,  between  Ihe  whlL  .na  ,h„  r 

"oguevta  party.    Nor  can  the  means  resorted  to  pv^n  v,„  +»,  ... 

aa  Official  capacity  to  accomplish  their  Z^::^':^^^^;:^''^ 
Wi  nam  Johnson  himself  did  not  escape  censure  in  this  r^J  cT  The  ht 
tory  of  these  transactions  is  in  general  a  history  of  wrongs  d^n/f!  .1 

"ZlVor;'  •  r  r  "^^^  ^°  -'-'  ^-ther™f  b'e -d  si  : 
dispo   essed  of  their  lands,  without  adequate  compensation.  ' 

I»d.ans.    The  avidity  with  Which  the  public  mind  has  received  ever^ 


I 


I  .ii 


XlV 


HISTORY  OP  BUFFALO, 


story  of  Indian  barbarity,  come  from  what  quarter  it  might,  without  in- 
vestigation as  to  its  truth,  or  probability,  has  caused  some  of  the  most  ex- 
travagant and  absurd  fictions,  to  bo  copied  into  histories,  as  veritable 
facts.  The  celebrated  scalp  letter,  ingeniously  written  in  1781,  by  Dr. 
Franklin  for  political  purposes  no  doubt,  has  been  repeatedly  copied  into 
books,  as  veritable  history.  The  scalp  certificate  pretended  to  have  been 
found  on  tlie  person  of  the  celebrated  Seneca  Chief,  Sayenquaraghta,  as  it 
is  pronounced  in  the  Moliurtk,  or  Gui-yah-gwaah-doh  as  it  is  in  the  Stm- 
eca,  or  "smoke-bearer,"  as  it  is  literally  in  English,  or  ''old  smoke."  or 
"old  King,"  as  he  was  familiarly  called  by  the  whites.  This  certificate, 
which  bears  on  its  face  evidence  of  its  spurious  character,  has  passed  into 
history  as  genuine  ;  when  the  least  investigation,  or  the  slightest  knowl- 
edge  of  contemporaneous  history,  would  have  proved  its  absurdity. 

The  imposition  practiced  upon  the  poor  Indians,  early  attracted  the 
attention  of  philanthropists,  particularly  the  Quakers.  Although  efforts 
to  christanize  them,  had  been  made  by  the  disciples  of  St.  Francis,  the 
Jesuits,  and  the  Moravians,  at  an  early  period,  protestant  missionaries 
met  with  very  little  success  among  the  Six  Nations,  until  the  time  of  the 
celebrated  missionaiy  Kirkland,  who  established  himself  permanently 
with  the  Oneidas,  over  whom  he  gained  gi-eat  influence,  which  was  felt 
more  or  less  through  all  the  other  Nations  of  the  confederacy. 

Notwithstanding  these  efl'orts  to  avert,  or  mitigate  the  evils  to  which 
they  were  exposed,  and  under  which  they  sufiered,  very  little  was  accom- 
plished to  arrest  their  downfall.  It  is  true,  there  were  individual  cases 
of  conversion  to  the  christian  faith  among  them,  and  in  the  judgment  of 
charity,  there  were  many  examples  of  real  christian  piety,  exhibited  in  the 
life,  and  death,  of  these  sons  of  the  forest ;  but  nothing  could  avert  the 
doom  of  the  great  mass. 

During  the  latter  years  of  the  French  supremacy  over  the  Six  Nations, 
it  had  been  their  settled  policy  to  scatter  them ;  and  induce  them  to  set- 
tle upon  the  line  of  the  frontier  po.jts  the  French  had  established  from 
Quebec  to  New  Orleans.  Through  the  exertions  and  influence  of  the 
Jonciares,  fivther  and  son,  and  others,  the  French  were  able  to  accomplish 
their  purpose  to  some  extent,  and  considerable  numbers  of  the  Six  Nations 
were  settled  upon  the  frontiers  of  Maryland,  and  Virginia,  where  they  be- 
came allied  to  the  Shawnese,  and  other  nations  residing  there,  by  marriage 
and  otherwise,  forming  what  were  denominated  the  Mingoes  ;  It  is  said 
this  was  the  name  by  which  the  Six  Nations  called  themselves. 

After  the  surrender  of  Canada  by  the  French,  to  the  English,  they  en- 
deavored  to  persuade  the  Six  Nations  to  withdraw  their  people  from  the 


••( 


r^ 


without  in- 
thomost  ex- 
13  veritable 
81,  by  Dr. 
copied  into 

0  have  been 
'aghta,  as  it 
in  the  Stm- 
smolce,"  or 
i  certificate, 
passed  into 
itest  knowU 
rdity. 

tracted  the 
)ugh  efforts 
i'rancis,  the 
Qissionarics 
time  of  tlie 
ermanently 
sh  was  felt 

Is  to  which 
was  accom- 
idual  cases 
idgment  of 
aited  in  the 

1  avert  the 

X  Nations, 
lem  to  set- 
shed  from 
)nce  of  the 
accomplish 
six  Nations 
re  they  be- 
y  marriage 
it  is  said 

i,  they  en- 
e  from  the 


1 


# 


PEEPAOE.  j^y 

Ohio  «id  its  tributaries,  and  to  concentrate  them  upon  their  own  lands 
jvuthm  the  boundaries  of  New  York.  Sir  William  Johnson  had  directed 
h.s  effor^  and  influence  to  accomplish  this  object,  for  several  years  before 
h.s  ^eath^  in  which  he  was  seconded  by  many  of  the  leading  chiefs  of  all 
the  Six  Nations,  with  perhaps  the  exception  of  the  Senecas,  who.  by  their 
proximity  to  these  settlements,  had  become  more  intimately  connected 
witn  them. 

The  encroacijments  of  the  English  from  Maryland  and  Virginia,  upon 
tl^e  Indian  settlements  on  the  Ohio  river,  soon  involved  the  Indi  „  in 
difficulty  with  the  settlers,  in  which  the  Five  Nations,  particularly  the 
Senecas.  became  involved.  Sir  William  Johnson  had  the  sagacity  to  fore- 
SCO  these  troubles,  but  neither  he,  nor  his  successors,  although  tlL  made 
strenuous  efforts  to  this  end,  were  able  to  avert  the  impending  storm,  and 
by  the  most  natural  process  in  the  world,  the  Senecas  became  engaged 
with  their  allies,  and  dependents,  in  the  wars,  which,  with  varying  suc- 
cess, desolated  that  rogioi.  »'*'J""fe  suc- 

There  is  little  doubt  that  had  the  colonists,  on  the  breakln..  out  of  the 
Revolution  had  the  means  of  furnishing  the  Indians  with  The    nppMe 
they  had  been  for  a  long  time  accustomed  to  receive,   first  from  thP 
French  and  then  from  the  English,  thefriendship.oratl^^^^^^^^^^^^^ 
ty  of  the  Six  Nations,  with  perhaps  the  exception  of  thoMohawks,  might 
have  been  secured.    The  influence  of  the  .Tohusons  and  Brant,  secured  L 
adherence  of  the  Mohawks  to  the  cause  of  the  Crown,  and  the  Sene  J 
imng  so  remote  from  Albany,  were  almost  inaccessible  to  the  colon  stT 
while  they  were  easily  reached  by  the  British,  who  were  establi    ed  at' 
For.  Niagara}  and  from  this  period  we  may  date  the  disruption  of  the 
confederacy  of  the  Six  Nations,  which  hitherto  had  withstood  very  offlr 
0   reak  the  golden  chain  which  bound  it  together.    Although  some  e^ 
forts  were  made  to  preserve  their  national  existence  after  the  war  ^f  the 
Revo  ution,  these  efforts  were  feeble.and  only  showed  how  they  had  f  ,  e, 
from  their  once  proud  position. 

The  Mohawks  removed  permanently  to  Canada;  the  other  nation,  or 
e  small  remnant  of  them,  remained  within  the  territory  of  the  UnUe" 
States;  but  were  scattered  far  and  wide.    The  OneidaT  alone  had   re 
mained  rue  to  the  cause  of  the  colonists,  or  . .  least  observed  a  s tr  ct  nou" 

Moh  \  Tr'  *'^^«°^-^'''  ^•'^^-^^  Of  their  own  breth  e  .tt 
Mohawks,  and  from  the  British  tones,-  during  the  progress  of  the  war 
^ter  the  peace,  the  Senecas,  disheartened,  dispirited,  liven  from  tLTr 
homes,  without  the  means  of  subsistence,  sued  for  peJce  and  proSciT 
which  was  granted,  and  the  sm.ll  remnant  of  them,  are  now  enjo^  tT^ 


':     f' 


I     \ 


xvi 


HISTORY  OF  BUFFALO. 


fruit  Of  that  protection,  upon  lands  assigned  tliom  upon  tiio  Tonawanda, 
Cattaraugus  and  Alleghany  Reservations,  wlicro  many  of  them  have  attain- 
ed to  a  mcaauro  of  civilization,  wliich  secures  to  them  all  the  comforts  of 
life,  by  moans  of  agriculture,  which  is  successfMlly  pursued  by  them,  and  it 
should  be  mentioned  to  the  credit  of  their  patriotism,  that  they  have  fur- 
nished several  hundred  warriors  to  our  present  army,  inferior  to  none  in 
the  field. 

I  should  do  injustice  to  my  own  feelings,  and  to  the  liberality  and  kind- 
ness of  the  gentlemen  who  have  given  me  free  access  to,  and  use  of,  their 
libraries,  in  aid  of  the  execution  of  this  work.    From  tho  extensive  libra- 
ry of  the  Hon.  Geo.  R.  Babcock,  rich  in  all  that  relates  to  early  American 
history,  I  have  derived  much  that  is  valuable  in  this  department.     Tho 
choice  collection  of  oaily  French  publications  in  regard  to  tho  history  of 
this  country,  in  Canadaandupon  the  lakes,  in  tho  library  of  0.  H.Marshall, 
Esq.,  have  furnished  valuable  aid  in  regard  to  the  early  history  of  our  In- 
dians, and  I  am  also  indebted  to  L.  K.  Haddock,  Esq.,  for  several  rare  pub- 
lications in  regard  to  the  history  of  the  same  period.    Much  the  largest 
portion  of  the  facts  connected  with  the  history  of  tho  Six  Nations,  from 
about  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century,  has  been  derived  from  the 
Johnson  manuscripts,  or  the  Colonial  Documents,  published  by  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  State  of  New  York,  edited  by  Mr.  O'Callaghan*   These  doc- 
uments are  a  mine  of  wealth  to  the  historian,  and  tho  difficulty  has  been 
to  abridge  tho  extracts  so  as  to  bring  them  within  reasonable  limits.    To 
the  Buffalo  Historical  Society,  I  am  indebted  for  the  use  of  this  work,  as 
well  as  that  of  other  valuable  books,  papers,  and  manuscripts,  relating  to 
the  history  of  our  city  and  its  vicinity— deposited  in  their  fire  proof  vaults. 
If  these  pages  shall  contribnte,  in  any  degree,  to  throw  light  upon  the 
true  character  of  the  Six  Nations,  and  serve  to  correct  some  of  the  errors 
into  which  the  public  mind  has  fallen,  in  respect  to  them,  one  of  the  prin- 
cipal objects  of  the  author  will  be  accomplished. 
Buffalo,  December,  1864. 


CHAPTER  I. 


A  J„sto,-y  ofButtalotliatclkl  „„t  comam  .„„,o  account 
0    ..s  „bo,.,g,„al  i,„,abiea„.,,  .„,„j  ,,„  i„„„„„„:,r™ 
a  tern,*,,,.  ,„  „;.,  a  f„„,  eon.pleto  a,„l  a„«,e„  ie  i  '  to  ^ 
ot  Buffalo    Us  sottlement,  gro.,!,,  an.l  cxtmordhn  t 
connnorcal,  ,„ccl,anieal,  anj  ,„n„„,actt„.h,.  11 

ine.it,  ,t  will  be  necessary  lo  .ho  sncb  f.,M=      ,  ' 

,i„       i  ,     ,  •'      &'*^  ^"en  tacts  as  liave  come 

own  tons    b„tb  t.-aditional  and  historical,  of  the  ™e 
wl.0  preceded  us  i„  the  oecnpa.ion  and  own  , -ship  oi^o. 
present  ,nheritanee-a  people  ,n.w  nearly  e.xti  cf    b 
whose    adn,g  glory  nshered  in  a  new  era  "of  eiv  ttb 
2'1  enterprise  scareeb-  paralleled  in  the  historv  „,  '™ 

The  teitory  once  exhibited  on  the  ,n.ap  as  the  "Conn- 

If  New  Y  ?"°"'  '"'"'"■'""S  »'■"-'  "-  ">«-  state 
of  New  lork  ,s  now  the  seat  of  a  highlv  intelligent 
cln-.st,an  cv.hzation,  teenn'ng  with  popnlon;  cities,  bea, ! 
M  villages,  nghly  cultivated  farms,  tnills,  manu  actor- 
1,  schools,  ehnrches,  and  everything  that  denotes  enter- 
prise, intelbgcnce  and  universal  prosperity 

Wewlork  has  been  wrought  within  the  space  of  less 
tlmn  one  hundred  years-yes,  within  the  life-time  of 
many  now  living,  it  will  be  admitted  that  the  change  is 
most  extraordinary,  wonderful. 


fill 


i  i 


i 


i;  I 


I 

;i 
t, 


!lii 


li  mSTOUV    OK    liLFKALO. 

Cci,nniiiii<;'  with  tlie  earliest  uutlieiitic  {iccouiits  of  this 
countrv,  an<l  of  its  iuliubituiits,  tlie  liistory  t)f  events  will 
be  given  in  their  roij;nl;u'  chronologieal  order,  with  such 
notice  of  i)roininent  individuals  who  were  connected  with 
conteniponmeous  events,  as  history  or  recollection  shall 
furnish. 

Tills  will  involve  the  necessity  of  resorting  to  the  In- 
diaii  traditions  for  information  in  regard  to  events  which 
occun-ed  prior  to  the  advent  of  Euro])e;in  settlement  on 
this  continent.  But  these  wilt  be  used  only  so  far  as 
they  are  confirmed  by  the  evidence  and  observation  of 
the  earliest  visitors  to  this  locality,  and  from  sources  of 
unquestionable  authenticity. 

The  first  visits  of  Euro])eans  to  this  locality,  the  re- 
cords of  which  have  come  down  to  ns,  were  made  early 
in  the  ITth  century. 

In  a  report  made  to  Father  L'Allemant,  dated  1640,  it 
is  said  "Jean  Brebeuf  and  Joseph  Marie  Chaumonot,  two 
■Fathers  of  our  company  which  have  charge  of  the  mis- 
sion to  the  Neutre  ^Nation,  set  out  on  the  2<1  day  of  No- 
vember, A.  IJ.  1040,  to  visit  that  people;'"  after  speaking 
of  the  superior  qualifications  of  these  men  for  such  an 
embassy,  he  says  :  "  altho'  many  of  our  French  traders 
have  visited  that  people  for  purposes  of  trade,  we  have 
no  knowledge  of  any  who  have  been  there  to  preach  the 
gospel,  except  Father  Do  La  Roche  Daillon,  a  Recollect, 
who  passed  the  winter  there  in  the  year  1626."  He.  then 
proceeds  to  describe  very  minutely  the  route  and  distan- 
•ces  to  reach  the  place  of  their  residence,  and  fixes  it  ''at 
the  foot  of  the  lake  of  the  £/ngh  or  Cat  Nation-^ — ''most 
of  their  villages  being  on  the  west  side  of  the  river,  our 
.French  who  first  discovered  this  people,  named  them  the 


I 


I 


-■'■'i 


i 


i 


THK   NEUTKE    NATIOX.  3 

lYeutre  Nation,  their  country  l,ein-  tl.o  ordinary  passage 
by  land  between  sonieoftlio  Iroquois  and  the  Ilurons, 
wlio  were  sworn  enemies,  while  they  renminod  at  peacJ 
with  both.     Tlic  people  of  both  nations  remained  in  peace 
and  safety  in  the  wi-wams  of  tiie  vilhi-cs  of  that  nation." 
It  is  not  improbable  that  the  Kaw-cp,aws-au  alien  tribe 
residinc:  anion-  the  Seneeas,  were  a  remnant  of  the  Neu- 
tre  Nation,  altho'  Mr.  Schoolcraft  thinks  the  Kaw-quaws 
are  a  remnant  of  the  Kries.     But  the  whole  current  of 
history,  both  written  and  traditional, is  against  this  theory. 
In  the  endeavor  to  maintain  a  strict  neutralitv  between 
the  Iroquois  on  one  side,  and  the  western  nath.ns  with 
whom  they  were  constantly  at  war  on  the  othei-,  the 
Neutre  Nation  were  alternately  the  i>rey  of  both,  until 
they  were  themselves  ultimately  nearlv\lestroved.     At 
the  period  of  the  visit  of  the  first  French  missionaries 
fioon  after  A.  D.  1000,  they  were  settled  in  several  villa- 
ges about  the  foot  of  lake  Erie,  upon  both  sides  of  the 
Niagara  liiver,  or  rather  the  lake,  as  at  that  ].eriod  it 
was  not  their  custom  to  make  their  permanent  resi<lence 
upon  any  navigable  water.     It  is  not  likelv  that  the<e 
vdlages  occupied  the  site  of  our  present  citv,  l,ut  were 
i^ome  miles  away  from  the  water,  in  order  that  they 
might  not  be  exposed  to  surprise,  or  the  sudden  attacks 
of  their  enemies.     ''According  to  the  esfimate  of  the 
Fathers  who  have  been  there,  the  Neiih-e  Nation  at  the 
period  of  their  first  visit  computed  iW)out  12000  souls,  in 
all  their  villages  upon  both  sides  of  the  river,"  or  rather 
the  lake. 

The  early  maps  place  their  villages  upon  both  sides, 
at  some  distance  from  the  lake,  and  river;  none,  so  fiir 
as  is  remembered,  place  them  upon  the  immediate  shore 
•of  either  the  lake  or  river. 


I 

H  ' 


■u 


1 1 


4  HISTORY    UF   UUKKAF-O. 

At  tlio  ])t'rIo(l  of  which  wo  now  speak,  the  Irtx^uois  or 
Five  Nations,  wcro  engaged  in  a  war  with  the  Ilurons, 
who  resided  in  the  vicinity  of  the  lake  of  that  name.  The 
Iroquois  were  the  terror  of  all  the  surrounding  nations. 
Father  Ilciniepin,  who  visited  their  five  villages  or  can- 
tons, as  he  calls  them,  in  1078,  says  of  them:  ''The  Iro- 
quois, whom  the  Sweedes,  then  the  Dutch,  the  English, 
and  French,  have  furnished  with  fire-arms,  are  reckoned 
at  ]iresent,  the  most  warlike  of  all  the  savages  yet  known. 
They  have  slain  the  best  warriors  among  the  Ilurons, 
and  forced  the  rest  of  the  nations  to  join  with  them  to 
make  war  together  against  all  their  enemies  situated  five 
or  six  hundred  leagues  distant  from  their  live  cantons. 
They  have  already  destroyed  above  two  millions  of  men, 
(Martin  D.  Valiries,  one  of  the  first  of  the  order  of  St,  Fran- 
cis to  visit  North  America,  says :  Fort  Cataraqui,  (Kings- 
ton,) was  built  for  a  defence  against  the  incursions  of  the 
Iroquois.  The  Iroquois  are  a  barbarous  and  insolent  na- 
tion, that  has  shed  the  blood  of  more  than  two  millions  of 
souls,  and  ai-e  now  actually  at  war  with  the  inhabitants 
of  Canada;"  p.  17,)  all  accounts  agree  in  representing 
the  Iroquois  or  Five  nations  as  the  most  powerful  and 
formidable  of  all  the  known  Indian  Nations  upon  this 
Continent  at  the' period  of  the  first  permanent  settlement 
of  Europeans — at  the  period  of  which  we  are  now  speak- 
ing, say  165S-9,  they  had  driven  away  or  destroyed  all 
the  nations  who  claimed  any  jurisdiction  over  the  territory 
now  embraced  in  the  states  of  New  York,  Pennsylvania, 
a  great  ])art  of  Ohio,  and  Canada;  and  the  terror  of  their 
name  had  extended  westward,  and  southward,  beyond 
the  Mississippi. 

From  their  own  traditions,  confirmed  by  the  earliest 
rtcords  of  history,  their   most   powerful   enemies   and 


i 


4 


TlIK    KUIKS    OK   CAT    NAl'IO.V.  5 

rivals  were  tliu  Erh^s,  or  the  Cat  iVation,  living  upon  the 
south  side  of  the  lako  whicli  bears  their  name.     It  is  not 
likely  that  the  i)ermancnt  hahitations  of  the  Erics  wore 
upon  or  near  the  shore  of  the  lako  for  reasojis  alreadv 
stated.     'I'he  terrible  conflicts  between  the  Erics  and  the 
Iroquois  occurred  for  the  most  part  belbre  the  settlement 
of  Europeans.     IJut  the  fact  is  mentioned  by  all  the  early 
writers,  and  the  period  of  the  iinal  overthrow  of  thoEries, 
is  pretty  definitely  iixed  at  about  1G54-5.      Father  Le 
Moine  went  on  an  embassy  to  tho  Iroquois  villages  in 
1654,  and  although  he  describes  his  journey  very  mTnute- 
ly,  it  does  not  appear  that  it  extended  further  west  than 
Onondaga,  where  a  great  council  was  held,  at  which  all 
the  Iroquois  Nations  were  fully  represented. 

In  a  lengthy  and  formal  speech  which  he  made  to 
them,  he  said  he  had  '•  presents  to  be  given  to  tho  five 
Iroquois,  a  hatchet  each  for  the  now  war  waging  against 
the  Cat  Nation ;  also,  a  present  to  ^vipe  away  tho  tears  of 
all  tlie  young  warriors  for  tho  death  of  their  great  Chief 
Annencraos,  a  short  time  prisoner  with  tho  Cat  Nation." 
In  some  observations  made  upon  a  journey  of  two  Jesuit 
Missionaries,  Fathers  Chaumont  and  Dablon,  to  the  coun- 
try of  the  Iroquois,  they  say— "so  soon  as  they  become 
masters  of  their  enemies— having  crushed  all  tho  nations 
who  attacked  them— they  glory  of  triumphing  over  Euro- 
peans, as  well  as  Americans,  so  that  the  very  moment 
they  saw  the  dreaded  Cat  iYaif/w  subjected  by  their  arms, 
and  by  tho  power  of  tho  Sonecas,  their  allies,  they  would 
have  massacred  all  the  French  at  Onontague,  were  it  not 
that  they  pretended  to  attract  the  Ilurons,  and  to  massa- 
cre them  as  they  had  done  before." 

Subsequent  events  which  are  minutely  recorded  in  the 


6 


IIISIOUY   <iK    HIJI'KALO, 


reports  niu<lo  by  (liH'ercnt  uflicorrt  of  tlu!  French  <,'<>voru- 
nient,  sliow  tliut  tlio  foara  ciitertuiiiod  uftliu  Imd  faith  W 
the  Iroquoi.s,  wore  not  ijroundk'Hrt. 

TJio  lbIlowin<,'  liuliiiii  Tradition  was  writtcJi  out  by  tho 
autlior  and  furnished  to  tho  J>utlido  Connnercial  Adverti- 
8er,  and  publishuil  in  that  ])a))(>r  July,  1 84.'..     If;  is  tiio In- 
dian account  (jf  some  of  the  last  great  battles  of  tho  Iro- 
quois with  the  Erict^,  tho  last  of  which  was  fouo-ht  near  this 
city,  probably  not  far  from  tho  j)eri()d  of  Father  LoMoinoV 
visit  or  embassy  in  lijr)4— to  which  allusion  has  already 
been  made.   This  tradition  was  current  among  iho  IndianH 
when  tho  French  missionaries  first  visited  them,  and  has 
been  over  since.     The  main  features  of  it  are  corroborated 
by  facts  and  history.     After  tho  period  named  tho  Eries 
aro  not  mentioned  in  history,  except  as  having  been  ex- 
terminated by  tho  Iroquois.     One  of  tho  French  mission- 
aries relates  it  in  substance,  and  says  that  tho  account  of 
it  had  oidy  a  parallel  in  tho  account:  JI.  Samuel,  chap. 
II.,  verses  14,  15,  10,  17,  &;c.  "  And  Abner  said  to  Joab  : 
Let  the  young  men  now  arise  and  j)lay  before  us.     And 
Joab  answered  :  Let  them  arise.     Then  there  arose  and 
went  over  by  number  twelve  of  JJenjamin,  which  per- 
tained to  Ishbosheth  tho  son  of  Saul,  and  twelve  of  the  ser- 
vants of  David.     And  they  caught  every  one  his  follow- 
by  the  head,  and  thrust  his  sword  in  his  fellow's  side,  so 
they  i'ell  down  together  :  wherefore  that  place  was  called 
Ilelkathhazzurrini,  which  is  in  (Tibeon.     A  ki  tliero  \vas 
a  very  sore  battle  that  dci^-,aiKl  Abner  was  b..:au)i  bv-fore 
tiio  servants  of  David."" 


.ol 


:     ! 


CIIAITICK  II. 


IXDIAN    TliADITIOX 

Tlio  Erios  wero  iiinoiii>-  tlio  most  ])o\vorf'iil  jiiul  wiirlike 
of  all  tlio  Iiidiiui  tribes.  Tlicy  resided  on  the  south  side 
<>i'  the  great  Lake  which  bears  their  name,  at,  the  I'oot  of 
which  now  stands  tho  city  of  Jluffalo.  Tiio  Indian  name 
for  which  was  Te-osah-wa. 

Wlien  the  Eries  heard  of  tiie  confederation  which  liad 
been  formed  between  the  :Mohawks,  (;who  snbseqncntly 
resiiled  in  tho  valley  of  the  river  of  that  name.)  tho  Onei- 
das,  tho  Onondagas,  tho  Cayngas,  and  the  Senecas,  who 
also  resided  for  the  most  part  npon  tho  shores  and 
outlets  of  the  Lakes  bearing  their  names  respectively, 
(called  by  tho  French  tho  Irocpiois  Nation.)  tliey  im- 
agined it  must  be  for  somo  mischievous  purpose.  Altlio' 
conlident  of  their  snporiority  over  any  one  of  the  tribes 
inhabiting  the  countries  within  the  bounds  of  their  knowl- 
edge, they  dreaded  the  power  of  such  combined  forces. 
In  order  to  satisfy  themselves  in  regard  to  the  character, 
disposition,  and  power  of  those  they  considered  their  nat- 
ural enemies,  tho  Eries  resorted  to  tho  following  means  : 

They  sent  a  friendly  message  to  tho  Senecas,  who  were 
their  nearest  neighbors,  inviting  them  to  select  one  Imn- 
dred  of  their  most  active,  athletic  yonng  men,  to  play  a 


8 


IIISTORV   OK    P.L'KFALO, 


l;:a 


fl  .ll 


game  of  ball  n^^nhi^t  the  same  luunbor  to  be  selected  bj 
the  Eries,  for  n  wager  that  should  be  considered  worthy 
the  occasion,  and  the  character  oc  the  great  iiatic^n  in 
whose  behalf  the  offer  was  made. 

T!ie  message  was  received  and  entertained  in  the  meet 
respectful  manner.  A  council  of  the  "  Five  Nations  " 
was  called,  and  the  proposition  fully  discussed,  and  a  mes- 
senger in  due  time  despatched  witii  the  decision  of  the 
ccuncil  respectfully  declining  the  challenge. 

This  emboldened  the  Eries,  and  the  nexl;  year  the  offer 
was  renewed,  and  after  being  again  considered,  again 
formally  declined. 

^  This  was  ..ir  from  satistying  the  proud  lords  of  the 
'I  Great  Lake,"  and  the  cliallenge  was  renewed  the  third 
time.     The  blood  of  the  young  Iroqi  ois  could  no  longer 
be  restrained.     They  importuned  the  old  men  to  allow 
them  to  accept  the  challenge,  and  the  wise  counsels  that 
liad  hitherto  prevailed  at  last  gave  way,  and  the  challenge 
M'as  accepted.     Nothing  could  exceed  the  enthusiasm 
with  which  each  tribe  sent  forwa.-d  its  chosen  champions 
for  the  contest.     The  only  difiiculty  seemed  to  be,  to 
make  a  selection  where  all  were  so  worthy.     After  much 
delay,  one  hundred  of  the  flower  of  all  the  "Five  Na- 
tions "  were  finally  designated,  and  tie  day  for  their  de- 
parture fixed.     An  experienced  chief  was  chosen  as  the 
leader  of  the  party,  whoso  orders  the  young  men  were 
strictly  enjoined  to  obey.     A  grand  council  was  called, 
and  in  the  presence  of  the  assembled  multitude  thepartv 
was  charged  in  the  most  solemn  manner  to  observe  a 
pacific  course  of  conduct  towards  their  competitors,  and 
the  nation  whose  guests  they  were  to  become,  and  to 
allow  no  provocation,  however  great,  to  be  resented  bv 


I'  * 


INDIAN   TIIADITION. 


9 


agaiji 


any  act  of  aggression  on  their  parr,  but  in  all  respects  to 
acquit  themselves  in  a  numner  worthy  the  rei)resentatives 
of  a  great  and  ])owerfhl  people,  anxious  to  cultivate  peace 
and  friendship  with  their  neighbors.  Under  these  in- 
junctions the  party  took  up  its  lino  of  march  for  Te-os- 
ah-wa. 

When  the  chosen  band  liad  arrived  in  the  vicinity  ol" 
the  point  of  their  destinution,  a  messenger  was  sent  for- 
ward to  notify  the  Erics  of  their  arrival,  and  the  next  day 
was  to  be  set  apart  for  their  grand  entree. 

The  elegant  and  athletic  forms,  the  tasteful  yet  not 
cumbrous  dress,  tho  dignified,  noble  bearing  of  their 
chief,  and  more  than  all,  the  nuxlest  demeanor  of  the 
young  warriors  of  the  Iroquois  party,  won  the  admira- 
tion of  all  beholders.     They  brought  no  arms.    Each  one 
bore  a  bat,  used  to  throw  or  strike  tho  ball,  tastefully  or- 
namented—being a  hickory  stick  about  live  feet  long, 
bent  over  at  the  end,  and  a  thong  netting  wove  into  the 
bow..     After  a  day  of  refreshment  all  things  were  ready 
for  the  contest.    The  chief  of  the  Iroquois  brought  forward 
and  deposited  upon  the  gronnd  a  large  pile  of^costly  belts 
of  wampum,  beautifully  ormimented  moccasins,  rich  bea- 
ver robes,  and  other  articles  of  great  value  in  the  eyes  of 
the  sons  of  the  forest,  as  the  stake  or  M-ager,  on  the  part 
of  Lis  people.     These  were  carefully  nuitched,  article  by 
article,  by  the  chief  of  the  Eries,  tied  together  and  again 
deposited  in  a  pile.    Tiie  game  began,  and  although  con- 
tested with  desperation  and  great  skill  by  the  Eries,  was 
won  l)y  the  Iroquois,  and  they  bore  off  the  prize  in  tri- 
umph.   Ti-is  ended  the  first  day. 

The  Iroqiu^is  having  now  acconq>lished  tho  object  of 
their  visit,  ]>roposed  to  take  their  leave.     But  the  chief 


.:'iLm 


'4 


i  ^i' 


:i 


,1 
'j 


<  91 

. !'!  I' 


('  '  I 


10 


IIISTOKY    OF   BUFFALO, 


of  the  Eries,  acUlressing  liimsolf  to  the  leader  said,  their 
young  men,  tliougli  ihirly  beaten  in  the  game  of  ball, 
would  not  be  satisfied  unless  they  could  have  a  foot  race, 
and  proposed  to  match  ten  of  their  nuuibcr  against  an 
equal  number  of  the  Iroquois  party,  which  was  assented 
to,  and  the  Iroquois  were  again  victorious. 

The  Kaw-Ivaws,  who  resided  on  or  near  the  Eighteen 
Mile  Creek,  being  present  as  the  friends  of  the  Eries, 
invited  the  Iroquois  to  visit  their  village  before  they  re- 
turned home,  and  thither  the  whole  conqiany  repaired. 

The  chief  of  the  Eries,  evidently  dissatisfied  with  the 
result  of  the  several  contests  already  decided,  as  a  last 
and  final  trial  oftiie  courage  and  prowess  of  his' guests 
proposed  to  select  ten  men,  to  be  matched  by  tlKTsame 
number  to  be  selected  from  the  Iroquois  party  to  wrestle, 
and  that  the  victor  should  dispatch  his  adversary  .•n  the 
spot  by  braining  him  with  a  tomahawk,  and  bearing  off 
his  scalp  as  a  trophy. 

•  This  sanguinary  pro])osition  was  not  at  aU  pleasini;  to 
the  Iroquois.      I'liey  however  concluded  to  acce])t''''the 
challenge  with'a  determination— should  they  be  victori- 
ous—not  to  execute  the  bloody  part  <'f  the  proposition. 
The  champions  were  accordingly  chosen.     A  Seneca  was 
the  first  to  step  into  the  ring,  and  threw  his  adversary 
amidst  the  shouts  of  the  multitude.     JIc  stepped  back 
and  declined  to  execute  his  victim  who  lay  i)assive  at  his 
feet.     As  quick  as  thought,  the  chief  of  the  Eries  seized 
the  tomahawk  and  with  a  single  blow  scattered  the  brains 
of  liis  vanquished  warrior  over  the  ground.     Ifis  body 
was  dragged  out  of  the  way  and  another  champion  of  tlie 
Eries  i)resented  himself     He  was  as  quickly  thrown  by 
his  more  powerful  antagonist  of  the  Iroquois  pai-iy,  and 


IXDIAN    TKADITION. 


u 


as  quickly  dispatched  by  the  infnmtcd  chief  of  the  Eries. 
A  third  met  the  same  fate.  The  cliief  of  the  Iroquois 
party  seeing  the  terrible  excitemoiit  which  agitated  the 
multitude,  gave  a  signal  to  retreat.  Every  man  obeyed, 
and  in  a  moment  they  were  out  of  sight. 

In  two  hours  they  arrived  at  Te-osah-wa,  gathered  up 
the  trophies  of  their  victories,  and  were  on  their  way 
home. 

The  visit  of  the  hundred  warriors  of  the  Five  Kations, 
and  its  results,  only  served  to  increase  the  jealousy  of  the 
Eries,  and  to  convince  them  that  tliey  had  powerful  rivals 
to  contend  with.      It  was  no  part  of  their  policy  to  culti- 
vate friendship  and  strengthen  their  own  power  by  culti- 
vating peace  and  friendly  alliance  with   other  "tribes. 
They  knew  of  no  mode  of  securing  peace  to  themselves, 
but  by  exterminating  all  Avho  opposed  them.     But  the 
combination   of  several   powerful   nations,   any  one  of 
which  might  be  almost  an  equal  match  for  them,  and 
of  whose  personal  prowess  they  had  witnessed  such  an 
exhibition,  inspired  the  Eries  with  the  most  anxious  fore- 
bodings.    To  cope  with  them  collectively,  they  saw  was 
impossible.    Their  only  bojie  therefore  was  in  being  able,, 
by  a  vigorous  and  sudden  movement,  to  destroy  them  in 
detad.     AVith  this  view  a  powerful  war  party  was  imme- 
diately organized  to  attack  the  Senecas,  whose  principal 
residence  was  at  the  foot  of  Seneca  lake,  near  the  present 
cite  of  the  village  of  Geneva.     It  happened  that  at  this- 
period  there  resided  among  the  Eries  a  Seneca  woman, 
who  in  early  life  had  been  taken  prisoner,  and  had  mar- 
ried a  liusband  of  the  Eries.      He  died  and  left  her  a, 
widow  without  children,  a  stranger  aniong  strangers. 
Seeing  the  terrible  note  of  preparation  for  a  bloody  on- 


i  il 


Il« 


'I  "f! 


12 


HISTORY   OF   BUFFALO. 


slaught  „|x,,.  i,cr  kindred  and  friends,  she  fi,n„ed  the 
reeohitioi.  of  a,ij,rising  then,  of  their  dan.vei- 

As  6oo„  as  „ight  set  in,  taking  the  co„T-se  oftl,e  Xia,,. 
ara  mer  she  travele,!  ail  night,  and  early  next  morning 
reaehod  the  sI,ore  of  lake  Ontario.    She  jun.ped  into  a 
.    noe  s he  ,„nn    Jhstoned  to  a  tree  and  boIdln!„shed  on 
to  the  open  lake.    Coasting  .1„„.„  the  south  shore  of 
the  lake,  she  nrr,ve,l  at  Os„-eg„  river  in  the  nigl,,,  near 
wh,c    u  largo  settlen.ent  of  h.r  nation  resided.    She  d  . 
.■ected  her  sto,,s  to  the  honse  of  ,l,e  head  ehief  and  dis- 
closed  to  him  the  ohieet  of  her  vi^lt     si  , 

hvtl,..„i-<-      ,        ■''-"°'  '"-'  ^'"1-    She  -nas  secreted 
by  the  olnef,  and  rnnners  were  di.si.at.I.ed  to  all  the  tribes 
sam,„„n,ng  then,  innnediately  to  n.eet  in  couneil.     When 

mlrr  °T'™'",''  ""  ''""''"'"' ""''  '•"  "'°  "'-'  «°k">n 
m^ne  rehearsed  a  v.s.on,  in  ,vhieh  he  said  a  beautiful 

bnd  had  appeared  to  hin>  and  told  him  th.t  a  great  war 

pa,. .  ot  t  e  Eries  was  preparing  to  ,„ake  a  s^er:!    n 

c  ,'ld  a! T     ?""  """  '"  '""'"y  "'^■"'  """  ™*»g 

0.  tie S'?.""" ™ ""'"'*"'^ '■"">■  °''»"  "■"  --rio,^ 
ot  the  P.ve  Nat,ons,  to  meet  the  eneu.y  befoi-e  they  had 

.me  to  stnke  the  n.editated  blow.     These  solemn  an- 

nounee,nents  wet-e  heard  in  breathles.s  silence.    When 

1«  ch,ef  lu.d  iinished  and  sat  down,  the,,  was  one  te." 

and  b  aud,sl„„g  h.gh  ,n  the  air  the  w-ar  elnbs,  de,na„de< 
to  be  led  „ga,„st  the  invaders.    No  time  w„   to  be  los 

wSd       T-    -'  "'''  "'  ''^  "'"'-«'  ™"^  ' 
was  fo.med,  w,th  a  co,-ps  of  reserve  of  one  thousand 

J-ung  „,e„  who  had  never  been  in  battle.    Th   Z™t 

eh,e.s  fr„,n  all  the  tribes  we.,  put  in  command, .  nd  Z 

™.ned,ately  sent  out  in  search  „f  the  ene.ny  ;  the  J2 


INDIAN   TRADITION. 


13 


body  taking  up  a  line  of  marcli  in  the  direction  from 
whence  they  expected  an  attack. 

The  advance  of  the  war  party  was  continued  for  several 
days,  passing  througli  successively  the  settlements  of 
their  friends,  the  Onondagas,  the  Cayugas,  and  the  Sen- 
ecas.  ]3ut  they  had  scarcely  passed  the  last  wigwam 
near  the  foot  of  Can-an-da-gua  lake,  when  their  scouts 
brought  in  intelligence  of  the  advance  of  the  Eries,  who 
had  already  crossed  the  Chin-isse-o  (Genesee)  river  in 
large  force. 

The  Eries  had  not  the  slightest  suspicion  of  the  ap- 
proach of  their  enemies.  They  relied  upon  the  secrecy 
and  celerity  of  their  movements  to  surprise  and  subdue 
the  Senecas  almost  without  resistance. 

The  two  parties  met  about  midway  between  Canandai- 
gua  lake  and  the  Genesee  river,  and  near  the  outlet  of 
two  small  lakes,  near  the  foot  of  one  of  which  (the  Ilon- 
eyoye,)  the  battle  was  fought.  When  the  two  parties 
came  in  sight  of  each  other,  the  outlet  of  the  lake  only 
intervened  between  them.  The  entire  force  of  the  Iro- 
quois was  not  in  view  of  the  Eries.  The  reserve  corps  of 
one  thousand  young  men  had  not  been  allowed  to  ad- 
vance in  sight  of  the  enemy.  Nothing  could  exceed  the 
impetuosity  of  the  Eries  at  the  first  sight  of  an  opposing 
force  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  stream.  They  rushed 
tiirough  it  and  fell  upon  them  with  tremendous  fury. 

Notwithstanding  the  undaunted  courage  and  deter- 
mined bravery  of  the  Iroquois  warriors,  they  could  not 
withstand  such  a  terrible  onslaught,  and  they  were  com- 
pelled to  yield  the  ground  on  the  bank  of  the  stream. 
The  whole  force  of  the  Iroquois,  except  the  corps  of  re- 
serve, now  became  engaged  ;  they  fought  hand  to  hand, 


■'if 


14 


HISTORY   OF   BrPl'^ALO. 


pi* 


and  foot  to  foot :  the  battle  ra^ired  horribly,  lu,  .^imrter 
was  asked  or  given  ci.  either  si.le.     As  tlio  ii^ht  tinck- 
ened  and  became  more  and  more  desperate,  the  Eries, 
tor  the  first  time  became  sensible  of  tlieir  true  situation.' 
What  they  ha<l  ion-  anticipated  had  become  a  fearful 
reality.     T/<cir  enemies  had  comUncdfov  their  destruc- 
tion, and  they  now  found  themselves  cns^ao-ed  suddenly 
and  unexpectedly  in  a  fearful  struo-^lo,  which  involved 
not  only  the  glory,  but  the  very  exigence  of  their  nation 
lliey  were  proud,  and  had  been  hitherto  victorious  over 
all  their  enemies.     Their  power  was  felt,  and  their  supe- 
riority acknowledged  by  all  the  surrounding  tribes.    They 
knew  how  to  con<iner,  but  not  how  to  yield.     K\\  these 
considerations  flashed  upon  the  minds  of  the  bold  Eries, 
and  nerved  every  arm  with  almost  su])erhnman  power.  ' 
On  the  other  hand,  the  united  forces  of  the  weaker 
tribes,  ]H.w  nuule  strong  by  union,  fired  bv  a  spirit  of 
emulation,  excited  to  the  highest  pitch  among  the  M'ar- 
nors  of  the  different  tribes,  brought  for  the  first  time  to 
net  m  concert  ;  inspired  with  zeal  a.id  confidence  by  the 
■counsels  of  the  wisest  chiefs,  and  led  on  bv  the  most  ex- 
perienced warriors  of  all  the  tribes,  the  L-oquois  were 
invincdjle. 

Tliough  staggered  at  the  first  desperate  onslaught  of 
the  Eries,  the  Iroquois  soon  rallied  and  made  a  stand, 
and  now  the  din  of  battle  rises  liigher  and  higher  ;  the' 
war  club,  the  tomahawk  and  the  scalping  knife,  wielded 
^by  lierculean  arms,  do  terrible  deeds  of  death. 

During  the  hottest  of  the  battle,  which  was  fierce  and 
^ong,  the  corps  of  reserve  consisting  of  one  thousand 
young  men,  were  by  a  skillful  movement  under  their  ex- 
perienced chief  and  leader,  placed  in  rear  of  the  Eries  on 
the  opposite  side  of  tiie  stream  in  ambusli. 


I  ,  Jill 


INDIAN   TRADITION. 


15 


The  Eries  liad  been  driven  seven  times  ncross   the 
stream,  and  liad  as  often  regained  tlieir  ground,  but  the 
e-'ghth  time,  at  a  given  signal  from  their  leader,  the  cori)s 
of  reserve  in  ambush  rushed  upon  the  almost  exhausted 
Eries  with  a  tremendous  yell,  and  at  once  decided  the 
fortunes  of  the  day.     Hundreds  disdniiiiiig  to  Hy,  were 
struck  down  by  the  war  clubs  of  the  vigorous  young  war- 
riors, whose  thirst  for  the  blood  of  the  enemy  knew  no 
bounds.     A  few  of  the  vanquished  Eries  escaped  to  carry 
the  news  of  the  terrible  overthrow  to  their  wives  and 
children,  and  their  old  men  who  remained  at  home.    But 
the  victors  did  not  allow  them  a  moment's  rej)ose,  but 
pursued  them  in  their  flight,  killing  without  discrin'iina- 
tion  all  who  fell  into  their  hands.    Tiie  pursuit  was  con- 
tinued for  many  weeks,  and  it  was  five  months  before  the 
victorious  war  party  of  the  Five  Nations  returned  to  their 
friends  in  celebrating  their  victory  over  their  last  and 
most  powerful  enemy,  tlie  Eries. 

Tradition  adds  that  many  years  after,  a  powerful  war 
party  of  the  decendents  of  the  Eries  came  from  beyond 
the  Mississippi,  ascended  the  Ohio  river,  crossed  the 
country,  and  attacked  the  Senecas.  A  great  battle  was 
fought  near  this  city,  in  which  the  Eries  M-ere  again  de- 
feated and  slain  to  a  man,  and  their  bodies  were  burned 
and  the  ashes  buried  in  a  mound  which  is  still  visible 
near  the  old  Indian  Mission  Clmrcli,  a  monument  at  once 
of  the  indomitable  courage  of  the  terrible  Eries,  and  their 
brave  conqneroi-s,  the  Senecas. 


CIIArTEli  III. 


Tho  arrival  and  permanent  settlement  of  Europeans  on 
this  continent,  seriously  affected  not  only  the  al)original 
inhabitants,  their  habits,  modes  of  thought,  and  of  action, 
but  also  wrought  a  great  change  in  the  face  of  the  c<nin- 
try,  particularly  in  our  own  State.     The  earliest  records 
and  observations  of  those  who  visited  the  coasts  of  New 
Eng^and,  before  any  permanent  settlement  of  Europeans 
was  made,  represent  tlio  country  for  the  most  part  as  an 
open  prairie— produced  by  tho  periodical  burning  over, 
of  immense  tracts  of  country  by  the  native  inhabitants— 
and  this  was  a  custom  persisted  in  from  time  immemorial. 
The  reason  assigned  for  this  by  Thos.  Morton,  in  1G36, 
was,  that  it  was  for  the  purpose  of  keeping  down  tho 
growth  of  trees,  shrubs,  vines,  and  vegetation,  which 
would  otherwise  grow  so  rank  as  to  becon^e  impenetrable 
and  obstruct  the  vision,  as  well  as  the  passage  through 
it.     But  subsequent  observation  assigned  a  better  and 
nioro  probable  reason  for  these  periodical  burnings.    The 
inhabitants  subsisted  almost  entirely  by  the  chase  ;  agri- 
culture as  a  means  of  subsistence  was  entirely  unknown 
to  them.     They  lived  almost  entirely  upon  fish,  and  the 
flesh  of  the  animals'  they  were  able  to  kill  by  the  means 
they  then  employed,  which  would  now  be  considered  very 


,  m 


l>'  !  I 


I'KAIKIKS — THKIK    OKKUX. 


17 


inadefiuato  to  accuinplish  tiio  purposes  desi\<,me(l.     Thev 
found  it  necessary  to  adopt  some  inctliod  to  ciiticu  the 
graminivorous  animals  into  the  vicinity  of  tlieir  suttU.'- 
mcntrf,  and  by  burning  tlie  dried  vcgctatit)n  every  sprin"-, 
they  not  only  kei)t  down  the  growth  of  timber  and  shrubs, 
but  stimuhited  the  growth  of  a  tender  nutricious  grass, 
eagerly  sought  for  by  the  deer,  the  elk,  the  mooscs  and 
the  buffalo.     These  not  only  sought  the  luxuriant  pastures 
for  food,  but  they  soon  learned  that  tiiese  open  plains 
afforded  protection  against  tiieir  enemies  of  the  carnivor- 
ous  race   of  animals   which   prey   upi.n    them.     These 
stealthy  nuirauders  of  the  feline  and  canine  si)ecies,  exer- 
cised their  vocation  in  the  dense  forests,  or  in  the  dark- 
ness of  the  night.     They  seldom  ventured  into  the  o])en 
l)lain;  hence  the  harmless,   defenceless   animals   which 
furnished  food  for  man,  roamed  almost  unmolested  over 
the  grassy  plains  kept  in  perrennial  verdure  by  his  supe- 
rior sagacity. 

All  the  regions  of  country  which  are  usually  denomi- 
nated   '-oak  openings,"    are  to    be  considered  as  once 
open  prairies,  like  the  vast  prairies  of  the  west,  whose 
origin  is  to  be  ascribed  to  the  same  cause.     These  i)rai- 
ries  extended  over  a  great  portion  of  what  is  now  New 
England,  a  large  portion  of  the  states  of  Xew  York,  New 
Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Ohio,  Kentucky,  Tennessee,  S:c. 
A  large  i)ortion  of  Tapper  Canada,  ])artifnlarly  that' part 
of  it  Ijouiid  by  the  lakes  Ontario,  Ei'ie  and  Huron,  may 
also  be  included  in  the  once  prairie  region,  f.r  it  will  be 
observed  that  '-oak  openings"  prevail  to  a  large  extent 
hi  all  the  territory  named.    What  are  called  the  plains,'' 
in  our  own  vicinity,  are  a  striking  exayiple  of  the  change 
M-hich   has  taken   place  within  less  than  two  hundred 
years.  2 


H':y 


I         .IJl 


■i  ■■  > 


18 


mSTOUY   OF    UL-I'FALO. 


Prcsidoiit  Tlieodore  I)\vi,ij:lit,  who  visited  Buffalo  (or  aa 
it  was  then  calle.i  iJutralo  Creole,)  in  1S03,  lias  tlio  follow- 
in-  ohseiTatioMs:  "From  Batavia  there  are  two  roads  to 
.liullalo  Crwk,and  a  third  which  i)assc8  directly  to  Queens, 
town,  seven  miles  below  the  Falls  ofNia;,'ara.  The  last  is 
the  nearest  route  to  the  Falls,  but  being  lately  and  imper- 
fectly made,  and  i)assing  through  a  country  scarcely  nt 
all  inhabited,  presents  to  a  traveller  a  disagreeable  path, 
and  wretched  accommodations.     The  new  road  to  Buffalo' 
Creek,  is  live  miles  shorter  than  the  old,  but  is  of  recent 
date,  and  stretches  out  in  no  less  than  thirteen  miles  of 
nuid,  before  it  l)ecomes  reunited.     The  old  road,  which  I 
suppose  t..  have  been  the  ancient  military  route,  contains 
from  eight  to  nine  miles  of  mud  out  of  twenty-three. 
AVe  chose  this,  by  advice  of  a  gentleman  acquainted  with 
both,  and  soon  entered  upon  the  first  of  three  mirey  ex- 
pansions, lying  in  this  part  of  our  journey.     Here,  how- 
ever, we  had  the  advantage  of  daylight^'  and  the  mire 
was  less  deep,  than  on  the  preceding  evening,  vet  it  was 
sufficiently  tedious.     We  dined  at  Dunham's,  five  miles 
from  Batavia.      After  leaving  Dmduim's,   and  passing 
through  another  maple  swamp,  we  entered  upon  the  sec" 
ond  vt'  t\iG  j)lalns,  above  mentioned. 

"  From  the  appellation  of  plains,  usually  given  to  these 
tracts,  you  will  naturally  think  as  I  did',  that  they  are 
level  grounds.  This  however,  is  a  mistake.  The^  are 
generally  elevated,  and  every  where  presi;nt  a  surface 
rolling  easily,  without  any  sudden  declivity  except  on 
the  borders  of  streams  or  swamps.  The  variations  of  the 
surface  are  however  continual,  and  some  of  the  eminences 
rise  considerably  above  the  common  level.  These  grounds, 
are  also  termed  openlmjs,  as  being  in  a  great  degree  des- 


•I 


OAK   OPKNIXGS — TIlErR   OKIOIX. 


19 


titute  of  forests.    Tlio  vegetation  with  which  they  are 
covered  cousists  of  grass,  weeds  and  ishruhs,  of  various 
kinds.    The  grass,  resembles  a  sjjecies  .sometimes  seen  on 
the  intervales  of  Connecticut,  and  named  perhaps  locallv, 
thatelh.    The  stalk  is  single,  from  three  to  five  feet  m 
height,  tinted  in  various  parts  with  a  l)rown  hue,  and 
topped  with  a  spreading  ear,  generally  resembling  that 
of  spear  grass.     Besides  the  shrubs,  which  have  nothing 
remarkable  in  them,  there  are,  on  all  these  plains  some° 
and  on  some  of  them  many,  young  trees,  i)articnlarlv 
near  the  Genesee.     ■'■'    *     -     The  soil  of  these  i)lains  is 
loam  of  a  light  brown  hue,   mingled  with  gravel,  and 
covered  by  a  very  tliin  vegeta1)le  mould,  the  residum 
chiefly  of  shrubs  and  herbage.      •••      '^    '■''    The  ori'nn  of 
the  peculiar  appearance  of  these  grounds  is  in-olxibly^his : 
the  Indians  annually  and  sometimes  oftener,  burned  sucli 
parts  of  the  North  xlmerican  forests,  as  they  found  sufK- 
cieatly  dry.     In  every  such  case  the  fuel  consists  chieflv 
of  the  fallen  leaves,  which  are  rarely  dry  enough  for  an 
extensive  combustion  excei)t  on  uplands,  and  on  these 
oidy,  when  covered  with  a  dry  soil.    "^^    -•    '^   The  object 
of  these  conflagration^  was  to  produce  fresh  and  sweet 
pasture  for  the  purpose  of  alluring  the  deer  t.j  the  spots 
on  which  they  had  been  kindled.     Immediately  after  the 
fire,  a  species  of  grass  springs  up,  sometimes  called  fire 
grass,  because  it  usually  succeeds  a  conflagration.  Wheth- 
er it  is  a  peculiar  species  of  grass,  I  am  muible  to  say, 
not  having  seen  it  since  the  days  of  childhood.     Either 
from  its  nature  or  the  efHcaey  of  the  fire,  it  is  remarkably 
sweet,  and  eagerly  sought  by  deer.     All  the  underwood 
IS  at  the  same  time  consumed,  so  that  these  animals  are 
easily  discovered  at  considerable  distances,  a  thino-  im- 


m 


'f 


! 


( ■  »1i   i   i 


t    a 
I 


20 


JIIsluKV    UK    lUFrAI.O. 


pmcticivblo  wlicro  the  I'orotits  Imvu  iiut  been  liuriiod.  *  •» 
Thus  in  time  tiieso  plains  wero  tlt'tbrcstod  tn  the  .U.<rreo 
ill  whicji  u-o  now  seu  them,  and  were  -radmilly  convertod 
into  pasture  .i,'rnunds.  It  .„i-ht  to  he  ohserve'd  that  thoy 
were  in  all  prol.ahiiity  burnt  over  lov  a<,'es  after  they  wero 
deforested,  1  presume  down  to  a  very  late  period."  In  n 
dry  season  the  grass  would  furnish  ample  fuel  fur  this 
inn'[)ose."'* 

It  is  not  likely  that  a  tree  upon  the  whole  tract  could 
be  found,  o'lvin-  evidence  of  an  aj;e  bey.m.l  that  period. 
Siiy  two  hundre.l  and  fifty  years,  with  fho  excepth^u  per- 
hajKs,  of  localities  i)rotected  from  the  aimual  e<.nll:ii,n-a- 
tions  by  water.     The  evidences  that  large  tracts  of  coun- 
try, particularly  in  western  xN'ew  ^'..rk,  were  formerly 
covered  by  water,  are  abundant.     'J'lu'  hin-h  ground  upon 
which  a  large  portion  of  our  own  city  Is  built,  gives  evi- 
dence of  the  gradual  subsidence  of  the  waters  cf  Lake 
Erie.     The  same  aj.pearances  are  e(pial!y  visible  upon 
the  shures  of  Lake  Ontario,  that  the  watJrs  ..f  that  lake 
formerly  stood  much  above  tlieir  ].resent  level,   a  fact 
which  has  attracted  the  notice  of  all  observant  travellers 
as  well  as  residents. 

The  following  is  an  extract  from  the  journal  of  an  Eng- 
lish traveller  (Weld,)  who  visited  this  locality  in  ITOU, 
and  employed  an  In.lian  giiije  to  conduct  him  Ihrough 
the  unliroken  wihleniess,  from  the  Indian  settlement  on 
r.uti;iIo  Creek  to  the  Genesee  river,  at  or  near  Alount 
Morris  :  ••  AVe  found  the  couiitrv  as  we  ])assed  aloiif,  in- 

•  1  pi? 

terspersed  with  oj)en  plains  of  great  magnitude.  Some 
of  them,  r  should  snp])ose,  not  less  than  fifteen  or  twenty 
miles  in  circumference.     The  trees  on  the  borders  of  these 

'Tri-i'Is  In  Ncu-  Kn-hnid  uii.l  \.'\v  V,.ik.  1,-,  Tiiiiolliy  Dwi-lit.  in]804. 


f 


OPhNINOS   oit    I'l.AIN.i. 


21 


Iiuviii-  uiMi.lo  r,„,m  to  t^im'ml  wvv^  liixiinunt,  huvuii.l  ilc- 
Mcriptiun,  mid  shut  forth  tlioir  hraiiclius  witli  all  tlm  <,M-an- 
(leur  ivnd  variety  wliicli  cliamcteriso  tlio  Eiiirlirth  timber, 
particularly  tliu  ouk.     The  woodd  aruimd  the  phiiiis  were 
iiideiitLMl  ill  every  direction  with  hays  and  promontories, 
as  Mr.  (Jilpin  terms  it,  whilst  rich  clumps  of  trees  inter- 
spersed hew  and  there,  appeared  liko  so  many  clusters  of 
beautiful  islands.     ■::•     -•     •::•     These  plains  are  covered 
with  lon^'  coarse  n;rass,  which  at  a  future  day  will  proba- 
bly afford  feedinj,'  to  numerous  herds  of  cattle  ;  at  present 
they  are  totally  unfrecpiented.     Throu<-hout  the  Ts'orth 
Western  territory  of  the  United  States,  and  even  beyond 
the  head  waters  of  the  .AIississii)pi,  the  cotnitry  is  inter- 
spersed with  similar  plains,  and  the  further  you  proceed 
to  the  westward,  the  more  extensive  and  general  arc 
they.     Amidst  those  to  the  westward  are  found  numerous 
herds    of  butfalos,  elks,  and  other  wild  gramiiuvorous 
animals  ;  and  formerly  animals  of  the  same  description 
were  found  on  the  plains  of  the  State  of  New  York,  but 
they  have  all  disappeared   long  since,  owini,'  to  their 
having  been  so  constantly  pursued  both  by  the  Indians 
and  the  white  people." 

This  state  of  comparative  quiet  and  peace  was  inter- 
rupted by  the  introduction  of  a  new  element;  we  call  it 
''christian  civilization."  Man  in  his  normal  condition  is 
the  same  every  where.  Jle  was  found  here  exhibiting 
the  usual  traits  of  his  character,  warring  upon  his  own 
species.  But  the  harndoss  peaceful  aninnvls,  vvho  had 
not  yet  learned  that  man  was  his  enemy,  were  destined 
to  be  driven  from  these  peaceful  luiunts.  The  pastures 
that  had  been  for  long  ages  prepared  and  kept  for  his  use, 
no  longer  received  the  ])eriodical  fertilising  prei)aration 


■lit 


'  ii 


:h^ 


[irr, 


i  III 


11 


I II 


22 


HISTORY   OF   BUFFALO. 


necessary  fo  the  production  of  their  coveted  food.  Man, 
hitherto  liis  friend,  was  not  only  diverted  from  this  work 
to  otlier  pursuits,  but  was  transformed  into  an  enemy. 

Fatlier  La  Moiue,  who  vi^ted  the  Onondagas  in  1G34, 
says  :  "  Traveling  through  vast  prairies  we  saw  in  divers' 
quarters  immense  herds  of  wild  oulls  and   cows,  their 
horns  resemble  in  "some  respects  the  antlers  of  a  stag. 
Our  game  does  not  leave  us ;  it  seems  that  venison  and 
game  lollow  us  every  where.      Droves  of  twenty  cows 
plunge  mto  the  water  as  if  to  meet  us.     Some  were  killed 
tor  sake  of  amusement  by  blows  of  an  axe."     Again  he 
says :  "I  never  saw  so  many  deer,  but  we  had  no  incli- 
nation to  hunt.    My  companion  killed  three  as  if  a-ainst 
his  will.    What  a  ].ity,  for  we  left  all  the  venison  there, 
reserving  the  hides  and  some  of  the  most  delicate  mor- 
sels."   We  can  have  but  very  inadequate  conception  of 
the  rapidity  with  wliicli  animals  will  increase  when  all 
the  circumstances  are  favorable  ;  neither  have  we  proba- 
bly any  conception  of  the  multitude  of  animals  that  ex- 
isted in  the  region  we  have  designated,  before  they  were 
disturbed   by   advancing   civilizatiun.     All  the  prairie 
region,  extending  westward,  and  southward,  almost  indefi- 
nitely, abounded  with  vast  multitude^  of  herbaceous  ani- 
mals ;  while  the  hilly,    mountainous,   timbered  re^^ions 
extending  through  several  of  the  States  known  as"  the 
Alleghany  or  Apalachian  Eidge,  swarmed  with  multitudes 
of  carnivorous  animals.    These,  driven  by  hunger  to  seek 
for  prey,  sometimes  descended  to  the  plains,  but  returned 
to  their  native  haunts  as  soon  as  their  hunger  was  aT> 
peased.  '  ^ 

All  the  descriptions  we  have  of  the  great  numbers  of 
wolves,  bears,  panthers,  wild  cats,  etc.,  etc,  which  the- 


I 


THE   MULTITUBK   OF   ANIMALS. 


23 


early  settlors  encountered,  are  conipai.itivciv  uf  recent 
date,  extending  back  only  eighty,  or  at  most  one  hundred 
years;  still   these  accounts  seem  almost   iabulous.     La 
Salle  and  liis  party  in  their  journey  through  the  region 
lying  south  of  Lake  Erie,  in  the  winter  of  1080,  encoun- 
tered the  wolves  in  such  numbers,  as  to  be  in  danger  of 
being  overpowered  and  devoured  by  them,  notwithstand- 
ing that  the  party  was  well  armed  with  guns,  and  had 
abundance  of  ammunition.     The  extraordinary  multitude 
of  game  of  all  kinds  upon  the  south  shore  of^Lako  Erie, 
is  spoken  of  by  several  of  the  early  travellers  from  1680 
to  1724 ;  and  is  by  some,  attempted  to  be  accounted  for, 
by  the  fact,  that  since  the  terrible  war  between  the  Eries 
and  the  L-orpiois,  no  one  resided  there.     It  was  not  con- 
sidered safe  to  even  pass  throngh  the  country.     It  is 
stated  as  a  well  authenticated  fact,  that  over  four"  hundred 
bears  were  killed  in  a  single  season  upon  Point  Pelee,  on 
the  north  shore  of  Lake  Eris,  where  it  api)cared  these 'an- 
imals crossed  the  lake  at  certain  seasons  of  the  year  in 
great  numbers ;  passing  from  island  to  island,  thus  ma- 
king the  crossing  easy  upon   the  ice  in  winter,  and  by 
swimming  in  summer. 

As  late  as  ISOi,  it  is  stated  by  a  traveller,  (Rev.  Mr. 
Harris,)  that  it  was  not  safe  to  leave  a  horse  hitched 
alone,  particularly  after  dark,  in  Xorth  Eastern  Ohio,  as 
he  would  be  in  danger  of  being  devoured  by  wolves,  who 
infested  that  region  of  countiy  at  that  time  in  great  num- 
bers. Deer,  and  the  buffalo,  were  found  in  great  numbers 
upon  the  prairies  and  bottom  lands  in  Ohio,  by  the  early 
settlers,  in  what  was  then  the  North  Western'  Territory. 
The  use  of  fire  arms  in  hunting,  infused  a  teiTor  among 
the  animals  they  never  experienced  before.    The  mode 


;iV 

-mm 

'  ^'Wii 

"Wt 

.uwm 

'.' 

XJl 

'•■j 

KS 

4 

^1 

i 

Wji 

'i 

^m 

•a 

tJ  . 

24 


IIISTOKY    OF   BUFFALO. 


jilt 


of  killing  animals  before  the  introduction  of  lire  arms, 
did  not  excite  in  tliem  but  little  fear  of  man.     Bears  werj 
•usually  killed  by  a  kind  of  deadfall  or  trap,  ingeniously 
lormed  of  logs.     The  deer  were  sometimes  killed  with  the 
bow  and  an-ow,  but  this  was  without  noise  or  any  thino- 
■to  frighten  or  alarm,  like  the  noise,  fire,  and  smoke  of  a 
gun.     Indeed,  the  animals  were  not  killed  for  anv  other 
purpose  except  to  furnish  food  from  their  flesh,  or  clothing 
from  their  skins.    But  when  both  hide  and  flesh,  became 
nrticles  of  sale  in  great  quantities  to  Europeans,  they 
began  to  be  hunted  for  a  far  difi-ercnt  motive,  and  to  a 
much  greater  extent.     And  with  the  new  weapons  fur- 
nished by  the  traders,  who  early  became  eager  to  obtain 
the  skins  of  all  the  furred  animals,  the  destruction  of  the 
animals  became  greatly  increased,  while  their  propaca- 
tion  from  the  same  causes  was  proportionally  diminished. 
An  early  English  traveller  speaks  of  the  perfectlv  wanton 
manner  in  which  the  deer  were  destroyed  at  the  time  he 
wrote,  ISOG.     He  said  it  was  sufiicient  excuse  for  a  man 
to  leave  his  business,  however  urgent,  if  a  deer  came  in 
sight,  and  a  whole  neighborhood  has  been  known  to  be 
aroused  and  join  in  the  pursuit,  regardless  of  everything 
else ;  and  if  during  the  winter  season  a  deep  snow  should 
become  crusted  over  by  a  freezing  rain  upon  its  surface, 
It  would  be  a  signal  for  multitudes  to  sally  out  with  dogs, 
and  murder  the  poor  hel])less  creatures"  l)y  scores,  at' a 
season  of  year  too,  when  neither  the  flesh  or  skins  were 
of  any,  or  little  a  nine. 


CIIAPTEE  IT 


The  date,  or  occasion  of  the  formation  of  the  confedera- 
tion of  the  Five  Nations,  has  not  been  settled,  with  any 
degree  of  certainty.  The  attenipts  M'hich  have  been  made 
at  different  times,  and  by  different  persons,  seem  to  end 
in  mere  conjecture  or  vague  speculation.  Tradition 
places  it  about  1539,  upon  M-hat  authority  is  not  so  clear. 
The  Indian  legends  make  it  more  obscure,  from  the  great 
variety  of  extravagant  and  absurd  superstitions  connected 
with  it.  Nearly  all  accounts  agree  in  assieninff  the  an- 
cient  seat  of  the  Five  Nations  in  the  North,  or  at  least 
upon  the  banks  of  the  St.  Lawrence. 

Champlain,  on  his  first  arrival  in  that  river,  soon  after 
1600,  found  them  engaged  in  a  war  of  extermination 
against  the  Ilurons,  who  inhabited  the  shores  of  the  lake 
bearing  their  name.  The  Franciscan  Missionaries,  who 
were  the  first  to  visit  the  Plurons,  became  interested  in 
their  behalf,  and  Champlain  was  induced  to  join  the  Hu- 
rons  in  two  or  three  expeditions  against  the  Iroquois, 
across  lake  Ontario,  then  called  the  lake  of  the  Iroquois. 
One  of  tliese  expeditions,  which  M-as  undertaken  in  1615, 
proved  disastrous  to  the  French.  They  were  repulsed  in 
an  attack  upon  one  of  the  Castles  of  the  Onondagas; 
Champlain  was  severely  wounded,  and  came  nigh  falling 


I'TO 


'!  B 


'd  ,il 


1 


26 


IlISTOKY   OP   BUFFALO. 


■  'i  .!■ 


nto  tl,e  iKuuls  ot  tl.e  savages.  His  army  was  dispersed, 
m  own  .nen  nuvking  tJieir  way  as  best  tliey  could  to 
Quebec,  where  tliey  reported  tliat  be  was  killed.  He 
was,  bowever,  carried  off  by  his  Huron  warriors,  in  a 
nKle^vMcker  basket  into  their  own  country,  where  he  re- 
manied  throuo-b  the  winh.v     Ti.  ,.       •      , 

fn  ,.  f       .    y  ■    ^^'®  "^""^  ^l^i'^^g  ^^e  was  able 

toieturnto  (,,uebec,  where  be  was  received  with  great 
joy  and  surprise  by  the  inhabitants,  who  had  given  him 
up  as  dead.  *= 

The  following  brief  history  of  this  transaction  is  from 
^■Iiamplanrs  own  account,  translated  by  O.  H.  Marshall, 
Lsq ,  and  furnished  the  A^ew  York  Historical  Society, 
lu  ib4J.     See  proceedings,  page  100,  &c. 

"  On  the  lOtb  of  October  (1C15,)  we  arrived  before  the 
lort  of  the  enemy.     Some  skirmishing  ensued  among  the 
Indians,  which  frustrated  our  design  of  not  discovering 
ourselves  until  the  next  morning.     The  bnpatience  of  our 
savages  and  the  desire  they  had  of  witnessing,  the  effects 
oi  c.nr  fire  arms  on  the  enemy,  did  not  suffer  them  to 
^wllt.     ^Yhen  I  approached  with  mj  little  detachment, 
we  showed  them  what  they  had  never  before  seen  or 
iieard      As   soon  as  they  saw  us,  and  beard  the  balls 
whistlmg  about  their  ears,  they  retired  quicklv  into  the 
tort,  carrynig  with  them  their  killed  and  wounded.     We 
also  fell  back  upon  the  main  bodv,  having  five  or  six 
wounded,  one  of  whom  died.     The*' Indians  now  retired 
out  of  sight  of  the  fort,  and  refused  to  listen  to  the  advice 
ot  Cham])lam  as  to  the  best  mode  of  conducting   the 
siege. 

_  "  He  continued  to  aid  them  with  his  men,  and  in  imita- 
tion of  the  ancient  mode  of  attack,  planned  a  kind  of 
moveable  tower,  sufficiently  high  when  advanced  to  the 


CIIAMrLAIN's   ATTACK. 


fort  to  overlook  the  palisades.  It  was  constructed  ot 
laieces  of  wood  placed  one  upon  another,  and  was  finished 
in  a  night.  The  village  (says  Champlain,)  was  enclosed 
by  four  rows  of  interlaced  palisades  tliirty  feet  high,  near 
a  body  of  unfailing  water.  Along  these  palisades  the 
Iroquois  had  placed  conductors  to  convey  water  to  the 
outside  to  extinguish  fire.  Galleries  were  constructed  on 
the  inside  of  the  palisades,  protected  by  a  ball  proof  par- 
apet of  wood,  garnished  with  double  pieces  of  wood. 
When  the  tower  was  finished,  two  hundred  of  the  strong- 
est men  advanced  it  near  to  the  palisades.  I  stationed 
four  marksmen  on  its  top,  who  were  well  protected  from 
the  stones  and  arrows  which  were  discharircd  bv  the 
enemy. 

"  The  French  soon  drove  the  Iroquois  from  the  galleries, 
but  the  undisciplined  Ilurons,  instead  of  setting  fire  to 
the  palisades  as  directed  by  Champlain,  consumed  the 
time  in  shouting  at  the  enemy,  and  discharging  harmless 
showers  of  arrows  into  the  fort.  Without  discipline,  and 
impatient  of  restraint,  each  one  acted  as  his  fancy  pleased 
him.  They  placed  the  fire  on  the  wrong  side  of  the  fort, 
so  that  it  had  no  eft'ect. 

"  When  the  fire  had  gone  out,  they  began  to  pile  wood 
against  the  palisades,  but  in  such  small  quantities  that  it 
made  no  impression.  The  confusion  was  so  great  that 
nothing  could  be  heard.  I  called  out  to  them  and  point- 
ed out  as  well  as  I  could  the  danger  they  iuQurred  by 
their  imprudent  management,  but  they  heard  nothing  by 
reason  of  the  great  noise  that  they  made. 

"  Perceiving  that  I  should  break  my  head  in  calling— 
that  my  remonstrances  were  in  vain — and  that  there  were 
no  means  of  remedying  the  disorder,  I  resolved  to  effect 


Hi 


.41 


.1!      !t  ' 


•>a 


liiiiut; 


HISTORY   OF   JJUFFAT.O. 


-itl.  n,y  own  pe,,,,le  w].„t  could  be  clone,  .„d  .„  &.o  „,,o„ 

those  we  could  discover.  ^ 

"In  the  n.eau  ti.ne  the  ene.ny  j.rofited  by  our  disorder 
llKy  brought  and  threw  water  in  such  abundance    1; 

i,m  hed  the  hre  in  a  very  short  tinuv     Thov  continued 
without  cessation  to  disc  '  .I,f=    /         continued 

Z:zTTV'"""r-  ^"^  •"""» '-'«i  »bo"' 

tmee  Ju  us.    Two  ot  our  cl.ieli,  some  head   men    and 
?  "•   '  "f  "'''"'"  ""'"'="1  tl,e  besiegers  to  tl.ink  of  i-e 

IZ    !  '"T  "'"'  ™  '^•■"■'■"  '^•^l'-'"'-     Cl,aM,pIain 

™  tWK-e  severely  wounded  by  arrows  ;  .be  first  ti„,e  i„ 
'lie  leg,  fl,o  second  in  his  knee. 

dav  !?n  rr^^'l  ''"■'"■'  ""  Onondagafort  until  tbe  16th 
day  Of  October,  when,  in  opposition  to  the  remonstrances 

t^t7    7  ""'  "'"■■  '""^''»'  «-y  -•-"  *e  siege  and 

oT  1    :;■:  '"TT'  "?"■    ^"""'P'""'  '-"S  ■""•We 
to  walk  was  placed  m  a  basket  of  wicker  work,  and  so 

Z1:'T  f^'^'f  "'"■  ™'*  «"'"-was'.:ah 

the  n  iL  I  :^  ""^  ™"''''«''  '"=  "•-  carried  by 
the  Incbans  on  their  backs  for  several  days.  The  Iroouoi^ 
pursue  theur  for  half  a  league,  in  hopes  of  cut  ,^g  off 
some  str'agglers,  but  their  arrangements  for  th4  retreat 

placed  i„  the  centre,  and  the  front  and  rear  and  win^s 
were  protected  by  chosen  warriors.  When  they  a  Ivel 
on  the  borders  of  lake  Ontario,  they  were  rejoie  d  to  iind 


IROQUOIS   IX   CANADA. 


20 


"Chainplaiii.wiis  now  desirous  of  returning  to  Quebec 
by  way  of  the  St.  Lawrence— a  route  yet  untraverscd  by 
tlie  wliite  man— but  the  Indians  refused  liini  a  canoe  or 
guides.  lie  was  thus  compelled  to  accompiiny  them 
home  and  pass  a  long  and  dreary  winter  in  the  Huron 
country.  lie  did  not  leach  Quebec  until  the  following 
June,  when  he  was  received  as  one  risen  from  the  grave'^ 
the  Indians  having  reported  his  death  a  long  time  pre- 
vious." 

Soon  al'fer,  the  Iroquois  invaded  Canada,  and  defeated 
the  Ilurons  in  a  great  battle,  almost  in  sight  of  Quebec, 
having  previously  bound  the  French  to  a  strict  neutrality 
by  a  treaty,  which  they  did  not  dare  to  violate  by  an 
open  interference.     The  Iroquois  were  not  oAy  bravo  in. 
battle,  but  wise  and  politic  in  council.     One  of  the  c*r]v 
French  writers  speakingof  the  visit  of  a  deputation  whicli 
came  to  Quebec  from  the  upper  Iroquois,  (the  Senccas,) 
says  :  "  The  first  of  these  embassadors  who  came  fronl 
the  upper  Iroquois,  were  presented  to  M.  de  Tracy,  in 
the  month  of  December,  1GG5,  and  the  most  influential 
among  them  was  a  famous  Captain  called  Garacontie  : 
who  always  signalized  his  zeal  for  the  French,  and  em- 
l^loyed  the  credit  which  he  has  among  all  these  tribes,  in 
extricating  our  prisoners  from  their  hands,  as  he  has  lib- 
erated very  recently  Seur  Le  Moine,  an  inhabitant   of 
Montreal,  who  had  been  captured  three  months  ago  bv 
these  barbarians.    M.  de  Tracy  having  notified  him  by 
the  usual  presents  that  he  would  give  him  friendly  audi- 
ance,  he  pronounced  a  harangue  full  of  good  sense,  and 
an  eloquence,  evincing  no  trace  of  the  barbarous.     It  con- 
tained nothing  but  courtesies,  and  ofiers  of  friendship,  and 
service,  on  the  part  of  his  tribe,  wishes  for  a  new  Jesuit 


30 


HISTORY   OF   BUFFALO. 


M 


^lission,  and  expressions  of  condolence  on  the  death  of 
he  hite  lather  Le  Moine,  the  intelhgence  of  which  he 
iJiul  just  received." 

President  Dvvight,  avIio  possessed  greater  means  both 
lor  observation  and  information  than  others,  whose  highly 
cultiwited,  vigorous  mind,  was  exercised  in  investigating 
everjtlung  that  related  to  their  history 

Oftlie  Iroquois  or  Six  Nations  (as  they  were  called, 
atte  the  incorporation  of  the  Tuscaroras,  who  lied  from 
Aorth  Carolina  to  them  for  protection  in  1712  according, 
to  historical  record,)  he  says  :  ° 

"  The  Iroquois  have  certainly  been  a  most  extraordina- 
y  people.  Had  they  enjoyed  the  advantages  possessed 
.    t^e  ancient  Greeks  and  Romans,  there  is'no  reason  to 

iNations      Iheir  minds  appear   to  have  been  equal  to  any 

efforts  withn  the  reacli  of  man.     Their  conquests,   if  wl 

onsKler    heir  numbers,  and   their  circumstances,  w    e 

ttle  inferior  to  those  of  Rome  itself.     Jn  their  harmony 

:  zi:i '''"  '''-''''^'^ ''-  --^-^  ^  ^-••''™ - 

tu   the  A  astness,  vigor  and  success  of  the.       ^erprises 
-'^1 1  e  strength  and  sublimity  of  their  eloqu.       '  they 
-ay  be  fairly  compared   with   the   Greeks.'     B.       Z 
Greeks  and  the  Romans  before  they  began  to   rise       o 
^^■stmction  had  already  reached   the  state  of  soc    ty  ii 
-  .chnienareableto  improve,    the  Iroquois  h       not 

>e  Greeks  and  Romans  had  ample  means  for  impro^^ 
"KMit,  the  Iroquois  had  none."  ^ 

Gov.  Dewitt  Clinton  in  a  Discourse  on  the  History  of 
tlie  Six  .Nations  delivered  in  1811,  says- 

•nndThecinfT"':"^^  ""'"'*^'  ^•^'^"^^"  "-  I^~ 
and  the  Confederates,  not  only  in  their  martial  spirit,  and 


DEWITT  CLIXTON  ON  THE  IKOt^L'OIS.  31 

rage  %•  conquest,  but  in  their  treatment  of  the  conquered 
Like  the  Ronnins,  they  not  only  adopted  individuals,  but 
incorporated  the  renn.ant  of  their  vanquished  enemies  in 
to  their  nation  ;  by  which  they  continuallv  recruited  their 
population,  exhausted  by  endless  an<l  wasting,  wars,  an.l 
were  able  to  continue  their  career  of  victnrv,\and  desohi- 
tion.  If  their  unhappy  victims  hesitated  or  refused,  thev 
were  compelled  to  accept  the  honoi-s  of  adoi)tion.'*  '  ' 
Speaking  of  the  manner  in  which  they  conducte<l  their 
public  affairs,  he  observes  : 

"  Their  exterior  relations,   general  interests,   and  na- 
tional aftairs,   were   conducted   and   superintended  bv  a 
great  council,  assembled  annually  in  Ononda-a,  the  cen- 
tral canton,  composed  of  the  chiefs  of  each   republic,  and 
eighty  Sachems  were  frequently  convened  at  this  nation- 
al  assembly.     It  took  cognisance  of  the  gi'l-at  questions 
of  war  and  peace,  of  aftairs  of  tributarv  nations,  and  their 
negociations  with  the  French  and  English  colonies  ;  all 
their  proceedings  were  conducted  with  great  deliberation 
and  were  distinguished  for  order,  decorum,  and  solemnity' 
In  eloquence,  in  dignity,  and  in  all  the  characteristics  of 
personal  policy,  they  surpassed  an  assemblage  of  feudal 
Barons,  and  were  perhaps  not  tar  inferior  k,  the  great 
Aniphyctionie  Council  of  Greece."    In  regard  to  'their 
military  powers  and  skill,  he  says  :  "  Whatever  superior- 
ity of  force  the  Iroquois  might  have,  they  never  neglected 
the  use  of  stratagems;  they  employed  all  the  crafty  ideas 
of  the   Carthagenians  ;  the  cunningof  the  fox,  the  fero- 
city of  the  tiger,  and  the  power  of  the  lion,  were  nnited 
m  their  conduct.     They  ])refered  to  vanquish  their  enemv 
by  taking  him  oft*  his  guard,  by  involving  him  in  an  ain- 
buscade,  by  falling  upon  him  in  the  hour   of  sleep  ;  but 


fill 


11  *' 


32 


IIISTOUV    (IF    Ill'KKAr.O. 


where  oniei-ciiciL'S  renderod  it  necessary  fur  tljem  to  face 
liiMi  in  ll.e  open  field  of  battle,  they  exhibite.l  a  coiirn^re  and 
contempt  of  death,  which  liave  never  been  snri)as.sed.  :<•  * 
The  con.piedts  and  military  achievements  of  the  Iroqnois 
were  commensnrate  with  tlieir  nuirtial  ardor,  their  thirst 
for  glory,  their  great  conrage,  their  invincil)le   ])er.sever- 
ance,  and  their  political  talents.     Their   nn'litary   excnr- 
sionswero   extended  as  far  n..rth  as    the   Hudson    Bay. 
The  Mississij.pi  did  not  form  their   western  limits,  their 
power  was  felt  in  the  most  southern  and  eastern  extrem- 
ities of  the  United  States.  •"•  <^  -  To  describe  the  military 
enterprises  of  this  i)eople  would  be  to  delineate   the   pro- 
gress  of  a  tornado  or  earthqnake.     Destruction  followed 
their  Ibotsteps,  and  whole  mitions  extei-minated,  ren.lei-ed 
tributary,   exiled   from  their  country,  or  meri.-od  i„  their 
conqueiors,    aeclare   the    superiority  and   terror  of  their 


arms. 


AYhcn  Champlain  arrived  in  Canada  in  1003,  he  found 
them  at  war  with  the   Ilurons  or  Algonkins.     He   took 
part,  and  headed  three  expeditions  agiiinst  tliem,  in  two 
of  which   he   was   successful,   but  in  the  last  he  Was  re- 
pulsed.    This  unjust  and  imjK.l'-tic  interference  laid  the 
foundation  of  continual  wars  between  the  French  and  the 
Confederates.  -"-  ^^  -  The  conquests  of  the  Iroquois  pre- 
vious to  the  discovery  of  America,   are  only  known  to  ns 
through  the  imperfect  channels  of  tradition";  but  it  is  well 
authenticated  that  since  that  inemoral)Ie  ei-a  they  exter- 
minated  the  nation  of  the  Eries  or  Erighs  on   the  south 
side  of  Lake  Erie,  which  has  given  a  name  to  that  Lake. 
They  nearly  extirpated  the  Andastez,    and   the    Chaua- 
nons.     They  conquered  the  Hurons  and  drove  them   and 
their  allies,  the  Ottawas,  among  the  Sioux  on  the  head- 


WAK     EXPEMTI0N8. 


88 


waters  of  tho  Mississippi,  "wliero  they  sepanitoil  into 
bands  and  proclaimed  wherever  they  went  the   terror  of 
the  Iroquois."    Tliey  also  subdued  the   Illinois,  tlie  Mi- 
amis,  the  Algonkins,  the  Delawares,  the  Shawnees,   and 
several    tribes  of   the  Abenaquis.     After  the  Iro(|uoi8 
had  defeated  the  Ilurons  in  a  dreadful  battle  fought  near 
Quebec,  the  Neperceneans  who  lived  upon  the  St.  Law- 
rence lied  to  Hudson's  Bay  to  avoid  their  fury.     In  1649 
they  destroyed  two  Huron  villages  and  dispersed  the  na- 
tion ;  and  allerwards  they   destroyed   another  village  of 
six  hundred  fomilies.    Two  villages  presented  themselves 
to  the  confederates  and  lived  with  them.     "  The  dread  of 
the  Iroquois,"  says  the  Historian,    «'  had  such  an   effect 
upon   all  the  other  nations  that  the  borders  of  the  river 
Outaouis  which  were  long  thickly  peopled  became  almost 
deserted,  without  its  ever  being  known   what  became  of 
the  gi  eater  part  of  the  inhabitants."~(irerriott  p.  70.) 

"  The  Illinois  fled  to  the  westward  after  being  attacked 
by  the  Iroquois,  and  did  not  return  until  a  general  peace, 
and  were  permitted  in  1700  by  the  confederates  to  settle 
between   the  Wabash  and  Sciota  rivers.    The  banks  of 
Lake  Snperior  were  lined  with  Algonkins  who  sought  an 
assylum  from  the  Five  IJations.    They  also  harrasse  ]  all 
the  northern  Indians  as  flir  as  Hudson's  Bay,  and  they 
even   attacked  the   nations  on  the   Missouri.     When  La 
Salle  was  among  the  Natches  in  1683  he  saw  a  party  of 
that  people  who  had   been  on  an  expedition   against  the 
Iroquois.    Smith  the   founder  of  Virginia  in  an  expedi- 
tion up  the  Bay  of  Chesepeake,  in  1608,  met  a  war  party 
of  the  confederates   then  going  to  attack  their  enemies. 
They  were  at  peace  with  the  Cowetans  or  Creeks,  but  they 
warred^against  tiie  Catawbas,  the  Chcrokees,  and  almost 


o 
O 


4 


W 


s 


r 

ill  j:'    ! 
u 


M 


34 


IIISTiPRY  Ol'  HfFKALO. 


all  tho  Southeni  Iiuliuns.    Tho  two  tbrmcr  sent  deputies 
to  Albany  wlioro  they  etrected  a  peace  tiirough  tho  ino.li- 
ntionoftlioEuirlisli.    In  n  word,  tho   conllHlemtes  were 
with  few  exceptions  tlic  concpierors  of  ull  tho  Indiim  na- 
tions east  of  tiio  Misrtis8ii)pi.    Such  was  the  terror  of  tho 
nations   that  when  a  single  :^[oilawk  appeared  on  tho  hills 
ofNow  England,  tho  fearful  8i)cctaclo  spread  pain  and 
terror,  and  ilight  was  tho  only  refuge  from  death.     Char- 
levoix mentions  n  singular  instance  of  this  terriffic  ascen- 
dancy.   Ten  or  twelve  OttaWas  being  i)ur3ued  by  a  party 
of  Irocpiois,  endeavored  to  pass  over  to  Goat  Island  on 
the  Niagara  Iwiver  in  a  canoe,  and  were  swept  down   the 
cataract,  and  what  it  ap])eare.l,  tliey  preferred  it  to  the 
tender  mercies  of  their  enemie.s. 

••  The  viist  iiiinicfisiinililc  AIivhs. 
OiitinKi'oiis  as  a  Sea.  dark.  w'aKlful,  wild, 
L  1)  t'loiii  the  Ixiltom  IiiiiumI."- 

"Inconsequence  of  their  sovereignty  over  tho  other  na- 
tions tho  confederates  exercised  a  i)roprietary  (right  in 
their  lands.  In  1743  th^y  granted  to  the  province  of 
Pennsylvania  certain  lands  on  tho  west  side  of  the  Sus- 
quehannah,  having  formerly  done  so  on  the  cast  side. 
In  1744  they  released  to  Maryland  and  Virginia  certain 
lands  claimed  by  them  in  those  Colonies,  and  they  de- 
clared at  this  treaty  that  they  had  conquered  tho  several 
nations  living  on  the  Susquehannah  and  Potomac  Rivers 
and  on  the  back  of  the  great  Mountains  in  Virginia.  In 
1754  a  number  of  the  inhabitants  of  Connecticut  pur- 
chased of  them  a  large  tract  of  land  west  of  the  Delaware 
River,  and  from  thence  spreading  over  the  east  and  west 
l^ranches  of  tho  Susquehannah  River.    In  1768  they  gave 

"Milton's  Puradiso  Lost. 


KLOliUENCE  OF  TUK  IROQL-OIS, 


85 


a  deed  to  Williiiui  Trent  and  otliei's  lur  Inud  betwocii  the 
Ohio  and  Monuiiguhehi  Kivors.  Tliey  claimed  and  sold 
the  land  on  the  nortli  side  of  the  Kentucky  rivev.  lu 
1708  at  a  treaty  licld  at  Fort  Stanwix,  with  Sir  AVilliam 
Jolinson,  'lino  of  property'  ixA  it  was  commonly  denom- 
inated was  settled,  marking  out  the  boundary  between 
the  English  Colonies  and  the  territories  of  the  confeder- 
ates. The  vicinity  of  the  confederates  was  fortunate  for 
the  cokmyofNew  York.  They  served  as  an  effectual 
shield  against  the  hostile  incursions  of  tlio  French  and 
their  savage  allies.  Their  war  with  the  French  began 
with  Champlain  and  continued  with  few  intervals,  till 
the  treaty  of  Utrecht,  which  confirmed  the  surrender  of 
Canada,  N<jva  Scotia,  and  Acadia  to  Great  Britain.  For 
near  a  century  and  a  half  they  maintained  a  war  against 
the  French  possessions  in  Louisiana  and  Canada  ;  some, 
times  alone  and  sometimes  in  conjunction  with  the  Eng. 
lish  colonies.  During  this  eventful  period  they  often 
maintained  a  proud  sujjeriority,  always  an  honorable  re- 
sistance, and  no  vicisitude  of  fortune  or  visitation  of  ca- 
lamity, could  ever  compel  them  to  descend  from  the  ele- 
vated ground  which  they  occupied  in  their  own  estima- 
tion, and  in  the  opinion  of  the  nations.  •'-  *  -'^ 

"The  confederates  were  as  celebrated  for  their  eloquence 
as  for  their  military  skill  and  political  wisdom.  Popular 
or  free  governments  have  in  all  ages  been  the  congenial 
soil  of  oratory,  and  it  is  indeed  all  important  in  institu- 
tions merely  advisory,  where  persuasion  innst  supply  the 
place  of  coercion,  when  there  is  no  magistrate  to  execute, 
no  military  to  compel,  and  where  the  oidy  sanction  of 
law  is  the  controling  power  of  public  opinion  ;  eloquence 
being  therefore   conceded  so  essential,   must  always  be  a 


T 


ill 


'■  ir: 


34 


illSTORY  OF  BUFFALO. 


great  standard  of  personal  merit,  a  certain  road  to 


lar  i\ 


popu- 


tavor,   and   a  nniversal   passport   to  public  honors 
These  combined   inducements   operated   with  powerful 
iorce  on  the  mind  of  the  Indian,  and  there  is  little  doubt 
but  that  oratory  was  studied   with  as  much  care,  and  ap- 
plication, among  the  confederates  as  it  was  in  the  stormy 
democracies  of  the  eastern  hemisphere.     I  do  not  pretend 
to  assert,  that  there  were  as  at  Athens,  and  Rome,  estab- 
lished schools  and  professional  teachers  for  the  pu  pose, 
but  I  say  it  was  an   attainment,  to  which   the^    devoted 
themselves,   and  to  wliich  they  bent  the  whole  force  of 
their  faculties.     Their  models  of  eloquence   were  to  be 
tound  m  no  books,  but  in  the  living  orators  of  their  local 
and  national  assemblies.     Their  children,  at  an  early  pe- 
riod of  life  attended  their  council  fires,  in  order  to  observe 
the  passing  scenes,  and  receive  the   lessons  of  wisdom. 
Their  rich,  and  vivid  imagery  was  drawn   from  the  sub- 
lime scenery  of  nature,  and   their  ideas   were   obtained 
h'om  the  laborious   operations  of  their  own  minds,   and 
irom  the  experience  and   wisdom  of  tlieir  august  sage« 
The  most  remarkable  ditference  existed  between  the  con- 
tederates  and  the   surrounding   nations,  with  respect  to 
eloquence.     You  may  search  in  vain  in  the  records   and 
writings  of  the  past,  or  in  the  events  of  the  present  times 
tor  a  single  model  of  eloquence  among  the  Algonkins,  thJ 
Abeiiaquis,  the  Delawares,   the  Shawnees,  or  any  other 
nation  except  the  Iroquois.     The  few   scintillations  of  in- 
tellectual light,  the  faint  glimmerings  of  genius   which 
are  sometimes  found  in  their  speeclies,  are  evidently  de- 
rived and  borrowed  from  the  confederates.     Considering, 
the  interpreters  who  have  undertaken  to  give  the   meai^ 
ing  of  Indian   speeches,  it  is  not  a  little  surprising  that 


ELOQUENCE  OF  THE    IR0QUOI8. 


37 


some  oi  them  should   approach  so  near  perfection.    Tlie 
major  part  of  the  interpreters  were  illiterate  persons    ^  «- 
I  except  from  these?remarks  the  speech  of  the  Ononda.^a 
chief  Garangula,  to  M.  De  La  Barre,  delivered  on  the  oc- 
casion which  I  have  before  mentioned  ;  this  was   inter- 
preted by  Monsieur  Le  JVloine,  a  French  Jesuit,  and  re- 
corded on  the  spot  by  Baron  La  Ilontan,  men  of  enlio-hf 
ened  and  cultivated  minds,  from  whom  it  has  been  bor- 
rowed by  Golden,  Smith,  Herriott,  Trumball,   and  Wil- 
liams.   I  believe  it  to  be  impossible  to  find  in  all  the  ef- 
fusions of  ancient  or  modern  oratory,  a  speech  more  ap- 
propriate and  more   convincing  ;  under  the  veil   of  re- 
spectful profession,  it  conveys  the  most  biting  ironv,  and 
while  It  abounds  with  rich  and  splendid  imagery,  it  con- 
tains the   most   solid   reasoning;  I  place  it  in  the  same 
rank  with  the  speech  of  Logan.    On  the  4tli  of  February, 
IGOO,  as  we  are  informed  by  the  tradition  of  the   inhabi- 
tants, (although  history  has  fixed  it  on  the  Sth,)  the  town 
of  Schenectady  which  then  consisted  of  a  church  and  for- 
ty-three houses,  was  surprised  by  a  party  of  French  and 
Indians  from  Canada  ;  a  dreadful  scene  of  conflagration 
and  massacre  ensued  ;  the  greatest  part   of  the  inhabi- 
tants were  killed  or  made  prisoners  ;  those  who  esca])ed. 
iied  naked  towards  Albany  in  a  deep  snow  which  fell  that 
very  night,  and  providentially  met  sleighs  from  that  place, 
which  returned  immediately  with   them.     This   proceed- 
ing struck  terror  into  the   inhabitants   of  Albany,   who 
were  about  to  abandon  the  country  in  despair  and   con- 
sternation ;  on  this  occasion  several  of  the  Mohawk  chiefs 
went  to  Albany  to  make  the  customary  speech  of  condo- 
lence, and  to  animate  to  honorable  exertion.  Their  speech 
is  preserved  in  the  first  volume  of  Coldeirs  history  of  the 


i-  -Jj 


ill 


38 


HISTOKY  OF  JiUFFALO. 


'  Fi\e  Xations,"  ami  even  at  tliis  2)eriocl  it  is  impossible 
to  read  it  Avithout  sensibility,  without  respecting  its  affec- 
tionate sympathy,  and  admiring  its  magnanimous  spirit, 
and  without  ranking  it  among  the  most  respectable  mod- 
els of  eloquence  which  history  affords."      I  have  copied 
this  extended  extract  from  Mr.  Clinton's  address,  because 
it  embodies  a  greater  amount  of  authentic  information  in 
regard  to  the  history  of  the  nation   of  the  Iroquois,   of 
which  nation,  the   Senecas,  our  immediate  predecessors, 
constituted  an  integral  part,  and  also,   because  I  wish  to 
preserve  the  record  of  such  a  distinguished  mind,  and  cul- 
tivated intellect,  of  the  high   appreciation  in  which  he 
held  the  character  of  this  most  remarkable  people  ;  there 
can  be  no  higher,  j'uster,  truer,  or  more  honorable  tribute 
paid  to  their  memory.     Father  La  Moine,  a  Jesuit  Miss- 
ionary   of  learning    and    talent,   visited  the  confeder- 
ates in  ICo-i.  as  an  embassador  of  the  French  government 
in  Canada  ;  the  following  is  an  extract  from  his  journal : 
The  council  was  held  at  Onondaga,  and  all  the  Five  Na- 
tions were  represented. 

"  On  the  10th  day  of  August  the  deputies  of  the  three 
neighboring  nations  having  arrived,  after  the  usual  sum- 
mons of  the  chiefs  that  all  should  assemble  in  Ondissonks 
cabin,  I  opened  the  proceedings  (says  the  Father,  contin- 
uing his  journal)  by  public  prayer,  on  my  knees,  and  in 
a  loud  voice,  all  in  the  Huron  tongue.  I  invoked  the 
great  maker  of  IleaA-en,  and  of  earth,  to  inspire  us  with 
what  should  be  for  His  glory,  and  our  good  ;  I  cursed  all 
the  demons  of  hell,  who  are  the  spirts  of  division  ;  I 
prayed  the  tutelar  angels  of  the  whole  country,  to  touch 
the  hearts  of  those  who  heard  me,  when  my  words  should 
strike  their  ear  ;  I  greatly  astonished  them,   when   they 


"4 


f  i- 


LE  MOINE  AMONCr  THE  IKOliUOIS. 


89 


heard  me  iiaiuing-  all,  by  nations,  by  tribes,  by  Ihmilies, 
and  each  particular  individual  of  any  note,  and  all  by  aid 
of  my  uianuscrijjt,  which  was  as  wonderful,  as  it  was  new. 
I  told  them  I  was  the  bearer  of  nineteen  words  to  them. 
"The  lirst,  that  it  was  Onnonthio,  M.  DeLai..on,  Gover- 
nor of  Is"ew  France  that  spoke  to  them  by  my  mouth,  and 
then  the  llurons  and  Algoid^ins,  as  well  as  the  French, 
for  all  these  three  nations  had  Onnonthio  for  their  ijreat 
chief  ^ 

"  A  large  belt  of  wan^ijum,  one  hundred  little  tubes  or 
pipes  of  red  glass,  the  diamonds  of  the  country,  and  a 
caribou's  hide,  l^eing  passed,  these  three  presents  made 
but  one  word. 

"  My  second  word  was,  to  cut  the  bonds  of  the  eight 
Seneca  prisoners  taken  by  our  allies  and  brought  to  Mon- 
treal, as  already  stated. 

»  The  third  was  to  break  the  bonds  of  those  of  the 
AVoolf  tribe  also  captured  about  the  same  time. 

"  The  fourth,  to  thank  those  of  Ontonagu  for  having 
brought  our  prisoner  back. 

"  The  fifth  present,  was  to  thank  theSenecas  for  having 
saved  him  from  the  scaffold. 

"  The  sixth,  for  the  Cayuga  Iroquois,  for  having  also 
contributed. 

"  The  seventh,  for  the  Oneidas,  for  having  broken  the 
bonds,  which  kept  him  a  prisoner. 

^  "  The  cightli,  ninth,  tenth,  and  eleventh  presents  to  be 
given  to  the  four  Iroquois   nations,  a  liatchet  each,  for 
the  new  war  tliey  were  waging  against  the  Cat  Nation. 
^  "  The  twclftli  present,  was  to  Iieal  the  lost  head  of  the 
Seneca  Interpreter  by  the  Cat  Nation. 

"The  thirteenth, to  strengthen   his  palisades,   to  wit : 


;  11 


i 


Is 


' 


„i 


40 


IIISTOIU'   OF   UUFFALO. 


that  lie  might  be  in  a  state  of  det'eiice  a-;?ainst  the  enemy. 
"  The  fourteenth,  to  ornament  liis  face,  for  it  is  the  cus- 
tom of  warriors  here,  never  to  go  to  battle,  unless  with 
the  face  painted  ;  some  black,  some  red,  others  witli  va- 
rious other  colors,  each  having  herein,  as  if  pai-ticular 
Kveries,  to  wliich  they  cling,  even  unto  death. 

"  The  fifteenth  to  concentrate  all  their  thoughts  ;  I  made 
three  presents  for  this  occasion,  one  wampum  belt,  little 
glass  l)eads,  and  an  elk  hide. 

''  The  sixteenth,  I  opened  Annonchiasse's  door  to  the 
nations  ;  that  is,  they  would  be  welcome  among  us. 

"  The  seventeenth,  1  exhorted  them  to  become  ac- 
quainted with  our  ftiith,  and  made  them  ifi-e^ents  for  this 
object. 

"  The  eighteenth,  I  asked  them  not  to  prepare  hence 
forward,  any  ambushes  for  the  Algonkin,  and  Huron  na- 
tions, M'ho  would  come  to  visit  us  in  our  French  settle- 
ment.    I  made  them  presents  for  this  purpose. 

"Finally,  by  the  nineteenth  present,  I  wiped  away  the 
tears  of  all  the  young  warriors  for  the  death  of  their  great 
chief  Annencraos  a  short  time  prisoner  with  the  Cat^Xa- 
tion. 

"  At  each  present  they  heaved  a  j^owerful  ejaculation 
from  the  bottom  of  the  chest,  in  testimony  of  their  joy.  • 

"  I  was  fall  two  hours  m..king  my  whole  speech,  talk- 
ing like  a  chief,  and  walking  about  like  an  actor  on  a 
stage,  as  is  their  custom. 

"  After  they  grouped  together  apart  in  nations,  and 
tribes,  calling  to  them  a  Mohawk,  who  by  good  luck  was 
there,  they  consulted  together  for  the  space  of  two  hours 
longer. 

"  Finally  they  called  me  among  them,   nnd  seated  me 


[;   i     » 


•Hi 


LE  MOINE  AMONG  THE  IKOQUOIS. 


41 


in  an  honorable  place.  The  chief  who  is  the  tongue  of 
the  country,  repeats  faithfully  as  orator,  all  my  words. 
Then  all  set  to  singing  in  token  of  their  gratification  ;  I 
was  told  to  pray  to  God  on  my  side,  which  I  willingly 
did.  After  these  songs  he  spoke  to  mo  in  the  name'' of 
his  nation : 

"  First  he  thanked  Onnontio  for  his  good  disposition  to 
wards  them,  and  brought  forward  for  this  purpose  two 
large  belts  of  wampum. 

"  Second,  in  the  name  of  the  Mohawks  he  thanked  us 
for  having  restored  five  of  the  allies  of  the  nation  of  the 
Woolf. 

"Third,  he  thanked  us  in  the  name  of  the  Seneca  Iro- 
cpois  for  having  drawn  five  of  their  tribe,  out  of  the  fire ; 
two  more  belts  ;  ejaculations   from  the   whole   assembly 
follow  each  present.     Another  captain  of  the  Oneida  na- 
tion rises ;  Onnontio  said  he  :  speaking  of  M.  Lauzon  our 
Governor,  Onnontio,  thou  art  the  pillar  of  the  earth,   thy 
spirit  is  a  spirit  of  peace,  and  thy  words  soften  the  hearts 
of  the  most  rebellious  spirits.     After  other   compliments 
expressed  in  a  tone  animated  by  love,   and   respect,   he 
produced  four  largo  belts  to  thank  Onnontio  for  havin<>- 
encouraged  them  to  fight  bravely  against  their  new  ene^ 
miesofthe  CatKation,  and  for  having  exhorted  them 
never  again  to  war  against  the  French.     Thy  voice  said 
he,  Onnontio  is  wonderful,  to  produce  in  my  breast  atone 
time,  two  eftects,  entirely  dissimilar.    Thou  animatest  me 
to  war,  and  softenest  my  heart,   by   thoughts   of  peace. 
Thou  art  great,  both  in   peace,   and  war,  mild   to  those 
whom  thou  lovest,  and  terrible  to  thine  enemies.  'We  wish 
thee  to  love  us,  and  we  will  love  the  French,  for  thy  sake. 
"  In  concluding  these  thanks,  the  Onnontagu  ch'ef  took 
up  the  word. 


42 


niSTOKY   OF   JJL'FFALO. 


Listen,  Ondessonk,  said  ].e  to  ino,  iive  entire  nations 
speak  to  thee  througli  my  mouth.  My  breast  contains 
the  sentiments  of  the  Iroquois  nations,  and  my  ton-^ue 
responds  faithfully  to  my  breast.  TJiou  wilt  tell  Onnon- 
tio  lour  thmgs,  the  sum  of  all  our  councils. 

"  First,  we  are  willing  to  acknowledge  Ilim  of  whom 
thou  hast  spoken,  who  is  the  nuister  of  our  lives,  who  is 
unknown  tons. 

"Second,  our  council  tree  is  planted  this  day  at  Onon- 
tagu-meaning  that  that,  would  be  henceforth  the  place 
tlie».  meetings,  and  of  their  negotiations  for  peace. 
•  Iha-d,  we  conjure  you  to  select   on   the  banks  of  our 
great  lake  an  advantageous  site  for  a  French  settlement- 
lix  yourselt    in  the  heart  of  the  country,  since  you  ought 
to  possess  our  hearts.     There  we  shall  go  for  instruction, 
and  from  that  point,  you  will  be  able  to  spread  yourself 
abroad  m  ovovy  direction.    ]3e  unto  us  careful  as  fathers 
and  we  m-iII  be  unto  you,  submissive  as  children. 

"  Fourth,  we  arc  engaged  in  new  wars.  Onnontio  en- 
couraged us.  ^Ve  shall  entertain  no  other  thought  to- 
wards him  than  those  of  peace." 

The  foregoing  extract  is  valuable  in  several   respects 
It  furnishes  us  with  a  favorable  specimen  of  the  Iroquois 
manner  of  conducting  their  public  councils,  in  their  prim- 
itive state,  and  of  their  internal  policy  and  statesmanship, 
and  powers  of  oratory,  uninfluenced  by   their  association 
with  Europeans,  or  modern  civilization.     It  also  enables 
ns  to  fix,  with  a  good  degree  ofaccuracv,  not  only  the  sub- 
stantial truth,  of  the   tradition  already  related,  but  the 
date,  of  the  final  overthrow  of  the  Eries,  as  therein  stated 
at  about  1655. 

i  am  not  aware  of  any  record  of  the  visit  6f  any  Euro- 


ii 


SKJ«KCA    TOWNS. 


43 


pean  to  the  country  of  the  Senecas  at  as  early  a  period 
as  this,  and  it  is  not  likely  their  most  western  villages  ex- 
tended at  tliis  time,  much  beyond  the  lake  whicli  bears 
their  name.  It  is  said  the  name  Iroquois  signifies  "  long 
house."  The  confederate  tribes  or  the  territory  occu- 
pied by  them  was  so  denominated  by  themselves.  The  Mo- 
hawks were  charged  to  keep  the  eastern  door,  towards  the 
sun's  rising,  and  the  Scnecas  the  western,  or  towards  the 
Sim's  setting.  And  it  is  to  be  observed,  that  during  all 
the  vicissitudes  to  which  they  have  been  exposed,  and  the 
changes  through  which  they  have  passed,  these  tribes 
have  virtually  occupied  tlie  sanio  relative  position.  In 
general,  their  conquests  have  l>eeii  pushed  from  the  east, 
towards  the  west.  The  location  of  the  Scnecas,  is  thus 
briefly  alluded  to  in  the  French  relations  under  date  of 
16G4-5 : 

"Towards  the  termination  of  the  great  lake  called  On- 
tario is  located  the  most  numerous  of  the  five  Iroquois 
nations,  named  the  Senecas,  which  contains  full  twelve 
hundred  men  in  two  or  three  villages,  of  which  it  is  com- 
posed." This  is  undoubtedly  a  very  imperfect  piece  of 
information  but  we  have  in  the  journal  of  Greenhalffh-— 
probably  a  dutch  Indian  trader — a  more  accurate  descrip- 
tion of  the  principal  villages  of  the  Seuecas,  which  he 
visited  in  1GG7.  He  says:  "The  Scneques  have  four 
towns  viz:  Canagora,  Tiotohatton,  Canocnachi  and  Kent- 
he.  Canagora  and  Tiotohatton  lye  within  thirty  miles  of 
ye  lake  Frontenac  and  ye  other  two  lye  about  four  or  five 
miles  a  peace,  to  ye  southward  of  those. 

"They  have  abundance  of  corne,  none  of  their  towns 
are  stockaded.  Canagora  lyes  on  the  top  of  a  great  hill, 
and  in  that,  as  well  as  the  bigncsse,  much  like  Onon.da- 


u 


HISTORY   OF   UUFFALO. 


go  contajning  one  Jiundred  and  fifty  houses,  nortlnvest- 
waul  of  Caiongo  (Cayuga,)  seventy-two  miles. 

liotoLatton,  lyes   on   the   brinck  or  edge  of  a  liill, 
has  not  much  cleaved  ground,  is  near  the  river  Tiotohat- 

ZZf'  rr  "  '""'"^■-    ''  ''''  ^^'-^--d  -f  Cana- 
go  a  about  tlnrty  n.iles,  containing  about  one  hundred 

and  thirty  houses,  being  ye  largest  of  all  ye  houses  wee 

aw  ye  ordinary,  being  fifty  and  sixty  foot  long,  with 

elve  or  thirteen  fires  in  one  house.     They  hav';  good 

tlwr^'T^^-^^r'^-^^r'''^^^^^ 

"  Canocnada  lyes  about  four  mile,  to  ye  southwest  of 
Canagura  contains   about  thirty  houses  well   furnished 
with  corne.     Kent-he  lyes  aboutt  four  or  five  miles  to  ye 
outhward  of   Tiotohatton    contains   about    twenty-four 
liouses  well    furm-slied    with   corne.     The  Seneques  are 
counted  to  be  in  all,  about  one  thousand  fighting  men  " 
The  extirpation  of  the  Erie  or  Cat  Nation,  upon  the 
south  shore  of  lake  Erie  having  been  accon.plished,  the 
benecas  who  guarded  the  western  door  of  the    "  lone, 
house,    pushed  their  enterprises  farther  west,  subduing 
or  dnvmg  before  them  all  who  opposed  their  progress! 
m  one  of  their  incursions  into  the  country  of  the  Illinois 
a  war  party  of  the  Senecas,  captured,  and  pillaged,  seven 
canoes,  loaded  witii  merchandise,  belonging  to  the  French; 
and  actually  attacked  fortSt.  Louis,erected  by  Mons.  La 
Sa  le  on  the  Illinois  river,  designing  to  capture  it  also, 
but  were  defeated  in  their  purpose,  by  the  vigorous  de- 
fense 01  the  Chevalier  De  Bangy. 

The  cai)ture  and  pillage  of'^these  canoes,  was  made  a 
subject  of  complaint  by  the  French  government  in  Cana- 
da,.and  a  purpose  was  formed  to  punish  the  Senecas,  by 


l^ 


LA   UAREe's   expedition.  45 

a  military  expedition,  into  their  country.  Witli  this  view 
an  effort  was  made  to  ne^^ociate  a  permanent  peace  with 
the  lour  eastern  nations,  of  the  confederacy,  and  induce 
them  to  remain  neutral,  while  the  French  visited  deserved 
retribution  upon  the  Senecas. 

Preimratious   were  made,   and   an   expedition  under 
Mons.  De  La  Barre  was  sent  into  the  territory  of  the  Iro 
ciuois  in  1684,  landing  upon  the  shores  of  Lake  Ontario 
near  Onondaga.     But  partly  from  sickness,  and  partly 
Irom  want  of  energy,  and  perseverance,  on  the  part  of  the 
commander,  it  returned  to  Quebec,  after  negociating  a 
treaty  of  peace  with  the  Onondagas,  containing  promises 
of  satisfaction  lor  the  robbery  committed  by  the  Senecas 
Ihe  tailure  of  the  expedition  of  Mons.  La  Barre  occa- 
sioned dissatisl-iction  with  the  French,  and  in  1G85  the 
Marquis  De  Nonvillo  was  appointed  to  succeed  him  in 
the  government  of  Canada.     A  new  expedition  into  the 
Seneca's  country,  was  determined  upon,  under  his  com- 
mand, but  was  not  fully  organized  until  July  1087 

DeNonville's  official  report  of  his  expedition  has  been 
tenslated  by  0.  IL  Marshall,, Esq.,  and  published  by  the 
JNew  lork  Historical  Society,  and  in  the  Colonial  Docu- 
ments. According  to  this  report  the  French  are  repre- 
sented as  victorious,  but  according  to  the  accounts  of 
other  and  less  interested  parties,  the  French  were  nearly 
defeated,  in  a  battle  which  was  fought  very  near  the  spot 
where  therailroad  from  Rochester  to  Canandaigua  crosses 
the  turnpike  road  leading  from  the  village  of  Victor 
south,  to  what  is  known  as  "  Boughton  Hill,"  in  the  town 
ot  Victor,  Ontario  county. 

The  French  landed  at  the  mouth  of  the  Irondequoit 
i>ay  on  Lake  Ontario,  where  they  stockaded  their  boats. 


W' 


46 


HISTORY   OF   iJUFFAI.O. 


I   ■■, 


and  marched  across  the  country,  whicli  was  mostly  what 
is  called  "  oak   openings."    The  largest  village  of  the 
Senecas  at  that  time,  was  ui)on  IJoughton  Hill,  less  than 
a  mile  south  of  the  railroad  crossing  spoken  of.    The 
Seneca  warriors  al)out  four  or  five  hundred  strong,  having 
notice  of  the  approach  of  the  French  through  their  spies 
sent  out,  formed  an  ambuscade  in  a  thick  cedar  swamp 
upon  a  small  stream  running  through  a  valley  between 
high  hills.    The  French  were  entirely  unaware  of  the 
presence  of  the  enemy,  until  they  rushed  out  of  their  con- 
cealment with  tremendous  yells.    About  two  hundred  of 
the  Senecas  were  armed  with  guns,  and  all,  with  toma- 
hawks and  scalping  knives.    The  two  hundred  guns,  were 
fired  at  the  first  onset;  without  waiting  to  reload,  the 
whole  body  rushed  upon  the  French,  with  their  accus- 
tomed ferocity,  and  liad  it  not  been  for  the  Indian  allies, 
who  accompanied  the  French,  their  destruction   would 
have  been  inevitable. 

The  brief  check  given  to  the  fierce  onslaught  of  the 
Senecas,  by  that  portion  of  the  French  force  accustomed 
to  this  mode  of  warfare,  enabled  them  to  recover  from 
what  M'ould  otherwise  have  been  a  total  rout.  As  it  was, 
they  were  content  to  encamp  for  the  night  upon  the  field, 
and  when  the  next  day  they  advanced  upon  the  town, 
they  found  it  deserted  and  destroyed. 

The  account  given  of  this  battle  by  some  of  the  Indians 
to  the  English  Governor  at  Albany,  differs  somewhat 
from  the  report  of  Mons.  Do  Nonville.  It  is  as  follows  : 
"  When  they  (the  French,)  came  in  sight  of  the  Senecas, 
the  French  not  seeing  them,  sat  down  to  rest  themselves, 
and  their  Indians  likewise  ;  the  Senecas  seeing  this, 
•advanced  upon  the  left  wing,  being  Indians,  the  French 


M 


I)B  nonville's  kxpkdition. 


47 


seeing  tlierti  stood  to  thoir  arms,  and  gave  the  iirst  voJloy, 
and  then  tlio  Indians  tiiat  were  on  tlio  loft  wing.  Where- 
upon the  Senocas  answered  them  with  anutlier  which 
occasioned  so  much  smoke,  that  they  couhl  scarce' see  one 
anotlier,  wherefore  they  immediately  ran  in,  and  came  to 
hardy  blows,  and  put  the  left  wing  to  flight.  Some  went 
quite  away,  and  some  Hed  to  the  rear  of  the  French  • 
when  that  wing  was.  broke,  they  (the  Senecas,)  diar-ed', 
and  fired  upon  the  French,  and  other  Indians.  The 
French  retired  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  paces  and 
stood  still.  ' 

"The  Senecas  continued  the  fight,  with  their  hatchets 
but  perceiving  at  last  that  the  French  were  too  numer- 
ous, and  would  not  give  ground,  some  of  the  Senecas 
began  to  retreat,  whereui^n,  the  French  Indians  cried 
out  'the  Senecas  run,'    and  the  rest  hearing  that,  fol- 
lowed the  iirst  party  that  gave  way,  and  so  got  off  from 
another,  and  in  their  retreat,  were  followed  al)out  half  an 
English  mile  ;  and  if  the  enemy  had  followed  them  fur- 
ther,  the  Senecas  would  have  lo^t  abundance  of  people 
because  they  carried  off  their  wounded  men,  and  were 
resolved  to  stick  to  them,  and  not  leave  them.     The  young 
Indian  that  was  in  the  engagement,  relates,  that  after  ft 
wns  over,  when  the  Senecas  had  got  upoTi  a  hill,  they 
saw  a  party  of  fresh  French,  come  up,  the  French  called 
to  then,   to   stand   and   fight,  but  the  Senecas  replied, 
'come  out  four  hundred  to  our  four  hundred,  and  we 
have  but  one  hundred  men,  and  three  hundred  boys,  and 
we  wdl  fight  you  hand  to  fist.'      The  said  boy  beino- 
asked,  rf  he  saw  any  of  the  French  with  anv  gorges  about 
their  necks,  it  was  too  hot,  they  were  too  numerous. 
"There  were  amongst  the  four  hundred  and  fifty  Sen- 


48 


in8'IX)Ry    OF    UUFFALO. 


bi  f 


ecas,  Hvo  women,  who  engaged  (fought)  as  well  as  the 
men,  and  were  resolved  not  to  leave  their  husban  'g.  1-.: 
to  live,  or  die,  with  them."  Another  acconnt  says: 
*'Tho  French  all  acknowledge  the  Senecas  fonght  very 
well,  and  if  their  nnnd)er  had  been  greater,  it  would  have 
gone  hard  with  the  French,  for  the  new  men  were  not 
used  to  the  Seneca's  whoop,  and  hollow,  all  the  officers 
tailing  down,  close  upon  the  ground,  for  they  jeered  one 
another  about  it  at  IVIont  Royall." 

Another  account  of  this  battle  says :  (See  Colden's 
History  of  the  Five  Nations,  i)ago  80,  vol.  1.)  "  The  army 
marched  four  leagues  the  firet  day  (after  leaving  Ironde- 
quoit  landing,)  Avithout  discovering  anything.    The  next 
day  the  scouts  advanced  before  the  army,  as  far  as  the 
corn,  of  the  villages,  without  seeing  anybody,  though 
they  passed  within  pistol  shot  of  five  hundred  Senecas, 
that  lay  on  their  bellies  and  let  them  pass,  and  repass, 
without   disturbing  them.     On  the   report  which  they 
made,  the  French  hastened  their  march,  in  hopes  to  over- 
take the  women,  children,  and  old  men,  for  they  no  longer 
doubted  of  all  being  fled.     But  as  soon  as  the  French 
reached  the  foot  of  the  hill,  about  a  (juarter  of  a  league 
from  the  village,  the  Senecas  suddenly  raised  the  war 
shout,  with  a  discharge  of  their  fire  arms.     This  i)ut  the 
regular  troops,  as  well  as  the  militia,  into  such  a  fright,  as 
they  .marched  through  the  woods  that -the  battallions  im- 
mediately divided  and  run  to  the  right,  and  left,  and  in 
their  confusion,  fired  ujjon  one  another.    When  the  Sen- 
ecas perceived  their  disorder,  they  fell  in  among  them 
pell-mell,  till  the  French  Indians,  more  used  to  such  way 
of  fighting,  gathered  together,  and  repulsed  the  Senecas. 
"  There  were  (according  to  the  French  accounts,)  ahun- 


VIU.AIJK    DKSTUOYKI)    AT   noiroilToN    |,n.L. 


40 


(Ired  Frenclmieii,  ton  French  Indians,  and  abont  four 
score  Senccas  killod,  in  tlio  encounter.  Monn.  Da  Non- 
villo  was  60  diapirited  with  tho  fright  timt  his  men  liad 
been  put  to,  that  his  rndiuns  could  not  i)erauado  him  to 
l)ur6ue.  Ifo  lialted  tlio  ronuiinder  of  tlio  day.  'I'he  next 
day  ho  marched  on  with  a  design  to  burn  tho  vilhigo, 
but  wlion  ho  camo  there,  ho  found  the  Senecas  had  saved 
hini  tho  trouble,  for  they  ha<l  laid  all  in  ashes  before  they 
retired.  Two  old  men  only  wore  found  in  tho  castle  who 
were  cut  into  pieces,  and  boiled,  to  mako  soup  for  their 
savage  allies." 

Gov.  Dongan  b\  speaking  of  the  Iroquois  savs  under 
•late  of  Sept.  S,  1(J87:    "Those  Five  Nations  are  Acrv 
brave,  and  tho  awe,  and  dread,  of  all  tiie  Indians  in  those 
parts  of  America,  and  are  a  better  defense  to  us  than  if 
they  were  so  many  christians."    The  expedi^on  of  Mons. 
Do  Nonvillo  contented  itself,  with  visiting   tliree  other 
Seneca  villages,  in  the  viciiuty,  tho  farthest  being  onlv 
four  leagues  (twelve  miles,)  distant.     They  found  them 
all  like  tho  first,  deserted   and  burned.     Ii/tho  neighbor- 
hood of  all  these  villages,  they  found  quite  extensive^fields 
of  corn,  not  yet  ready  for  the  harvest.    This  they  de- 
stroyed.   They  also  found  old  corn  of  the  last  year'  pre- 
served  after  the   Indian   mode   in  "cache,"  (hid  in  the 
ground,)  which  they  also  destroyed.     The  population  of 
these  four  villages  Do  Nonvillo  estimates,  at  from  four- 
teen to  fifteen  thousand,  i)robably  an  exaggeration. 

It  is  not  probable  that  the  Senecas  ever  returned~to  re- 
side at  Boughton  Hill,  if  indeed  at  any  of  the  villages 
destroyed  by  De  Nonvillo's  expedition,  and  tho  fact^of 
their  residence  there,  had  entirely  passed  from  the  mem- 
ory or  knowledge  of  men.     Tho  first  settlers  in  1785  and 


;-r-Tr 


60 


HISTOKV   OK    ni-FFALC». 


for  forty  years  aftervvards,  altliough  at  overv  annual  turn- 
ing up  of  tl,e  soil  by  the  plough,  found  greal  quantities  of 
Indian  tnnkets,with  an  occasional  relic  of  civilization 
like  the  part  of  a  gun-lock,  and  an  occasional  French 
metal  button,  or  a  copper  coin  ;  no  knowledge  by  whom 
or  at  what  period,  these  evidences  of  a  former  occupation 
were  left,  until  in  1847,  Mr.  Marshall  with  De  Nonville's 
own  report  in  his  hand,  aided  by  a  map,  traced  by  the 
hand  ot  an  aged  chief  of  the  Six  Nations,  then  lil^-no- 
went  upon  the  spot,  and  with  the  assistance  of  intelligeS 
gentlemen  living  in  the  vicinity,  identified  the  location  of 
every  principal  olyect,  minutely  described  in  that  report 
and  brought  to  light  facts,  which  had  faded  from  memc- 
ry,  or  been  obscured  in  darkness  for  a  century.     As  no 
mention  is  made  of  Kanesadaga,  which  was  for  a  ]on<. 
penod  the  principal  residence  of  the  Senecas  near  the 
foot  of  Seneca  lake,  it  is  probable  that  before  the  time  of 
De:Nonville-s  expedition,  it  was  not  pennanently  occu- 
pied by  them,  but  they  n.ay,  after  that  event,  have  chosen 
1    as  their  chief  town,  and  remained  there  up  to  the  time 
of  Sulhvan's  expedition  in  1779-which  will  be  consid- 
ered in  the  chronological  order  of  events. 


CHAPTER   y. 


We  must  now  leave  the  Senecas  for  the   purpose   of 
bringing  up  the  history  of  other  contemporaneous  events 
relating  to  this  particular  locality.  In  the  fall  of  1679,  M. 
De  La  Salle  with  a  party  of  about  thirty  persons  'left 
Quebec,  for  Mackinaw  by  way  of  the  lake.  The  party  ar- 
rived in  the  Niagara  river  late  in  November.  They  sailed 
up  as  far  as  the  current  would  permit,  made   last   their 
small  craft  to  the  shore,  and  landed.      None  of  the  party 
had  ever  visited   the  spot  before.     They  had  heard  the 
most  extravagant  accounts  from  the  nativ.es  of  the  Falls  of 
the  "  Oneagara"  (Nuigara.)    But  so  imperfect  was  their 
knowledge  of  the  Indian  language,  that  they  had   formed 
very  imperfect  ideas  of  their  magnitude,  a3\vell  as  many 
other  things,  concerning  them,    related  by   the  Indians  ; 
and  it  is  not  surprising   that  in    attempting   to   describe' 
what  no  one  had  ever  attempted  to  do  before   in  writincr' 
that  gross  errors  should  have  crept  into   the   description! 
When  however,  proper  allowances  are  made,  for  this  first 
attempt  at  a  description  of  the  Falls  of  Niagara,  made  un- 
der peculiar  circumstances,  in  the  middle  of  winter,  with 
no  means  at  hand  of  verifying  any  statements,  by  actual 
measurements,  it  will  be  admitted  the  description  is  graph- 
ic, and  conveys  to  the  mind  a  truer,  and  juster,    idea   of 


HISTORY    OF   BUFFALO. 


their  real  iniignitude  and  grandeur,  tlian  can  bo  obtained 
from  many,  more  niodern  descriptions,  written  under  tlio 
most  favorable  circumstances.  It  is  to  be  observed,  tliat 
the  description  which  we  copy,  was  originally  written  in 
French,  and  translated  into  the  old  (|uaint  "English,  of 
nearly  two  hundred  years  ago.  The  translation  was  pub- 
lished in  London  in  1098. 

"Betwixt  the  Lake  Ontario  and  Eric  there  is  vast  and 
prodigious  cadence  of  water,  whicli  falls  down  after  a 
surprising  and  astonishing  manner,  insomuch  that  the 
universe  does   not  afford  its  ])arallel. 

'•  It  is  true,  Italy  and  Swedeland,  boast  of  some   such 
things,  but  M-e  may  well  say,  they  are  but  sorry  i)atterns. 
when  compared  to  this,  of  which  we  now  speak. 
^  "At  the  foot  of  this  horrible  precipice,  we  meet  with  the 
river  Niagara,  which  is  not  above  half  a   (piarter  of  a 
league  broad,  but  is  wonderfully   deep  in  some  places; 
It  is  so  ra]>id  above  the  descent,  tliat  it  violently  hurries 
down  the  wild  beasts,  while  endeavoring  to  pass  it,  to  feed 
on  the  other  side,  they  not  being  able  to  withstand  the 
force  of  its  current,  which  inevitably   casts  them   down 
headlong  above  six  hundred  foot.- 

^' This  wonderful  downtall  is  composed  of  two  great 
cross  streams  of  water,  and  two  falls,  with  an  Isle  sloping 
along  the  middle  of  it.  The  waters  which  foil  from  this 
vast  height  do  foam,  and  boil,  after  the  most  hideous  man- 
ner imaginable,  making  an  outrageous  noise,  more  terri- 
ble than  that  of  thunder,  for  when  the  wind  blows  from 
the  south,  their  dismal  roaring  may  be  heard  above  fifteen 
leauges  off. 

•Probi.l.ly  in.-aniii-  the  full  aiul  r.pi.ls  U,\\x  above  and  holow. 


r 1 


LA  SALLe's    EXPEDITIOX.  53 

"  The  i-ivor  magiiva  luivino-  thrown  itself  down  tliis  in- 
credible precipice,  continues  its  impetuous  course,  for  two 
leagues  together,  to  the  great  rock,  above  mentioned,  with 
an  inexpressible  rapidity,  but  having  passed  that, 
Its  impetuosity  relents,  gliding  along  more  gently,  for  two 
leagues,  till  it  arrives  at  the  lake  Ontario,  or  Frontenac- 
any  barque  or  vessel  may  pass  from  the  fort,  to  the  foot 
ot  the  large  rock,  above  mentioned. 

'•  This  rock,  lies  to  the  westward,  and  is  cut  off  from  the 
land  by  the  river    Niagara,   about  two  leagues   further 
down  than  the  great  fall,  for  which  two  leagues,  the  people 
are  obliged  to  carry  their  goods  overland  ;  but   the   way 
IS  very  good,  and  the  trees  are  but  few,  and  they   chieHy 
tirrs,  and  oaks.   From  the  great  fall  unto  this  rock,  which 
IS  to  the  west  of  the  river,    (on   the   west  side,)   the  two 
brinks  of  It,  are  so  prodigious  high,  that  it  would  make 
one.tremble,  to  look  steadily  upon  the  water,  rolling  aloncr 
with  a  rapidity  not  to  be  imagined.     Were  it  not  for  thit 
vast  cataract,  which   interrupts  navigation,   they   might 
sail  with  barc|ue,  or  greater  vessels,  above  four  hundred 
and  fifty  leagues  further,  cross  the  lake  of  Huron,  and  up 
to  the  further  end  of  the  lake  Illinois,  (Michigan)  which 
two  lakes,  wo  may  well  say,  are  two  little   seas  of  fresli 
water.''' 

The  following  is  Father  Hennepin's  description  of  a 
voyage  across  lake  Ontario,  to  the  Niagara  river  in  1G78: 

"The  very  same  year,  on  the  ISUi  of  November,!  took 
leave  of  our  monks  at  Fort  Frontenac,  rtnd  after  mutual 
embraces,  and  exi)ression3  of  I)rotherly  and  christian 
charity,  I  embarked  in  a  brigantine  of  about  ten  tons. 
The  winds  and  the  cold  of  autumn  were  then  very  violent, 
■insomuch  that  our  crew  were  afraid  to  go,  in   so   little   1 


54 


IIISTOEY    OF   J5UFKAL0. 


vessel.  Tliis  obliged  us,  and  the  Seui-  De  La  Motte,  our 
commander,  to  keep  our  course  on  the  north  side  of  the 
lake,to  shelter  ourselves  under  the  coast,  against  the  north 
west  wind,  which  would  have  otherwise,  forced  us  upon 
the  southern  coast  of  the  lake.  This  voyage  proved  very 
difficult,  and  dangerous,  becai;so  of  the  unseasonable  time 
of  the  year,  winter  being  near  at  hand. 

"On  the  2Gth  we  Avere  in  great  danpjer,  about  two  large 
leagues  oft' the  land,  where  we  were  obliged  to  lie  at  an- 
chor, all  that  night,  at  sixty  fathoms  of  water,  and  above, 
but  at  length  the  wind  coming  at  the  north  east,  we  sailed 
on,  and  arrived  safely  at  the  other  end  of  the  lake  Onta- 
rio, called  by  the  Iroquois,  Skannandario. 

'*We  came  pretty  nearone  of  their  villages,  called  Taja- 
jagon,  lying  about  seventy  leagues  from  Fort  Frontenac, 
or  Catarokouy,  (Kingston.) 

'■'We  bartered  some  Indian  corn  with  the  Iroquois,  who 
could  not  sufilciently  admire  us,  and  came   frequently  to 
see  us,  in  our  brigantine,  which  for  our  greater  security, 
wo  had  brought  to  an  ...ichor  into  a  river,  though  before 
we  could  get  in,  we   ran   aground  three  times,   which 
obliged  us  to  put  fourteen  men  into  canoes,  and   cast  the 
ballast  of  our  ship  overboard,  to  get  her  off  again.    That 
river  falls  into  the  lake,  but  for  fear  of  being  frozen  up 
therein,  we  were  forced  to  cut   the  ice,   with  axes,  and 
other  instruments.     The  wind  turning  then  contrary,  we 
were  obliged  to  tarry  there,  till  the  r)th  of  December,  1078, 
when  we  sailed  from  the  northern,  to  the  southern  side, 
where  the  river  Niagara  runs  into  the  lake,  but  could  not 
re.ach  it  that  d.ny,  though  it  is  but  fifteen  or  sixteen  leagues 
distant,  .and  therefore  cast  anchor  within  five  lea^-ues   of 
the  shore,  where   we  had  very  bad  weather  all  the  night 


FIRST    VESSKL  IN  NIAGARA  RIVKR.  55 

long._  On  the  Gth  being  St.  Nicholas  day,  we  got  into  the 
tine  nver  Niagara,  into  ^v■hich  never  any  such  sliip  as  ours 
entered  before. 

"  We  sang  there  the  Te-Deum,  and  otlicr  prayers,  to 
retnrn  our  thanks  to  God  Almiglity,  for  onr  prosperous 
voyage.  The  Iroquois  Tsonnontouans  (Senecas)  inliabiting 
the  little  village,  situated  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  took 
above  three  hundred  svhitings,  (wliite  fish)  whicli  are 
bigger  than  carps,  and  tlie  best  relished,  as  well  as  the 
wholsomest  fish  in  the  world;  which  they  presented  all 
to  us,  imputing  their  good  luck,  to  our  arrival. 

••  They  were  much  surprised  at  our  ship,    which  they 
called  the  great  wooden  canoe. 

_  "  On  the  rth  we  went  in  a  canoe,  two  leagues  up  the 
nver,  to  ook  for  a  convenient  place  for  building,  but  not 
being  able  to  get  the  canoe  further  up,  because  the  cur- 
rent was  too  rapid  for  us  to  master,  we  went  over-land 
about  three  leagues  higher,  thongh  we  found  no  land  lit 
lor  culture. 

^  "  We  lay  that  night  near  a  river  that  runs  from  the 
M-estward,  (Chippewa)  within  a  league  above  the  fall  of 
the  Niagara,  which  as  we  have  already  said  is  the  great- 
est in  the  world. 

''The  snow  was  then  a  foot  deep,  and  we  were  obliged 
to  dig  It  up  to  make  room  for  our  fire.  The  next  day,  we 
returned  the  same  way  we  went,  and  saw  great  numbers 
of  wdd  goats,  (deer)  and  turkey  cocks,  (wild  turkeys)  and 
on  the  nth  we  said  the  first  mass,  that  was  ever  said  in 
that  country.  The  carj^enters  and  the  rest  of  the  crew 
were  set  to  woi-k,  but  Monseur  De  La  Motte  who  had  the 
direction  of  them,  being  not  able  to  endure  the  fatigues 
of  so  laborious  a  life,  gave  over  his  desii^n   and  returned 


'flfi 


66 


IIISTOKY   OF   liLFFALO. 


to  Caiuida,  having  about  two  liimdred  leagues  to  travel. 
"  The  12th,  13th  and  14th  the  wind  was  not  favorable 
enough  to  sail  up  the  river,  as  far  as  the  rapid  current 
above  mentioned,  where  we  had  resolved  to  build  some 
houses. 

"  Whosoever  considers  our  map,  will  easily  see  that 
this  new  enterprise  of  building  a  fort,  an.l  some  houses 
on  the  river  Niagara,  besides  the  fort  of  Froutenac  (Kings- 
ton) was  like  to  give  .Jealousy  to  the  Iroquois,  and  even  to 
the  English,  who  live  in  this  neighborhood  (at  Albany) 
and  have  a  great  commerce  with  them, 

"  Therefore,  to  i)revent  the  ill  consequences  of  it,  it 
was  tiujughtht  to  send  an  Embassic  to  the  Iroquois,  as  it 
will  be  mentioned  in  the  next  chapter.  The  15th  I  was 
desired  V,:  -it  at  the  helm  of  our  brigantine,  while  three  of 
our  men  hauled  the  same  from  the  shore  with  arop,e  and 
at  last  we  brought  her  up,  and  moored  her  to  the  shore 
with  a  hawser  near  a  rock  of  prodigious  height,  lying  up- 
on the  rapid  currents  we  have  already  mentioned. 

'■•The  17th,  18th  and    VJth  we   were   busy  making  a 
cabin,  with  palisadoes  to  serve  for  a  magazine  ;  but  the  '' 
ground  was  so  frozen,  that  wo  were  forced  several  times, 
to  throw  boiling  water  uj.on  it,  to  facilitate   the   beating 
in,  aiul  driving  down,  the  stakes. 

"The  20th,  21st,  22d  and  23d,  our  ship  was  in  great  dan- 
ger to  be  dashed  to  pieces,  by  the  vast  pieces  of  ice,  that 
were  hm-led  down  the  river,  to  prevent  which,  our  car- 
penter made  a  capstane,  to  haul  her  ashore,  but  our  great 
cable  broke  in  three  pieces,  whereupon  one  of  the  carpen- 
ters surrounded  the  vessel  with  a  cable,  and  tied  it  to  sev- 
eral ro])es,  whereby  we  got  her  ashore,  though  with  much 
difficulty,  and  saved  her  from  the  danger  of  being  broke 


■M 


LA  SALLE's  AKKIVAL  AT  NIAOAKA. 


57 


to  pieces,  or  carried  away  by  the  ico,  which  came  down 
with  an  extreme  violence,  from  the  great  tall  of  Niagara." 
After  giving  a  detailed  account  of  the  embassy  to  the 
principal  village  of  the  Irorpiois  Tsonnontouaiis(Senecas) 
which  was  situated  at  about  thirty  leagues  in  a  south 
easterly  direction,  and  is  at  the  same  place,  where  De 
Nonville  found  them  in  16S7,  nine  years  after,  Father 
Hennepin  proceeds  to  give  an  acconnt  of  the  building  of 
tiie  first  vessel  that  ever  floated  on  lake  Erie. 

''On  the  Uth  of  January,  1079,  we  arrived  at  our  habi- 
tation of  Niagara  very  weary  of  the  fatigue  of  our  voyage, 
(to  the  Seneca  village.)  We  had  no  otiier  food  bu"t  In- 
dian corn,  bnt  by  good  luck  for  us,  the  fishery  of  the 
whitings,  I  Jiave  already  spoken  of,  was  then  in  season, 
and  made  onr  Indian  corn  more  relishing.  We  made  use 
of  the  water  in  which  thefisli  was  boiled,  instead  of  broth 
of  meat,  for  when  it  gi'ows  C(..ld  in  the  pot,  it  congeals  it- 
self like  some  real  broth. 

^  ''  On  the  20th,  arrived  Mons.  De  La  Salle,  from  Fort 
Frontenac,  from  wliich  he  was  sent  with  a  great  barque 
to  supply  us  with  provisions,  rigging,  and  tackling  for 
the  ship,  we  designed  to  build  at  the  mouth  of  the  lake 
Erie.  But  that  barque,  had  been  cast  away  on  the  south- 
ern coast  of  lake  Ontario,  by  the  fault  of  two  pilots,  who 
could  not  agree  about  the  course  they  were  to  steer,  though 
they  were  then  only  within  two  leagues  of  Niagara.  The 
seamen,  liave  called  this  place  the  mad  cape. 

"  The  anchors  and  cables  were  saved,  but  several  ca- 
noes made  of  barks  of  trees,  loaded  with  goods,  and  com- 
modities, were  lost.  These  disappointments  were  such, 
as  would  have  dissuaded  from  any  further  enterprise,  all 
other  persons,  but  such  who  had  formed  the  generous 
<Iesign  of  making  new  discovery  in  the  countrv. 


58 


HISTORY  OF  BUFFALO. 


^;  ""  ^"  «•''!«  '"I'i  "s  ll.at  bolbre  1,0  lost  the  baiv|ne 
ho  had  I,„en  w.th  ,!,„  I,.„,,„i,  Tso„„„„to„„„s,  „,„1  J„aU  so 
fct.r„„dy  Kainclthch-ntibctionthatthoj.  ha,l  ,„1M 
to  h,„,  ot  a„  o,„bassy  witl,  appl„„„„,  and  ha.l  ^ivo,,  i,i,n 
tbo,r  consent  to  the  execntfon  of  on,-  ,„„Jer,alJ„„.  This 
good  ,„tell,ge„ce,  lasted  l.nt  a  little  while,  to,-  ee,;,i„  per. 
ons  wo  ,,„.de  it  their  bnsiness  to  cross  our  desi,,,,'     . 

T         ,"  ^"T"'"'  '"'^  '"""■>■  ""^I"''^'""^  "l»"t  til  fort, 
vowe,-el„„ld,„g„t  Niagara,   which  was  i„  ...at  f„  1 

™.;d„ess,  and  these  saspieions  ..-ew  so  high,  that  we  were 

ohl,,ed  to  g,ve  over  onr  bnihiing  for  so„^,  ,„e,  conte.t 

0,,  the  32d  ot  the  said  ,„onth,  wo  went  two  leagues 
lor  bn,l<l„,g  ,1,0  ,,,,,,,  ,„  „.„,„^j  (.„_.  ^_^^^.  ^.^_^.^^_^^ 

■  Tins  ,vas  the  „,ost  convenient  place  we  could  in'tch 
upon,  be.ng  „p„„  a  r.ve,-,  which  falls  into  ll,e  st,-  .iH,t 
bohv^en  lake  E,.io  an<l  the  g,.eat  fall  of  Niagara. 

•  11.0  2Ctl,,  the  keel  of  the  si,ip,  and  some  other  pieces 
-.jgread,v,  M.  De  La  Salle  sent  the  tnaster  carpenter^ 
to  dos.re  ,ne  to  d,-i,-e  the  ii,.st  pin,     JJnt  „,v  p,.olessio, 
ohl,g,ng  ,„e,  ,0  decline  that  honor,  he  did  it  hi,!,self,  and 
p.-o,n,scd  ten  lonisd'o,.  to  encou,-agc  the  car,.entc,.  and 
t .   her  the  w„,t    The  winter  not  being  half  so  hald  in 
t  at  conn  ,y  as  ,„  Can.ada,  wo  cnployed  one  of  tl,e  tw„ 
av.ases  ot  the  nation  calle.1  the  AVoolf,  wl,o,„  we  kept 
or  hu„t,„g,  in  building  sou,e  cabins  made  of  the  rind  of 
trees,  and  1  had  one  „,ado  on  purpose  to  ,,erfor,n  Divine 
service  the,-cin  on  Sundays,  and  other  occasions.     M  De 
-La  Salle  havmg  son.o  n,-ge„t  business  of  his  own   ,-e 
tttrned  to  fo.-t  Fr<„„enac,  leaving  for  our  connnandorone 
Tout,,  an  itahan  by  birth,  who  had  been  fo,ccd  to  ,-etire 


% 


LA   SALLe's    KliTLKN   TO   VOIVV   KKOXTKNAC.  59 

into  Fnvuco  attor  tlic  revolution  of  Xiiplcs,  in  which   his 
father  was  coiiQernoiI. 

"I  conducted  M.  Do  La  Salle  as  iar  as  the  lake  Onta- 
rio, at  the  mouth  of  the  river  Niagara,  where  he  ordered 
a  house  to  be  built  fur  tlie  (black)  smith  we  had  promised 
to  the  Iroquois,  l)ut  this  was  oiily  to  amuse  them,  and 
therefore  I  cannot  but  own  that  the  savai^es  are  not  to  be 
bhvmed  for  not  having  believed  every  thing  they  were 
told  by  M.  La  Motte,  in  his  c-nibassy  already  related. 

"He  undertook  his  journey  a  foot,  over  the  snow,  hav- 
ing no  other  provisions  but  a  little  sack  of  Indian  corn 
roasted,  which  failed  iiim  two  days  before  he  came  to  the 
fort,  which  is  above  four  score  leagues  distant  from  the 
place  where  he  left  us.    However,  he  got  in  safelv,  with 
two  men  and  a  dog,  who  dragged  his  baggage  ov-er  the 
ice,  or  frozen  snow.     Wlien  I  returned  to  our  dock,  I  un- 
derstood that  most  of  the  Iroquois  were  gone  to  wage  a 
war  with  a  nation  on  the  other  side  of  the  lake  Erie. ""  In 
the  mean  time,  our  men  continued  with  great  application 
to  build  our  ship,  for  the  Iroquois,  who  were  left  behind 
bemg  but  a  small  number,  were  not  so  insolent  as  before] 
though  they  came  now  and  then,  to  our  dock,  and  ex- 
pressed some  discontent  at  what  wo  were  doing. 

"  One  of  them  in  particular,  feigning  himself  drunk, 
attempted  to  kill  our  smith,  but  was  vigorouslv  repulsed 
by  lum,  with  a  red-hot  iron  bar,  which,  together  with 
the  reprimand  he  received  from  ine,  obliged  him  to  be- 
gone. Some  few  days  after,  a  savage  woman  gave  us 
notice  that  the  Tsonnontouans  had  resolved  to  burn  our 
ship  on  the  dock,  and  had  certainly  done  it,  had  we  not 
been  always  upon  our  guard. 

"  These  frequent  alarms  from  the  natives,  together  with 


60 


IIISTOUV   OF    IlirKFAI.O. 


ho  leurs  wo  were  in,  of  wanting  provisions,  having  lost 
the  great  barque  IVoni  fort  Frontenac,  which  shoukl  have 
i;ehovo(l  us,  and  ,:.  T.„,w.ontouans,at  the  same  time,  re- 
fusing to  g,vc  „s  crthoir  corn  for  money,  were  a  great 
chscouragon.ont  to  our  carpenters,  who.n  on  th.  other 
imn.l,  a  villain  amongst  ns  endeavored  to  He(hioe 

"That  pitiful  fellow,  had  several  times  attenuated   to 
run  away  from  us  into  New  York,  and  would  luive  been 
hkely  to  pervert  our  carpenters,   had   I  not  confirmed 
N.em  m  their  good  resolutions,  by  the  exhortations  I  used 
to  make  every  Holy  day,  after  J^ivine  service,  in  which 
J  represented  to  them,  tl.at  the  gha-v  of  God,  was  con- 
cerned ,n  onr  undertaking,  besides  the  good,  and  advan- 
tage ot  n„r  christian  colonies,  and  therefore  exhorted  them 
to  redoul.le  their  dilHgence,in  order  to  free  ourselves  from 


all  thos 
under. 


L'  '"conveniences,  and  apprehensions,  we  then  kiy 

"The  two  savages  we  had  taken  into  our  service,  were 
all  this  while  Imnting,  and  supplied  us  with  wild  ^^oats, 
and  other  beasts,  for  our  subsistence,  which  encourao-ed 
our  worku.en  to  go  on  with  their  work,  n.ore  briskly  than 
"elore,  insomuch,  that  in  a  short  time,  our  ship  ^vas  in 
readmess  to  be  launched,  which  we  did  after  havin- 
blessed  the  same,  after  the  use  of  the  Roman  Church. 
Wo  made  all  the  iiaste  we  could,  to  get  it  afloat,  thou^d, 
not  altogether  finished,  to  prevent  the  designs  of  the  n"a- 
tives,  who  had  resolved  to  burn  it. 
^' The  ship  was  called  the  Griffin,  alluding  to  the  arms 
ot  Count  Frontenac,  which  have  two  grifKns  for  supj,ort- 
ers,  and  besides,  M.  La  Salle  used  to  say  of  tins  ship, 
while  yet  upon  the  stocks,  that  he  would  make  the  (4rif- 
im  fly  above  the  Kavcn. 


I-AUNCII    OF    TIIIO   l-lHSr   VESSEr,.  (Jj[ 

.    '•  Wo  lire.]  tl.m,  guns,  an.l  s„„g  Te  Demu,  winch  was 
a  tendccl  with  Io.kI  ucchunutionH  of  jo.y,  of  which  those 
.>t  the  Iro,po.8  who  were  present,  were  partuker.s,  ihv  wo 
gave  them  some  brandy  to  drink,  as  well  as  to  onr  n.en 
who  immediately  q,.itte<l  their  cabins  of  rinds  of  trees' 
and  hanged  f  neir  hammocks  under  the  deck  of  tho  ship' 
tliere  to  lie,  with  more  sennrity  than  ashore.     Wo  did  tho 
lice,  insomuch  that  the  very  samo  day,  we  were  all  on 
board,  and  therel>y  out  of  tho  reach  of  the  insults  of  the 
savages. 

"The  Iroquois  being  returned  from  hunting  beavers 
were  m.ghtily  surprised  to  see  our  ship  afloat,  and  called' 
as -Okon     that  is  in  their  language,  'most  penetrating 
wits,    for  they  could  not  apprehend  how,  in  so  short  ^I 
time,  we  had  been  able  to  build  so  great  a  ship,  though 
It  was  but  sixty  tons.    It  might  indeed  have  boon  called 
a   moving  fortress,   for  all   the   savages  inhabiting  the 
banks  o  those  lakes  and  rivers  I  have  mentioned,  for  five 
Inmdred  leagues  together,  were  filled  ,vith  loar,  as  well  as 
admiration,  when  they  saw  it. 

"The  best  designs  are  often  crossod  by  some  unex- 
pected accidents,  which  God  permits  to  happen,  to  try 
men  s  constancy,  as  I  experienced  at  that  time.     One  of 
our  crew  gave  mo  notice,  that  the  Seur  Do  Tonti     our 
commander,  entertained  some  jealousio  towards  m'e,  be- 
cause I  kept  a  journal  of  all  the  considerable  things  that 
were  transacted,  and  that  he,  designed  to  take  the  same 
from  me.      This  advise,  obliged  mo  to  stand  upon  my 
guard,  and  t.   o  all  other  precautions  to  secure  my  obser- 
vations,  aiid  remove  the  jealousio  that  gentleman  had  of 
me.     For  I  Iiad  no  other  design  than  to  keep  our  men  to 
their  duty,  and  to  exercises  of  piety,  and  devotion,  for  pre- 


r 


:dl 


62 


illSToKY  OK  llt'FFALO. 


vontiiinr  disorders,  and  for  tho  i'lirtliernnco  ol'our  common 
iindortukinfj. 

"  111  tho  iiicantiino,our  enoniiex  spread  very  disadvan- 
tagoous  reports  of  us  in  ('aniidu,  where  we  were  repre- 
sented as  imh  and  ineonsiderate  j^ersons,  for  venturing 
upon  80  dangerous  a  voyage,  from  wliich,  in  their  opin- 
ion, none  of  U9  wouhl  ever  return. 

"Tliis,  together  with  tiie  dillicidtiea  wo  lahored  under 
for  transporting  tlie  rigging  of  our  shij),  and  the  otlier  in- 
conveniences, necessarily  attending  a  voyage  through  an 
unknown  country,  hikes,  and  rivers,  where  no  European 
had  travelled  before,  and  the  opposition  from  the  Iro- 
<^luoi8,  wrought  in  me  an  unparalleled  vexation.  ]}ut  these 
reports,  were  more  i.rejudicial  to  M.LaSallo,  whose  cred- 
itors, without  iiKjuiring  into  the  truth  of  the  nuitter,  or 
expecting  iiis  return  from  fort  Frontenac,  seized  all  his 
effects  in  Canada,  tliough  that  very  fort  alone,  tlie  prop- 
erty whereof  belonged  to  him,  was  worth  twice  more  than 
all  lie  owed. 

"However,  it  being  impossible  to  stop  the  mouth  of 
our  enemies,  who  liad  no  other  design  than  to  oblijre  us 
to  give  over  our  enterprise,  notwithstanding  tho  great 
charge  we  liad  been  at  for  our  ])rei)arations,  we  resolved 
to  wait  with  jiatience  the  o])piortunities  Divine  Providence 
would  present  us  with,  and  to  pursue  with  vigor,  and  con- 
stancy our  design. 

"  JJeing  thus  i)re})ared  against  all  discouragements,  I 
went  up  in  a  canoe  with  one  of  our  savages,  to  tlie  mouth 
of  the  lake  Erie,  notwithstanding  the  strong  current, 
which  1  mastered  with  great  difficulty.  I  sounded  the 
mouth  of  the  lake,  and  found,  contrary  to  the  relations 
that  had  been  made  unto  me.  that  a  s-liip  with  a  brisk 


TIIR   OHIFKIN    WAITINO    IN   NIAOAUA    Un  MK.  03 

gale,  mi^rl.t  Bail  up  to  tho  lake,  u.ul  snr.nuunt  tl.e  rupiditv 
of  the  current;  and  that  therefore,  with  a  etrou^.  north  or 
northeast  wind,  wo  might  bring  our  shi,,  into  iak.  Krie 

"I  took  also  a  view  of  the  bank,  of  the  streight,  and 
^^••"'l^thut  u,  case  of  need,  we  n.ight  put  sonie  of  our 
rnen  asl.ore,  to  haul  the  ship,  il'  iho  wind  was  not  stronc, 
onough.  '     ->.-     •:<•        ,>,to,o  we  could  go  on  with  <.ur  in"- 
tcided  d.scovc.ry,  Twas  obliged  to  return  to  fort  Fronte- 
nac,  to  bring  along  with  n.e  two  n.onks,  of  n.y  own  order 
to  help  n.e,  in  the  function  of  ,ny  n.inistry.     1  k-ft  our  ship' 
rHl.ng  upon  two  anchors,  within  a  league  and  a  half  of 
he  lake  Kr_>e-in  the  streight  between  the  said  lake  and 
the  great  Jail  of  Niagara."     The  party  returned  to  the 
ship,  the  bog.nnuig  of  August,  ICu'J,  and  we  resume  our 
quotations  from  the  journal  of  Father  Hennepin. 

"  We   endeavored   several   times  to  sail  up  the  lake 
but  the  wind  being  not  strong  en<.ugh,  we  were  forced  to 
^va.t  lor  It.     In  the  meantime  M.  La  Salle  caused  our 
men  to  grub  up  some  land,  and  sow  several  sorts  of  pot 
herbs  and  pulse,  for  the  convenience  of  those  who  shoidd 
sett  e  themselves  there,  to  maintain  our  correspondence 
with  tort  i  rontenac.     We  found  there  a  great  quantity  of 
Wild  chernes,  and  'rocambol,' a  sort  of  garlic,  which  grow 
naturally  on  that  ground.      We  left  Father  Meliihon 
with  some  workmen  at  our  habitation  above  the  Falls  of 
^  lagara,  and  most  of  our  men,  went  ashore  to  lighten  our 
ship,  the  better  to  sail  up  the  lake. 

"The  wind  veering  to  the  north  east,  and  the  ship  be- 
ing well  provided,  we  nuule  all  thesail  we  could,  and  with 
tiie  help  of  twelve  men  who  hauled  from  the  shore  over- 
came the  rapidity  of  the  current,  and  got  up  into  the  lake. 
Ihe  stream  is  so  violent  that  our  pilot  himself  despaired 
ot  success.  '^ 


i    i1 


'Ql 


|( 


% 


64: 


IIISTOKV   OF   BUFFALO. 


"  Wlieii  it  was  done,  we  sang  Tc-Dcum,  niul  discliarged 
our  cannon  and  other  lire-anns,  in  j)resence  of  a  great 
many  Iroquois,  wlio  came  from  a  \\iirlike  expedition 
against  the  savages  of  Tintomlia,  that  is  to  say  the  nation 
oftlie  meadows,  wlio  live  above  four  hundred  leagues 
from  that  ])lace. 

'"  The  Iroquois  and  their  prisoners,  were  much  surprised 
to  see  us  in  the  lake,  and  djd  not  think  before,  that  we 
should  be  able  to  overcome  the  rapidity  of  the  current. 
They  cried  several  times  'gannoron,'  to  show  their  admi- 
ration. Some  of  the  Iroquois  had  taken  the  measure  of 
our  ship,  and  immediately  went  for  New  York  to  give 
notice  to  the  English  and  Dutch  of  our  sailing  into  the 
lake.  For  those  nations  affording  their  commodities 
clieaj>er  than  the  French,  are  also  more  beloved  by  the 
natives. 

"  On  the  7th  of  August  1679  wc  went  on  board  being 
in  all  four  and  thirty  men  including  two  Recollets  who 
came  to  us,  and  sailed  from  the  mouth  of  the  lake  Erie, 
steering  our  course  west,  soutliwest,  with  a  liivorable 
wind. 

"  And  though  the  enemies  of  our  discovery  had  given 
out  on  purpose  to  deter  us  from  our  enterprise,  that  the 
lake  Erie  was  full  of  rocks  and  sands,  which  rendered  the 
navigation  impracticable,  we  run  above  twenty  leagues 
during  the  night,  though  we  sounded  all  the  while.  The 
next  day  the  wind  being  more  flivorable,  we  made  above 
iive  and  forty  leagues,  keeping  at  an  equal  distance  from 
the  banks  of  the  lake,  and  doubled  a  cape  to  the  west- 
ward, which  we  called,  cape  Francis.  The  next  day,  we 
doubled  two  other  capes,  and  met  with  no  manner  of 
rocks  or  sands."    They  made  the  "  mouth  of  the  streight 


II  i 
f  I  . 


i 


VOYAGE  OF  THE  GKIFFlN. 


65 


which  runs  from  the  hike  Huron  into  tlie  lake  Erie  »  on 
the  morning  of  the  10th,  so  that  tlie  first  trip  tlir'ough 
hake  Erie  was  niade  in  less  than  three  days. 

They  continued  their  voyag-e  through  the  streight  "the 
cim-ent  which  is  very  violent,  but  not  half  so  much  as  that 
of  Niagara,  and  therefore  we  sailed  up  with  a  brisk  gale 
and  got  into  the  streight  betu-een  the  lake  Huron,  and  the' 
lake  St  Clair  ;  this  last  is  very  shallow,  especially   at  its 
mouth."  ■•.•  ^  ^  "We  sailed  up  that  canal,  but  were  forced 
to  drop  our  anchors  near  the  mouth  of  the   lake,   for  the 
extraordinary  quantity  of  waters  which  came  down  from 
the  upper  lake  and  that  of  Illinois,   because  of  a  stron- 
north-west  wind  had  so  much  augmented  the  rapidity  of 
the  current  of  this  streight,  that  it  was  as  violent  as  that 
oi  Js^iagara."     After  some  little  delay  and   trouble   thev 
entered  lake  Huron  the  23d  of  August. 

"  We  sung  Te  Deum    a  second    time  to   return    our 
thanks  to  fhe  Almighty  ibr  our  happv  navigation." 

On  the  24th  they  continuod  tlieir  voyage,  but  shapincv 
the.r  course  N.  N.  east,  they  soon  found  themselves  near 
the  land  and  changed  to  K.  X.  west,  crossed  a  bav  which 
they  estimated  to  be  thirty  leagues  in  width,  and  becom- 
ing becalmed  among  some  Islan.Is  thev  sought  for  o-ood 
anchorage  in  vain.  "  The  wind  turning  then  westerly 
we  boi-p  to  the  north  to  avoid  the  coast  till  the  dav  id' 
pearcd."'  -  -  vj  "    '■^ 

"The  25th  we  lay  becalmed  till  noon  ;  but  then  run 
iiorth-west  with  a  brisk  southerly  gale.  The  wind  turning 
south-west,  we  bore  to  the  north,  to  double  a  cape,  but 
then  the  wind  grew  so  violent  that  we  were  forced  to  lie 
■by  all  night. 

"The  26th  tiie  storm  continuing,  we  brought  down  our 
5 


^V  f«f 

r, ; 

if 

'    [kI 

^ 

i 

if 

1'^ 


;  i,ii 


I'"-' 


t 

*  ■lii 


^j 


G6 


niSTOKY  OF  BUFFALO. 


main  yard  and  topmast,  and  let   the  ship   drive   at  the 
mercy  of  the  wind,  knowing  no  jjlace  to  run  into  to  shel- 
ter ourselves.    M.  La  Salle,  notwithstanding  he   was   a 
courageous  man  began  to  fear,  and  told  us  wo  were  un- 
done, and  therefore  everybody  fell  upon  liis  knees  to  say 
his  prayers  and  prepare  himself  for  death,  except  our  pi- 
lot, whom  wo  could  never  oblige  to  pray,  and  he  did  noth- 
ing all  that  wliilo  but  curse  and  swear  against  M.  La  Salle 
who  as  he  said  had  brought  him  thither  to  make  him  per- 
ish in  a  nasty  lake,  and  lose  the  glory  ]io   had  acquired: 
by  his  long  and  happy  navigations  on  the  ocean." 

The  storm  however  abated,  and  they  were  able  to  re- 
sume their  voyage,  having  sustained  little  or  no  damage, 
and  on  the  2rth  they  arrived  at  Missi:imakinak,  and  an- 
chored in  a  bay,  "  at  six  fathoms  water,  upon  a  slimy 
white  bottom."  This  being  llie  ultimate  destmation  of 
the  ship,  we  shall  follow  the  journal  of  the  Father  no 
further. 

The  construction  and  equipment  of  the  "  Griffin, "  the 
pioneer  vessel  of  lake  Erie,  and  indeed  of  these  inland  seas, 
exhibits  a  degree  of  enterprise   and  pe.-se.-erance   under 
difficulties,  never  surpassed,  and  seldom  equaled.    When 
it  is  considered  that  all  the  material  fortlie   rio-fWn"-   and 
equipment  of  such  a  craft  had  to  be  transported  round  the 
falls,  up  the  steep  mountain,  and  a  distance  of  about  nine 
miles,  on  the  backs  of  men,  four  of  whom  were   required, 
it  is  said,  to  lift  a  single  anchor,  of  which  they   had    two,, 
it  will  be  admitted  that  these  men  were  the  fitting  repre- 
sentatives of  a  class  of  enterprising  men  who  have,  follow- 
ing the  example  set,  built  up   a   commerce   upon   these 
lakes  that  has  been  tlie  admiration,   and  astonishment  of 
the  world. 


LOSS  OF  THE  GBIFFJN. 


67 


So  far  as  Mons.  La  Salic  Limself,  was  concerned,  this 
expedition,  of  which  we  have  given  the  history  son.ewhat 
in  deta,],  appears  to  have  been   of  a  twofold   character 
He  had,  at  great  expense  the  year  before,  fitted   out   a 
large  party  of  traders,  with  goods  to  trade  with  tl^,   Indi- 
ans for  furs.     This  party  had  been  sent  to   Mackinaw  by 
way  of  the  Ottawa  river,  and  lake  Huron,  which  was  then 
he  usual  ronte  from  Quebec.     He  designed  the  vessel  to 
take  on  board  a  return  cargo  of  furs,   the  principal   of 
which  at  that  period,  was  beaver,  for  the  purpose  of  dis- 
charg,ng  the  debts  he  had  incurred,  both  for  goods   fur- 
nished his  traders,  and  the  expense  incurred  in   building 
las  vessel  ;  after  accomplishing  this  part  of  his  enterprise! 
he  designed  to  devote  himself  to  the  accomplishment  of 
he  second_o]>ject  in  view,  to  prosecute  his  discoveries  on 
the  great  river  Mississippi. 

Nothwithstanding  the  perfidy  on  the  part  of  some 
of  lis  traders  who  had  been  sent  forward,  the  sea. 
son  before,_who  had  deserted  his  service,  and  squandered 
the  goods  intrusted  to  them,  he  was  able  to  procure  a 
valuable  cargo  of  furs  and  skins,  and  on  the  ISth  of  Sep- 
tember, the  vessel  sailed  with  a  fair  wind  on  lier  return 
voyage  Her  crew  consisted  of  the  old  pilot,  and  five 
men  ;  she  was  never  heard  from  afterwards. 

There  were  vague  reports  having  their  origin  with  the 
natives,  that  she  was  lost  in  a  gale  which  occurred  very 
soon  after  she  sailed.  Some  attempts  have  been  made  to 
piove  that  she  was  lost  on  lake  Erie,  and  not  many  miles 
from  this  city ;  but  this  is  rendered  improbable  fVom  the 
fact  that  M.  La  Salle  decided  himself  to  go  to  Quebec   in 

themiddle  of  the  winter  of  1679-80;  "because,  (saysM 
He  Tonti  in  his  memoir,)  he  had  heard  nothing  of  the 
boat  which  he  had  sent  to  Niagara." 


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68 


HISTORY    OF   lUFFALO. 


"lie  gave  inethecommaii  d  of  this  place  (Fort  Creave- 
couer  on  the  Illinois  river,)  and  left  us  the  22d  of  March, 
Muth  five  men  ;  on  his  road  he  niet  with  two  men  whom 
he  had  sent  in  the  autumn  to  Michilimacldnac,  to  obtain 
news  of  his  boat.  They  assured  him  that  it  had  not  come 
down,  and  he  therefore  determined  to  continue  his  jour- 
ney." It  is  most  probable,  therefore,  that  the  Griffin 
was  lost  soon  after  she  started  on  her  return  voyage,  as 
reported  by  the  Indians,  who  saw  her  at  anchor  to  the 
north  of  the  lake  Illinois,  (Michigan.)  *  *  *  "  Biit  the 
shi])  Avas  hardly  a  league  from  the  coast,  when  it  was 
tossed  up  by  a  violent  storm  in  such  a  manner  that  our 
men  were  never  heard  of  since."  Had  she  passed  down 
through  the  streights  and  river,  into  lake  Erie,  she  would 
have  been  seen  by  some  of  the  numerous  tribes  who  in- 
habited the  ehor.s  of  those  streights  and  rivers.  But 
diligent  inquiry,  never  brought  any  further  information. 


ill 


C  II  A  P  T  E  R    VI. 


It  will  be  readilj  perceived  by  what  has  been  related, 
that  the  history  of  the  Senecas,  and  indeed,  of  the  Five 
Nations,  now  becomes  involved  with  that  of  the  two  great 
European  powers,  who  were  contending  for  the  sujireraa- 
cy  over  the  aboriginal  tribes  who  ''nhabrted  tliis  continent 
History  relates,  pretty  fully,  the  transactions  that  occur- 
red about  this  period,  between  the  English  government 
at  New  York,  and  the  French  government  at^Quebec,  in 
Canada,  which  ultimately  led  to  a  war  between  those  two 
nations. 

Perhaps  no  better  idea  of  the  true  position  of  affairs 
between  the  parties,  in  which  the  whole  Six  Nations  be- 
came deeply  mvolved,  can  be  given,  than  by  copying 
two  letters,  written  about  this  time,  being  part  of  a  very 
wordy  correspondence  betu-een  M.  De  NonviUe,  the  Gov- 
ernor of  Canada,  and  Gov.  Dongan,  the  Governor  of 
New  York  : 

M.    DB  NONVILLH    TO   GOV.   DOXGAN. 

August  22,  1(187. 
Sib  :  The  respect  I  entertain  for  the  King,  vour  jnaster 
and  the  orders  I  have  from  the  King  to  live^in  harmony 
with  his  Britannic  Majesty's  subjects,  induce  mc  sir,  to 


70 


mSTOlJY    OF   IJUI'FALO. 


1: 


address  you  this  letter,  on  the  present  state  of  affairs,  so 
as  to  have  nothing  to  reproacli  myself'  with.  On  seeino- 
the  letter  you  were  at  the  trouble  to  write  to  lue,  on  my 
arrival  in  this  government,  1  persuaded  myself  bv  your 
discourse,  that  we  should  live  in  the  greatest  harmony, 
and  best  understanding  in  the  world,  but  the  event  has 
well  proved  that  your  intentions  did  not  at  all  accord 
with  your  fine  words. 

You  recollect,  sir,  that  you  positivelv  asked  me  in  that 
same  letter,  to  refer  the  difference  about  our  boundaries, 
to  the  decision  of  our  masters.     Letters  more  recently  re- 
ceived from  you,  fully  convinced  me  that  you  received 
that  which  I  wrote  in  reply  to  your  first,  to  show  you  that 
I  willingly  left  thct.  decision  to  our  masters. 
^  JNTevertheless,  sir,  whilst  you  were  expressing  these  ci- 
vilities to  me,  you  were  giving  orders,  ami  sending  passes 
to  rlespatch  canoes  to  trade  at  Missilimacpiina,  whore  an 
Englishman  had  never  set  foot,  and  where  wo,  the  French, 
had  bSen  established  more  tluin  sixtv  vears. 

I  shall  say  nothing  of  the  tricks  and  intrigues  resorted 
to  by  your  people,  and  by  your  orders,  to  induce  all  the 
savage  tribes  domiciled  with  the  French,  to  xcxolt  against 
us.  I  tell  you  nothing,  either,  of  all  your  intrigues  "to  en- 
gage the  Iroquois  to  declare  war  against  us. 

Your  traders  at  Orange  (Albany,)  have  made  noise 
enough  about  it,  and  your  presents  of  munition^  of  war 
made  with  this  view  last  year,  and  this,  are  cmvictions 
sufliciently  conclusive,  not  to  enteitaiii  a  doubt  of  it.  even 
were  there  not  proofs  at  hand  of  your  wicked  <V^sio.„s 
against  the  subjects  of  the  King,  whose  bread  you  have 
eaten  long  enough,  and  by  whom  you  have  been  sufli- 
ciently well  entertained,  to  cause  you  to  have  more  regard 


1>|    : 


DE   NONVILLE   TO   GOV.    nONOAN. 


71 


to  his  Majesty,  though  you  had  not  all  the  orders  from 
his  Britannic  Majesty,  that  you  iiave  to  live  well  with  all 
the  subjects  of  the  King,  his  ancient  friend. 

What  have  you  not  done,  sir,  to  prevent  the  Senecas 
surrendering  to  mo  the  Outowas,  and  Huron  prisoners  of 
Missilinuiquina,  whom  they  treacherously  captured  last 
year,  and  how  numy  goings  and  comings  have  there  not 
been  to  the  Senecas  on  3'our  part,  and  that  o^your  traders, 
who  do  nothing  but  by  your  orders,  to  permit  the  restitu- 
tion of  the  said  prisoners,  by  the  said  Senecas,  who  were 
solicited  at  the  village  of  the  Ontonagues,  (Onondagas,) 
to  give  me  satisfaction.     I  avow  to  you,  sir,  that  I  should 
never   have   expected   such   proceedings  on   your  part, 
which,  without  dou])t,  will  not  please  the  King,  your  mas- 
ter, who  will  never  approve  your  strenuously  opposing, 
by  threats  of  chastisement,  the  Iroquois,  coming  to  mc 
when  I  invited  them  to  visit  me,  to  arrange  with  them 
the  causes  of  discontent  that  I  had,  on  account  of  their 
violences. 

Three  years  ago,  sir,  you  made  use  of  them  to  wage 
Avar  against  the  French,  and  their  allies.  You  took  m-eat 
pams  for  that  purpose  to  give  them  more  lead,  powder  and 
arms  than  they  asked.  You  did  more  sir,  for  you  prom- 
ised them  reinforcements  of  men  to  sustain  them  a<rainst 
the  King's  subjects,  (^uite  recently,  sir.  you  would 
again  have  pushed  your  ill-will,  by  sending  two  parties, 
by  misscarrying  your  orders  to  Missilima(piina,  and  ex- 
pel us  from  there,  and  put  you  into  possession,  contrary 
to  the  word  you  have  given,  luit  to  undertake  anvthinff 
before  the  arrangement  of  our  Majesties,  our  masters. 

You  have  sir,  still  surpassed  all  that;  for  after  the 
pains  you  had  taken  to  prevent  the  Iroquois  assembling 


I 


72 


1II8T0BY   OF  BUFFALO. 


;ri 


at  Cataroqu.,  (Kingston,)  M-l.ere  I  expected  to  meet  tliem 
to  settle  all  our  difficulties,  and  receive  from  the.n  the 
satisfaction  they  should  have  afforded  me,  as  well  in  re- 
gard  to  the  Huron  and   Outowa  prisoners  they  Avould 
have  given  up  to  me,  had  you  not  opposed  it,  as  well  as 
lor  the  pillagings,  and  robberies,  that  they  have  commit- 
ted  on  us,  and  all  the  insults  they  daily  offer  our  mission- 
aries, as  well  those  they  may  have  actually  among  them, 
as  those  they  have  expelled,  after  an  infinite  amount  of 
Ill-treatment,  during  twenty  years  they  lived  in  their  vil- 
ages.     After  you  sir,  having  I  say,  so  little  regard  for 
the  mterest  of  the  King's  subjects,  and  the  good  of  reli- 
gion,  whose  progress  you  thus  prevent,  you  have,  sir, 
quite  recently  contravened  the  last  treaty  entered  into 
between  our  masters :  a  copy  of  which  you  have  received 
with  orders  to  obey  it ;  a  copy  of  which  you  also  sent  me! 
Read  It  well  sir,  if  you  please,  and  you  will  then  re- 
mark how  strongly  their  Majesties  have  it  at  heart  to 
preserve  their  subjects  in  good  harmony  and  understand- 
ing, so  that  their  JVlajesties  understand  that  the  enemie- 
of  one  are  the  enemies  of  the  other.     If  tlie  avarice  of 
your  merchants,  influence  you  less  than  the  desire  to  exe- 
cute the  orders  of  the  King,  your  master,  doubtless  sir,  I 
should  already  had  proofs  of  your  good  disposition,  to 
execute  the  said  treaty,  according  to  which,  you  ought 
not  to  afford  either  refuge  or  protection  to  the  savage  en- 
emies to  the  French  colony,  much  less  assist  them  with 
ammunition  to  wage  war  against  it.     l?-evertheless,  I  as- 
sert positively,  that  you  have,  since  the  publication  of 
said  treaty  of  neutrality,  contravened  it  in  this  particular 
since  nothing  is  done  in  your  government,  save  by  your 
orders.     After  that,  judge  sir,  what  just  grounds  I  have 
to  complain  of,  and  be  on  my  guard  against  you 


I 


DE  NONVILLE  TO   GOV.   DONOAN. 


78 


On  my  return  from  the  can.pai-n  I  just  niaclo  .i<>ain8t 
the  Senecas,  I  received  tlie  letter  that  you  took  the  trouble 
to  write  me,  sir,  on  the  11th  (20th,)  Juno  of  this  year. 
You  send  me  copy  of  the  treaty  of  neutrality,  entered  into 
between  our  masters,  of  which  I  also  transmitted  you  a 
copy,  as  I  had  received  it  from  the  ]vin-,  and  it  was  pub- 
lished in  this  country.     Nothing  more  is  required  there- 
in, sir,  than  to  have  it  fully  and  literally  fulfilled  on  your 
part,  as  well  as  mine.    To  do  that,  you  must  discontinue 
protectmg  the  enemies  of  the  colony,  and  cease  to  receive 
them  among  you,  and  to  furnish  them  with  munitions  as 
you  have  done.     You  must  also  observe  the  promise  you 
gave  me,  at  the  time  of  my  arrival,  that  you  would  leave 
the  decision  of  the  limits  to  our  masters.     You  must  like- 
wise not  undertake  any  expedition  against  us,  in  anv  of 
our  cstablisliinents,  the  greatest  portions  of  which  were 
before  Orange  (Albany,)  Avas  what  it  is,  or  any  of  Manate 
(New  York,)  were  acquainted  witli  the  Iroquois,  and  tlie 
Ouatonas. 

When  you  arrived  in  your  present  government,  did 
you  not  find  sir,  in  the  whole  five  Iroquois  villa-es  all 
our  missionaries  sent  by  the  Iving,  almost  the  entire  of 
whom  the  heretic  merchants  have  caused  to  be  expelled 
even  in  your  time,  which  is  not  honorable  to  your  o-ov- 
ernment.     It  is  only  three  years  since  the  greater  nmn- 
ber  have  been  forced  to  leave.     The  Father  Lamberville 
alone  bore  up  under  the  insults  and  ill-treatment  they  re- 
ceived, through  the  solicitations  of  your  traders.    Is  it 
not  true  sir,  that  you  panted  only  to  induce  them  to  aban- 
don their  mission  ?     You  recollect  sir,  that  you  took  the 
trouble  to  send,  under  a  guise  of  dutv,so  late  as  last  year 
to  solicit  them  by  urgent  discourse,  to  retire,  under  the 


ti 


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I'    ! 


74 


IIIHTOUY    OK    Itdl'FAl.O. 


pretext  that  I  wishcl  to  doehiro  war  ii-ui.ist  tho  villairo 
ot  thcOno.itugiics.  (Onoiiclu-as.)  What  certainty  had 
jou  of  it,  sir,  if  it  wore  not  your  char-o  and  prohibitions 
you  haJ  given  them,  a-ain,st  giving  up  tho  prisoners  1 
deniandetl  of  them,  and  they  surrendered  to  me? 

You  foresaw  the  war  I  would  make,  hecauseyou  wished 
me  to  make  it  again4  them,  and  because  youobli-ed  me 
to  wage  that  against  tho  Seneca..  In  tin's  way,  sir,  it  is 
very  easy  to  lore.see  wliat  occuis. 

I  admire,  sir,  tlie  passage  of  your  last  letter  of  the  11th 
of  June,  of  this  year,  in  which  you  state  that  the  King  of 
England,  your  master,  has  juster  title  than  the  King  to 
the  pusis  we  occupy,  and  the  loundation  of  your  reason- 
ing is,  tliat  they  are  situate  to  the  south  of  you,  just  on 
tiie  bortkr  of  one  portion  of  your  dominion,  (domination.) 
In  refutatiuM  of  your  sorry  reasonings,  sir,  it  is  only  no- 
ecssary  to  tell  you,  that  you  are  very  badly  acquainted 
witli  the  map  of  the  country,  and  know  less  of  the  points 
of  the  compass,  wiiere  tlu.se  posts  are  relative  to  the  situ- 
ation of  Manate.  (ISTew  York.) 

_  it  is  only  necessary  to  ask  you  again,  what  length  of 
time  we  [havej  occupied  those  posts,  and  who  discovered 
them,  you  or  we  ?  Again,  who  is  in  possession  of  them  ? 
After  that,  read  the  fifth  article  of  the  treaty  of  neutrali- 
ty, and  you  will  see  if  you  are  justified  in  giving  orders 
to  establish  your  trade  by  force  of  arms,  at  Missilima- 
vqnina. 

As  I  send  you  a  copy  of  your  letter,  with  tho  answer 
to  each  article,  1  need  not  repeat  here  what  is  embraced 
iu  that  answer.  Suffice  it  to  say  this  in  conclusion,  that 
I  retain  your  officer,  McGregory,  here,  and  all  your  orders 
for  your  pretended  expedition,  who  were  taken  within  the 


^7>m1 


I'K    NONVILLfc;   TO   GOV.    DONOAN. 


75 


l.ost8  occnpied  by  tj.o  King.     My  lirst  ucl^n  was  to  send 
tl.eui  buck  tu  you,  but  a8  1  know  that  yuu^ntortuin,  and 
givo  aul  and  comlbrt  to  the  Iroquois  savage.,  contmrv  to 
tho  treaty  of  neutrality,  of  Xovcnibor  IGth,  1086,  a-^rced 
to  by  our  masters,  oaubing  them  to  be  supplied  with  all 
"Huntu.ns  necessary  to  enable  then,  to  wage  war  against 
us,  1  have  determined,  in  S])ite  of  myself,  tu  retain  all 
jour  peoj.I,    until  you  have  complied  with  the  intentions 
o   tl.o  king,  your  master,  and  executed  said  treatv,  bein- 
obliged  to  regard  you  as  the  King's,  enemv,  whilst  vou 
entertain  his  enemies,  an<l  contravene  the  treaties,  enh.r- 
ed  into  between  the  King  of  England,  and  the  Kin-,  my 
master.  "      ^ 

AW  that  1  can  tell  you  for  certain  is,  that  your  conduct 
will  be  the  rule  of  mine,  and  that  it  will  remain  with 
yourself,  that  the  said  treaty  be  thoroughly  executed  I 
must  obey  my  master,  and  I  have  much  respect  and  ven- 
eration ior  one  of  the  greatest  Kings  in  the  world,  the 
protector  of  the  Church. 

_    Vou  pretend  that  the  Iroquois  are  under  your  domin- 
ion.   To  this  I  in  no  wise  agree,  but  it  is  a  question  on 
M'Inch  our  masters  will  determine.     But  whether  they  be 
or  not,  from  the  moment  they  are  our  enemies,  you  ou^ht 
to  be  opposed  to  them,  and  be  their  enemies,  and  if  vou 
couifort  them  directly  or  indirectly,  I  must  regard  you  as 
an  enemy  of  the  colony,  and  I  shall  be  justified  in  sub- 
.loctmg  the  prisoners  I  have,  belonging  to  vour  govern- 
ment, to  the  same  treatment  that  the  enemies  of  the  col- 
ony will  observe  towards  us.     Hereupon,  sir,  I  will  ex- 
pect news  from  you,  as  well  as  the  fitting  assurances  vou 
wdl  give  me,  tl.iat  I  may  be  certain  you  do  not  emplov 
the  Iroquois  to  wage  war  on  us,  by  giving  them  protec- 
tion.  •  ^ 


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III8T0KY   OF   15UFFAI.0. 


I 


Ee]y  oil  mo,  sir.  Let  us  uttacli  ourselves  closelv  to 
the  execution  of  our  master's  intentions.  Let  us  seek- 
after  their  example  to  promote  religion  and  serve  it.  Let 
us  live  in  good  understanding,  according  to  their  desires. 
I  repeat,  and  protest  sir,  it  remains  only  with  you.  Eut 
do  not  imagine  tliat  I  am  a  man  to  suffer  others  to  plav 
tricks.  ^    " 

I  send  you  back  Antonio  Leispinard,  beaj-er  of  vour 
passport  and  letter.  I  shall  await  your  final  resolution, 
on  the  restitution  of  .your  prisoners,  whom  1  wish  much 
to  give  up  to  you,  on  condition  that  you  execute  the  treaty 
of  neutrality  in  all  its  extent,  and  that  you  furnish  mo 
with  proper  guarantees  therefor. 

Your  very  Humble  and 

Very  Obedient  Servant. 

The  M.  DE  XONYILLE. 


GOV.   DbJSTGAN   TO   At.    DK  XONVILLE. 

Sth  September,  1687. 

Sir:  Yours  of  the  21st  August  last,  I  have  received, 
and  am  sorry  that  Mons.  Do  Xonvil'e  has  so  soon  forgot- 
ten the  orders  ho  had  received  from  his  master,  to  five 
well  with  the  subjects  of  the  King  of  England. 

But  I  find  the  air  of  Canada  has  strange  effects  on  all 
the  Governor's  boddyes,  for  I  no  sooner  came  into  this 
province,  than  Mons.  De  La  Barro  desired  my  assistance 
to  warr  against  the  Sinnckes,  upon  which  I  went  to  Alba- 
ny, and  sent  for  the  Five  Nations  to  come  to  me,  and 
when  they  came,  was  very  angry  with  them  for  offering 
to  do  anything  to  the  French,  that'  might  disturb  them 
hunting  or  otherwise.  On  which  they  answered  me  that 
they  had  not  done  anythiug  to  the  French,  but  what 


11^ 


,,     |. 


GOV.    DONGAN   TO   DE   NONVILLE. 


7T 


Mons.  de  la  Barre  orderd  them,  wliich  was,  that  if  they 
met  with  any  French,  hunting  without  Ijis  pass,  to  take 
what  they  had  from  them,  notwithstanding  if  any  of  their 
people  which  were  abroad,  had  done  any  injury  they 
knew  not  of,  they  assured  mo  they  would  gi\-e  satisfaction. 
^  I  send  liim  word  of  all  this,  and  assured  him  satisfac- 
tion, but  notwithstanding,  he  comes  in  a  hostile  manner 
on  this  side  of  the  lake,  to  a  place  called  Kayonhaga,  and 
there,  by  the  means  of  the  Onnondages,  made  a  peace 
with  the  Sinnekcs,  so  if  they  have  committed  any  fault 
before  that,  it  was  all  concluded  there.    But  I  appeal  to 
any  rational  man  whatever,  whether  it  was  fit  for  any 
Governor  of  Canada,  to  treat  or  make  any  peace  with  his 
Majesty's  subjects,  without  the  advice  and  knowledge  of 
the  Governor  of  the  province  they  lived  under.    Ij^it  I 
find  the  design  to  ruin  these  Five  -Nations,  (since  you 
cannot,  with  bribes  or  other  means,  gain  them  to  be  of 
your  party,)  is  of  a  longer  date  than  three  or  four  years. 
Since  Mons.  De  N"on\-ille  follows  the  same  steps  his  pre- 
decessors trod  in,  th'o  he  proposed  to  himself  so  fair  a 
beginning. 

I  am  sure  he  will  not  make  so  good  an  end.  For  no 
sooner  was  Mons.  De  Nonville  in  possession  of  his  gov- 
ernment, but  he  begun  to  build  a  great  many  boats  and 
canoes,  and  put  a  great  deal  of  provisions  and  stores  in 
the  Cataraque  (Kingston,)  at  which  our  Indians  on  this 
side  of  the  lake,  were  much  alarmed,  and  came  to  me  to 
know  the  meaning  of  it ;  upon  which,  I  sent  to  you  by 
way  of  Mons.  Lamberville  to  know  what  you  intended  by 
all  these  preparations  ;  your  answer  was,  as  Mons.  De 
Nonville  may  remember,  that  the  winters  being  long,  and 
you  resolving  to  have  a  good  number  of  men  at  Cataraque 


( 1 


78 


JIISTOKY  OF  HUFFALO. 


'ill 


you  accordingly  made  provision  for  them  ;  and  if  I  had 
not  really  believed  what  you  writ  to  be  true,  I  might  have 
been  in  as  nmEli  readiness  to  have  gone  on  the  other  side 
ofthelake,asMons.Demnvillewa8to  come  on    this. 
Now,  sir  I  will  not  answer  your  liasty  way  of  expressions 
in  your  own  style,  but  will  plainly  let  you  know  the  mat- 
ter of  fact  as  it  is.     If  sir,  you  will  please  to  peruse  those 
letters,  I  from  time  to  time  sent  you,  you  will  find  that  I 
still  coveted  nothing  more  than  to  preserve  the  friendship 
that  IS  between  our  masters,  and   ought   to   l)e  between 
their  subjects  here,  and  as  you  well  remark,  is   according- 
to  their  commands,  and  I  pray  sir,  which  is  it  of  us  both" 
that  hath  taken  the  way  to  untie  that  knot  of  friendship' 
Mons.  De  JSTonville  invading  the  King  of  England's  ter- 
ritories, in  a  hostile  manner,  (though  hh   reception   has 
not  been  according  to  his  expectation,)  is  so  plain  a  mat- 
ter of  fact,  that  it  is  undeniable  whether  you  did   it  de- 
signedly to  make  a  misunderstanding  or   no.      I  cannot 
tell.    Ifyou  did,  I  hope  it  will  take  no  effect;  but  that 
our  masters  at  home,  notwithstanding  all  your   trained 
soldiers  and  great  officers  come  from  Europe,  will   suffer 
us  poor  planters  and  farmers,  his   Majesty's   subjects  in 
these  parts  of  An.erica  to  do  ourselves  justice  on  you,  for 
the  injuries  and  spoil  you  have  committed  on  them,  and  I 
assure  you,  sir,  that  if  my  master  gives  leave,  I   will   be 
as  soon  at  Quebec,  as  you  shall   be   at   Albany  ;    as  for 
Major  McGregororie  and  those  others  you  took  prisoners, 
they  had  no  pass  from  me  to  go  to  Missilimaquine,  but  a 
pass  to  go  to  the  Ottawawas,  where  I  thought  it  mi^^ht  be 
as  free  for  us  to  trade  as  for  you  ;  and  a/ibr  giving  them 
any  commission  or  instructions  to  disturb  your  people    I 
assure  you  do  me  wrong,  and  ifyou  please  to  read  his 


GOV.  DONOAN  TO    DE  NOKVILLK. 


79 


instructions,  you  will  find  there,  I  gave  express  orders  to 
the  contrary  ;  and  for  your  pretention  to  sixty  years  pos- 
session, 'tis  impossible  ;  for  they  and   the   Indians   who 
wear  pipes  through  their  noses,  traded  with  Albany  lono- 
before  the  French  settled  at   Montreal  ;    but  in  case   h 
were  as  you  alledge,  which  I  have  not  the  least  reason  to 
believe,  you  could  only  have  prohibited  their  tradino-  in 
that  place,  and  Jet  them  go  to  some  other  nation      ft  is 
very  true,  I  offered  to  leave  the  decision  to  our  masters 
at  home,  in  case  of  any  difference,  and  pray,  sir,   let   me 
know  in  what  I  have  in  the  least  acted  to   the   contrary 
You  tell  me,  I  hindered  the  Five  Nations   on   this  side 
tJie  lake,  who,  have  subjected  themselves,  their  countries 
and  conquests,  under  the  King  of  England,  to  go   to    you 
at  Cataraque.     It  is  Very  true,  I  did  so,   and  thou-^ht  it 
very  unjust  in  you  to  desire  their   coming   to   vou  °  For 
the  Iving  of  England  did  not  send  me  here   to  suffer  you 
to  give  laws  to  his  subjects  of  this  government.     You  also 
alledge  that  I  have  given  orders  to  those  Indians  to  pillage 
and  war  upon  your  people.     Sure  sir,  you  forget   what 
you  desired  of  me.     If  you  will  please  to  reflect  on   one 
of  your  own  letters,  in   wl.icii  you  acquainted   me   that 
many  of  your  people  ran  away  into  this  government,  and 
desired  that  I  would  take  and  send  back,  anv  that  should 
be  lound  upon  this  side  of  the  lake,    without^  vour  pass  • 
upon  which,  I  ordered  those  of  Albany,  and  also,  the   In- 
dians to  seize  and  secure  all   persons  whatever,   as   well 
French  as  English,  they  should  find  on   this   side   of  the 
ake,  without  your  pass  or  mine.     Truly,  sir,   I  ou-ht  to 
be  rebuked  for  this,   it  having  been   the  hindrance  of 
many  thousands  of  beavers  coming  to  Albany.     Further 
you  blame  me  for  hindering  the  Sinakees  delivering  up  the 


vm. 


80 


HISTORY   OF  BUFFALO. 


Ottawawa  prisoners  to  you.  This  I  did  with  good  rea- 
son. For  what  pretense  could  you  liave  to  make  your 
applications  to  them,  and  not  to  me.  JS'cvertheless,  I  or- 
dered Major  McGregory  to  carry  them  to  the  Ottawawa, 
and  if  your  claim  be  only  to  Missilimaquina,  what  cause 
had  you  to  hinder  McGregory  to  go  to  the  Ottawawa  ? 

What  you  allege  concerning  my  assisting  the  Sinakees, 
with  arms  and  amunition,  to  war  against  you,  was  never 
given  by  me  imtil  the  Gth  of  August  last,   when   under- 
standing  of  your  unjust  proceedings  in  invading  the  King 
my  master's  territories,  in  a  hostile  manner,  I  then  gave 
them  powder,  load  and  arms,  and  united  the  Five  Nations 
together,  to  defend  that  part  of  our  King's  dominion,  from 
your  injurious  invasion.    And,  as  for  offering  them  men, 
in  that  you  do  me  wrong  ;  our  men   being  busy  all  at 
their  harvest,  and  I  leave  it  to  your  judgment,   whether 
there  was  any  occasion,  when  only  four  hundred  of  them 
engaged  with  your  whole  army.     You  tell  me  in   case  I 
assist  the  Indians,  you  will  esteem  me  an  enemy  to  your 
colony.      Sir,  give  me  leave  to  lot  you  know  you  are  a 
far  greater  enemy  to  your  colony  than   I   am  ;  it   having 
always  been  my  endeavor  to  keep   those  Indians   from 
warring  with  you,  who  in  your  protecting  their  enemies 
that  have  killed  and  robbed  them   in  their  hunting  and 
otherwise,  and  that  not  once,  but  several  times,  have  giv- 
en them  great  provocations.     But  you  have  taken  a  way 
to  spill  a  greqt  deal  of  christian   blood,   Avithout  gaining 
the  point  you  aim  at,  and  for  you,   who  have  taken  the 
King's  subjects  prisoners  in  time  of  peace,   and   taken 
their  goods  from  them  without  any  just  grounds  for  so 
doing,  how  can  I  expect  but  that  you   \vill   use  them  as 
you  threaten.    You  also  say,  in  your  letter  tiiat  the  Kino- 


GOV.  DONGAN  TO  MONS.  DE   NOXV/LLE. 


81 


ot  England  lias  no  right  to  the  Five  .Nations  on  this   side 
ho  lake.  _  I  would  willingly  know  if  so,   whose    subjects 
they  are  ,n  youi- opinion  ;  you  tell  mo  vour  havino-  uus- 
sionai-ies  among  the>n.     It  is  a  very   charitable   ac°,    but 
1  suppose,  and  am  very  well  assured  that  gives   no  just 
title  to  the  government  of  the  country.      Father   Briarie 
writes  to  a  gent'  there,  that  the  King  of  China  never  ^oes 
anywhere  without  two  Jesuits  with  him  ;  1   wonder  ;-hv 
jou  make  not  like  pretense  to  that  kingdom.     r,Mi   al.o 
say  you  had  many  missionaries  among  them,  at  mv  com- 
ing to  tins  government.     In  that  you   have   been"misin- 
turmed,  for  I  never  heard  of  any  but  the  two  Lambervilles 
who  were  at  Onondagoes,  and  wore  protected  bv  me  frona 
theinsolency  oftl-.e  Indians,  as  thov  .leslred   of  me   and 
as  by  letters,  in  which  they  gave  me  thanks,  appears;  but 
when  they  understood  your  intentions,    they  thouHit  lit 
to  go  without  taking  leave.     But  their  sending  them  was 
for  some  other  en.l  than  propagating  the  christian  Eelic- 
lon,  as  was  apparent  by  some  letters  of  theirs  directed  to 
Canada,  which  happened  to  come  to  my  hands 

.N;ow  you  have  missed   of  your  pretentions,  you   are 
wdlmg  to  refer  all  things  to  our  masters.     I  will  endeav 
or  to  protect  his  majesty's  subjects  here,  from  vour  unjust 
insinuations,  until  I  hear  from  the  King,  mv  master,  who 
IS  the  greatest  and  most  glorious  Monarch  that   ever  «it 
on  a  throne,  and  would   do  as   much   to   propagate   the 
chrisfanfa.th,  as  any  Prince  that  lives,  and  is  as^  tender 
ot  wrongnig  the  subjects  of  any  potentate  whatover,  as  he- 
is  of  suftering  his  own  to  be  injured.     It  is  verv  true  that 
Ihaye  eat  a  great  deal  of  bread  of  France,   and  have   in 
recpiital,  complied  with  my  obligations  in   doing   what  I 
ought,  and  would  prefer  the  service  of  the  French  King 


i.f// 


82 


HISTORY  OF   BUFFALO. 


before  my,  except  ray  own,  and  have  a  great  deal  of  re- 
spect for  all  the  people  of  quality  of  your  nation,  which 
engages  me  to  advise  Moris.  De  Konville  to  send  home  all 
the  christians  and  Indian  prisoners,  the  King  of  England's 
subjects,  you  unjustly  do  detain. 

This  I  tiiouglit  fit  to  answer  to  your  reflecting  and  pro- 
voking letter." 


CHAPTER    VII. 


The  next  year  July,  1688,  an  expedition  fovored  by 
the  Englisii  Governor  of  New  York,  consisting  of  twelve 
hundred  warriors  of  the  Six  Nations,  made  a  sudden  de- 
scent, upon  the  French  settlements  on  the  Island  of  Mon- 
treal. 

They  landed  on  the  south   side   of  the   Island,   at  La 
Chine,  on  the  26th  of  July,  where  they  burned,  and  sacked 
all  tlie  plantations,  and  made  a  terrible  massacre,  ofmen 
women,  and  children.  ' 

There  were  above  a  thousand  of  the  French  killed  at 
this  time,  and  twenty-six,  carried  away  captives.  The 
greatest  part  of  which,  were  burnt  alive.  The  Five  Na- 
tions only  lost  three  men,  in  this  expedition,  that  ^It 
drunk  and  were  left  behind.  This  however  did  not  sa- 
tiate their  thirst  for  blood,  for  in  the  following  October 
they  destroyed  likewise,  all  the  lower  part  of  the  Island, 
and  carried  away  many  prison^.* 

The  French  became  so  weakened,  and  alarmed,  at  these 
reverses,  that  they  were  compelled  to  abandon  their  posts 
at  Niagara,  and  Fort  Cataraqui  (Kingston.)  The  match 
which  had  been  placed  to  blow  up  the  magazine  in  Fort 

*See  Coldon'g  History  of  tlio  Five  Nations. 


( ii 


(i  i.i'fi 


8i 


IIISTOKV    (IF    ni'FFALO. 


Catara(|ui,  Ihiling  to  it-riito.  tlio  Iroquois  on   taking  pos- 
session ofthe  iort.  found   a    lari-'c  (|uantity   of  military 
stores,  iirovisions,  &c.,  anion-,'  ^vllicIl,  were   twcnty-ei<,'lit 
barrels  of  powder.     This   success  of  the   Five   Kati()ns, 
over  the  French,  created    'j^ivat  consternation,   extending 
to  the  western  nations  of  Indians,   many   of  M-houi,   had 
sought  the  protection  (,f  the  French,  against  the  Iroquois, 
wlio  were  the  dread  of  all  the  surrounding  nations.  Many 
of  them  now  sought  to  form  alliances  of  peace,  ainlfriend- 
sliip,  with  the  Five   Nations.     The   French    interests  in 
Canada,  received  a  terrible  blow,  a   lai-ge   propoi'tion    of 
the  able  bodied  men,  had  for  some  time,  been   enq»loyed 
in  the  expedition  against  the  Five  Nations  ;  and    in  tra- 
ding with  the  Indians  of  the  far  west.     Agriculture   had 
been  almost   entirely   neglected.     Tiiey  had    k.st  a  large 
number  of  inhabitants    by   the   coiuinual    incursions   of 
small  ]iartie3  of  their  savage  foes,  until  it   became   unsafe 
to  live,  outside  of  fortified  towns.     At  last,  the  whole  set- 
tled portion  of  the  countiy,  being  laid   waste,  famine  be- 
gan  to  threaten    the   entire   destruction   of  the    colony. 
Had  the   Indians    understood    the   method   cif  attackino- 
forts,  at  this  time,  (says  Golden.)  nothing  could  have  saved 
the  French  from  entire   destruction  ;    showing  that  not- 
withstanding the  intrigues  of  the  French,  to   divide,   and 
weaken,  the  influence  and  jiower  of  the  Five  Nations,  and 
their  partial  success,  in  •Accomplishing   their   object,  by 
leaving  the  Senecas,  to  naeet  almost   single   handed,  the 
whole  military  power  of  the  French,  hurled  against  them,, 
under  De  Nonville,  we  see  them    within  a  year,    ao-ain 
united,  invading  the  territory  of  their   enemy,   and  with, 
he  resistless  fury  of  a  tornado,  sweeping  them  to  destruc- 
tion, almost  Avithout  resistance. 


COUNT    DK  FKONTKNAr  KKIN8TATEI).  86 

Tho  French  govonunont  becomin-  awaie   ol'  the   do>i- 

porate  state  ofatruir,s  in  Cmmchi,  recalled   the  Mons   De 

Nonvdle,  the  next  year,  (1G88,)  an.l  the  Count   JJe  Fron- 

enac,  reinstated,  aa  governoi..     IJe   ],,onght   back"  from 

1  mnce,  thirteen  Iru<|uuis  prisoners,   who   had   been  sent 

over  at  the  request   of  the   King,  to  be  eniploved    in  his 
galleys. 

TJiese  prisoners,  (o.ie  of  them  a  sachem)  were  to  be  re- 
stored, and  it  was  hoped  through  that  means,  and  the 
n.tluence  and  popularity  of  the  Count  Frontenac,  to  ap- 
pease the  hostility  of  the  Iroquois,  -lie  had  Ibrmerly 
l^cen  Governor  of  the  country,  was  perfectly  acquainted 
with  Its  interests ;  of  a  temper  of  mind,  fitted  to  such 
desperate  times,  of  undaunted  courage,  and  indefatigable, 
though  in  the  sixty-eighth  year  of  ids  age.""^  The  French 
were  the  more  desirous  of  peace,  as  they  knew,  that  now 
they  would  certainly  have  the  English  Colonies  likewise 
upon  them.'"-"- 

''  Four  Indians  of  less   note   who  were   l.rought  back 
vnt  1  the  sachem  Towerahet,  were  immediately  dispatched 
111  the  Sachem's  name,  to  the   Five  ^^ations,   to   inform 
them  of  his  return,  and  of  the  kind  usage   they   had  re- 
ceived, from  the  Count  De  Frontenac,  and  to  press   them 
to  send  some  to  visit  their  old  friend,   who   had   been  so 
kind  to  them,  when  he  was  formerly  governor  of  Canada- 
who,  still  retained  an  affection  to  the  Five  Nations,  as  ap- 
peared by  the  kindness  Towerahet  and  thev  had  received 
liiis  was  the  only  method  left,  to  the  French,   of  makino- 
proposals  of  peace,  which  it   was   their  interest,    by  all 
means,  to  procure." 


i" 

L  ..A 

!H 

% 

''^H 

J 

m 

ir 

'    :^''i| 

[f 

ii 

'6 


/ifl 


"Colilen. 


se 


IIIbTORY  OF  UUFFiLO. 


Tmmed lately  on  the  nrrivnl   of  this  deputation,   word 
was  sent  to  Albany,  by  the  Six  Nations,  of  tlio  fact,   and 
that  a  coinicil  of  the  Sachems,  was  appointed  to  meet  nt 
Onondaga,  inviting  the  Mayor  of  Albany,  (Peter  Schuy- 
ler) and  some  others,  to  bo  present,  to  adriso  with  them, 
in  an  aft'air  of  such  great  importance,   as   they,  (the  In- 
dians) were  resolved  to  do  nothing  without   tlieir  knowl- 
edge, and  consent.     Notwithstanding  this  request,  it  does 
not  appear  that  any  jjcrson  of  note,  or  influence,  with  tho 
Indians,  was  sent.     On  the  4th  of  January,  1G90,   at  tho 
solicitation  of  one  of  the  principal   Sachems   of  the  Mo- 
hawks, the  Ujagistrates  of  Albany  sent  the  public  inter- 
preter, and  another  person,  to  assist  at  the  general  meet- 
ing, with  written  instructions.      When   they   arrived  at 
Onondaga,  they  had  a  private  interview,  with  one  of  tho 
returned  prisoners,-  "  and  found  that  he  had  no   love  for 
the  French;"*  but  complained  of  tho  ill-usage,  they  had 
received,  at  tho  hands  of  the  French.     He  related  all  the 
circumstances  of  their  captivity,  of  the  grandeur  exhibit- 
ed by  the  French  Court,  and  tho  power  displayed,  in  the 
military  exhibitions,  which  they  had  witnessed. 

The  council  was  opened  on  the  22d  of  January,  1C90, 
and  was  conducted  with  great  formality.  A  sachem  of 
the  Ojiondagas  (as  was  the  custom,  that  being  the  place 
of  the  council  of  the  Six  Nations,)  was  tho  first  to  speak. 
Ilis  address,  was  a  mere  opening  of  the  council.  He  was 
followed,  by  Adarakta,  the  chief  Sachem  of  the  French 
deputation,  who  delivered  the  message  of  "  Yonondio," 
the  Governor  of  Canada.  Next,  the  Mohawk  messenger, 
sent  from  Albany,  delivered  his  message,  word  for  word, 

^Colden. 


GREAT  CROWD  AT  ONONDAGA. 


87 


as  It  had  boon  given  lii.n,  tho  interpreter,  l.avin-  u   writ- 
ten copy,  before  l.ini,  lest  anytl.ing  should   be  forgotten 
Atlerthi8,Cannehoot,  a  Seneca  Sachem,  stood   up,  and 
delivered  the  message  ofhis  peoi)lo. 

After  some  preliminary  remarks  of  n  general  character 
lio  u-ont  on  to  give  a  JJurticnlar  account  of  the  treaty  made 
tlio  last  year,  between  the  Senccas,  and  several  of  the 
western  nations,  who  had  voluntarily,  come  to  treat  fo.- 
peace  and  friendshii,  ;  and  that  their  bretheren  in 
:^owlork,(the  English)  were  to  be  included  in  that 
treaty.  After  tho  ceremonies  were  all  over,  Sadefamah- 
tie,  an  Onondaga  Sachem  stood  up,  ami  said  : 

"Brethren  we  must  stick  to  our  brother  Quider  (Pe- 
ter Schuyler)  and  look  on  Yonondio  (the  (Governor  of 
Canada)  as  our  enemy,  for  he  is  a  cheat." 

The  interpreter  from  Albany,  was  then  <lesired  to  in- 
form the  council,  what  he  had  to  say,  from  their  breth- 
ren  at  Albany, 

^  Ho  told  them,  that  a  new  Governor  had  arrived  in  New 
lorlc,  with  a  great  many  soldiers  from  England-  that 
the  King  of  England  had  declared  war,  against  the  French 
and  that  the  people  of  New  England,  were  fittin-  out 
ships,  against  Canada.  He  advised  them,  not  to  Imrkon 
to  the  French,  for  said  he,  when  they  talk  of  peace  war 
18  in  their  heart;  and  advised  them  to  enter  into  no  treaty 
except  it  were  made  at  Albany,  for  said  he,  -  the  French 
will  observe  no  agreement,  made  anywhere  else." 

After  consultation,  the  following  answer  was  given  the 
messenger  from  Albany  : 

"  Brethren,  our  fire  burns  at  Albany,  we  will  not 
send  Dekanasora  to  Cadaracpii,  (Kingston.)  We  adhere 
to  our  old  chain,  with  Corlear,  (Governor  of  New  York  ) 


m 


l^^v 

m 

f% 

,--M 

^^^^^^^B 

^^^^^^K 

jf| 

1 

1 

l" 


h-    .I- I 


y 


88 


HISTOKV   OF   IIUFFALO. 


We  will  prosecute  lue  war,  with  Yonondio,  (the  Gov.  of 
Canada)  and  will  folk.w  vonr  advice,  in  drawing  off  our 
men  from  Cadaraqui,  (meaninn:  some  of  their  people,  who 
had  been  induced  tu  settle  there,  throu-h  the  iufhienceof 
the  jesnit  missionaries.) 

"  Eretliren,  we  are  glad  to  hear  the  news  you  tell  us  • 
you  tell  us  no  lies.'*  ' 

_  "  Brother  Kinshon,-:^  we  liear  you  design  to  send  sol 
diers,  to  the  eastward,  against  the  Indians  tliere  ;  but  we 
advise  you,  now  so  many  are  united  against  l!  e  French 
to  fall  on  them  immediately  ;  strike  at  tlie  root,  when  the 
trunk  falls,  the  branchea  fall  of  course.  Corlear  and 
Xiiishon,  courage  i  courage  !  In  the  spring  to  Quebec, 
take  thdtplac-,  and  you  have  your  foot  on  'the  necks  of 
the  French,  and  all  their  friends  in  America." 

The  council  also  prepared  a  message  to  be  returned   to 
the  Governor  of  Canada,  aiiimadvertiug,  in  the  strongest 
terms,  upon  the  bad  faith  of  the  French  ;    the  cruel  °de- 
ceptions  they  had  practiced,  particularly  toward  the  Sen. 
ecas  ;  that  they  wore  glad  to  hear,  that  the  thirteen   pris- 
oners taken  to  Frai^ce,  were  returned,   that   it  would  be 
time  enough,  to  tallc  about   peace,   when  their  prisoners 
were  restored  ;  that,  in  the  meantime,  they  should  retain 
all  tho  prisoners  in  their  hands,  till   that  time.     As  soon 
as  the  council  broke  up,  their  resolutions  were  ]mblished 
to  all  the  several  ^-ations,  by  the  return  of  the  Sachems 
who  attended  tlie  council.     A  deputation  was  rent  Al))a- 
ny,  to  assure  the  brethren,  that  the  Six  Nations,  were  re- 
solved, to  prosecute  the  war,  against  the  F;ench,  in  token 
whereof,  a  belt  in  which,  three  axes   were   lepresented, 
was  presented  toQuider. 


^Meaning  the  Gov.  orJS'ow  Voik. 


•  •-^T-;^.. -^ 


.";"Jr--v 


f  J 


ATTACK  Ul'OX  SCHENECTADY.  §9 

TI,o  C„„„t  Jo  Fm„te„ac.  to  a,-o„.,e  tl,o  druoj.ing  spirits 

o  the  French  ,„  (Janada,  and  sti,„„late  then  to  c^eJtion, 

1.  anned  three  expeditons  against  the  English  Colonies 

ie  engaged  n,  .his    desperate  .neasnre,   as   he  sa,v   no 
op    o,  „,|,^,,^„^,^j^,,^^,   ^^.^^   ^l__^^.^ 

0}  nogotiutujii.  ' 

War  had  been  .leelared  het,reen  Franee  and  England, 

autlnotnne   ,vas  to   be   lost.      These   three   expeltions 

were  d.reeted  against  Neu-   Vorl,  Conneetient.'an  I  Z 

«t  agan,st  New  England.  The  party  sent  against  Xeu 
loi-.c,,vaseon„„andedl„J(ons.De-IIervili;,  and  Mas 
ordered  ,„  atten,pt  the  snrpriseofSeheneetadv  the  near- 

estse.tlet„e„ttotheM„lnnv1.s;by  tins,  the-  Conn  Do 

F  ontonae,  l.ope    u,  lessen  the  eonfldenee  of  the  Si,  Na- 

.ans  m  the  Engbsh,  and   the  assistance  thev  e.peeted 

Mti  !•  en.h"bnsh.]opers-or  Indian  traders,   and  of  as 
manyIndn.ns,n,ostof,ne„.   Freneh   eonver  s  fron,   tC 
Moha„.  s,  eon,„,en,y  called  -praying  I,,,,,,,,,  settle 
a  .  pla     near  Montreal  called  Cahnnaga,  (Cat.ghnawa- 
ia  )     II  ey  wore  w.ll  acquainted  with  the  conntry,  round 

Ffh:;;:nc;;'  ;t""  ''  '^""  -'''^  '^■''-'  "-=  ^""  °^ 

tnt  of  S    enec  a  y,  which  ensued,  is  a  ntattor  of  histo- 
eftec  ot'  :  ''°'--' ;'^'-^  "-d  not  be  repeated  here.    The 

•  ben   Albany,  was  snch,  that  nta,,y  resolved   to  desert 
tW^aee,  and  retire  to  Kew  York.    It  was  „.  this      , 
nre  that  a  deputation  of  Mohawk  saehems,  can,e  to    41 
-3,  to  condole  with  their  brethren,   according  t:  Z 
tCfi-     1       r'-'  Nations, when   any  ,nisfort,„;  hei^^ 
«.e„  fr,ends.    It  was  on  the  occasion  of  this  visit,  that 


•M 


n^ 


90 


HISTORY   OF    BUFFALO. 


the  address,  so  much  i^raised  by  Gov.  Clinton,  was  deliv- 
ered. It  is  worthy  of  preservation,  and  we  shall  make  no 
apology  for  inserting  it  here.  It  is  dated  the  25th  of 
November,  1690. 

"Beethren  :— The  murder  of  our  brethren  at  Sche- 
nectady, by  the  French,  grieves  us  as  much,  as  if  it  had 
been  done  to  ourselves  ;  for  we  are  in   the  same  chain, 
and  no  doubt  our  brethren  of  New  England,  will  be  like- 
wise sadly  afiected,  with  this  cruel  action  of  the  French. 
The  French  on  this  occasion,  have  not  acted  like  brave 
men,  but  like  thieves,   and   robbers.    Be  not   therefore 
discouraged  ;  we  give  this  belt,  to  wipe  away  your  tears. 
Brethren,  we  lame.it  the   death   of  so   many   of  our 
brethren,  whose  blood  has  been  shed   at  Schenectady. 
We  don't  think  that  what  the  French  have  done,   can  be 
called  a  victory.    It  is  only  a  further  proof  of  tlieir  cruel 
deceit. 

The  Gov.  of  Canada  sends  to  Onondaga,  and  talks  to 
us  of  peace  with  our  whole  house,  but  war  was  in  his 
heart  as  you  now  see,  by  woful  exj^erienco, 

lie  did  the  same  formerly,  at  Cadaraqui  and  in  the 
Senacas  country.  Tliis  is  the  third  time  he  has  acted  so  de- 
ceitfully. He  has  broken  open  our  house  at  both  ends,  for- 
merly, in  the  Senecas  country,  and  now,  here.  We  hope 
however,  to  be  revenged  of  tiiem.  One  hundred  of  our 
bravest  young  men,  are  in  pursuit  of  them,  they  are  brisk 
fellows,  nnd  they  will  follow  tlie  French,  to  their  own 
doors.  We  will  beset  them,  so  closely,  that  not  a  man  in 
Canada,  shall  dare  to  step  out  of  doors  to  cut  a  stick  of 
wood.  But  now  we  gather  up  our  dead,  to  bury  them, 
by  this  second  belt. 
Brethren,  we  came  from  our  castles  with  tears  in  our 


ADDRESS  OP  THE  MOHAWK  DEPUTIES.  91 

eyes  to  bemoan  the  blood  shed  at  Schenectady,  by  the. 
perfidious  French.  While  we  bury  our  dead,  murdered 
at  Schenectady,  we  know  not,  what  may  have  befallen 
our  own  people,  that  are  in  pursuit  of  the  enemy.  Thev 
may  be  dead.  What  has  befallen  you,  may  happen  to 
us,  and  therefore  we  come  to  bury  our  brethren  at  Sche- 
nectady, with  this  belt. 

Great,  and  sudden,  is  the  mischief,  as   if  it  had   fallen 
irom  Heaven,  upon  us.     Our  forefothers  taught  us  to  ..o 
with  all  speed,  to  bemoan,  and  lament,  with  our  brethien 
when  any  disaster,  or  misfortunes  happen  to  any  in  our 

ImV  w  '  '!""  ^"^'  °*"^'^S"^"««'  thatyoumay  be  more 
watchful,  for  the  future. 

_  We  give  our  brethren,  eye-water,  to  make  themshar,> 
sighted;  giving  a  fourth  belt. 

We  are  come  now,  to  the  house  where  we  usuallv  re- 
new^the  chain,  but  alas  !  we  find  the  house  polluted  with 

All  the  Five  Nations,  have  heard  of  this,  and  we  are 
come  to  wipe  away  the  blood,  and  clean  the  house 

We  come  to  invite  Corlear,  and  every  one  of  you,  and 
Qmder,  (calling  to  every  one  of  the  principal  men   pres- 

this  belt    *  '''''"'''^  ^"^  ^'  '"''""""'^ '''  ^^"  '"'"'^''  ^'y 

Brethren  be  not  discouraged;  we  are  strong  enough; 
his  IS  the  beginning  of  your  war,  and  the   whole  house 
Lave  their  eyes  fixed  on  you,   at  this  time,  to  observer 
your  behavior. 

They  wait  your  motion,  and  are  ready  to  join  you  in 
any  resolute  measures.  ' 

Our  chain  is  a  strong  chain ;  it  is  a  silver  chain  It 
can  neither  rust,  or  be  broken. 


(.it 


nil' 


Hid 


93 


IIISTOUY   OF   JJLTFFALO. 


I 


We,  as  to  our  part,  are  resolute  to  eontiime  the  war. 
We  will  never  desist,  so  long  as  a  uiati  of  us  remains; 
take  heart,  do  not  pack  up,  and  go  away  ;  this  will  give 
heart  to  a  dastardly  enemy.  We  are  of  the  race  of  the 
^  bear,  and  a  bear,  you  know,  never  yields,  while  one 
drop  of  blood  is  left ;  we  must  all  be  bears  ;  giving  a 
sixth  l)elt. 

Bretliren,  be  ])atieut.  This  tlisaster  is  a  great  alHic- 
tion,  wliich  has  fallen  from  IJeaven  upon  us ;  the  sun 
which  hatli  been  cloudy,  and  sent  tliis  disaster,  will  sliine 
again,  with  its  pleasant  beams  ;  take  courage,  said  he, 
courage,  (repeating  the  word  several  limes)  as  they  gave 
asevL'iiih  belt. 

There  was  a  special  address  also  to  the  English  resi- 
dents of  Albany,  at  the  same  time  ;  full  of  sympathy  and 
encouragement,  bul,  notwithstanding  this  wise  counsel 
andprofers  of  assistance  and  support,  many  of  the  Eng- 
lish residents,  were  so  alarmed,  and  disheartened,  that 
they  packed  up,  and  returned  to  New  York. 

The  Five  Nations  fulfilled  all,  and  even  more,  than 
they  promised.  The  one  hundred  young  waiViors,  they 
sent  out  to  pursue  tlie  French  in  their  retreat,  back  to 
Canada,  fell  upon  their  rear,  and  killed,  and  captured, 
twenty-five  of  them,  without  loss  to  themselves  ;  they  or- 
ganized bands,  to  invade  the  territory,  and  liarass  the 
French  settlements,  in  Canada,  and  literally  accomplished 
what  they  threatened,  Uiaking  it  dangerous  for  them,  to 
go  abroad,  to  procure  food  or  fuel.  Under  these  circum- 
stances, the  Count  De  i'rontenac,  acted  with  his  accus- 
tomed energy,  and  skill.  He  sent  a  small  party,  under 
Capt.  Louriqui,  to  relieve  the  garrison  at  Mashilimacki- 
nak,  and  prevent  a  treaty  of  peace,  which  was  on   the 


TIIK  INDIANS  PERSECUTE  THE   WAR.  93 

point  0"  being  concluded,  between  tlie  Five  Nations  and 
the  Indians  in  tl.at  quarter.  Before  they  had  got  fur  on 
their  journey,  about  one  iiundred  and  twenty  miles  above 
Montreal  on  the  St.  Lawrence  river,  they  were  attacked 
by  a  i,arty  of  the  Five  Nations,  with  such  vigor,  that  thev 
were  compelled  to  land,  and  give  battle,  in  which  several 
were  killed  on  both  sides,  according  to  the  French  ac- 
count. The  Frencli  took  two  of  the  Indians  prisoner, 
one  was  taken  on  to  Mackinac,  to  confirm  what  the  French 
claimed  as  a  victory  ;  the  other  was  carried  to  Montreal 
by  a  return  party  of  Fren  h,  which  accompanied  the  ex- 
pedition up  the  river,  as  an  escort  or  guard. 

"To  revenge  this  loss,  the  Five  J^atlons  sent  a  party 
against  Montreal,  attacked  a  party  of  regular  troops,  killed 
the  commanding  ofKcer,  and  twelve  of  his  men."  These 
frequent  incursions  ke])t  the  whole  country  upon  the  river 
111  constant  alarm. 

The  Five  JS-ations,  were  disappointed  in  their  expecta- 
tion of  aid  from  the  English.  The  revolution  in  Euo-]aud 
which  dethroned  King  James,  and  placed  WiUianr  and 
Mary  on  the  throne,  caused  a  change  of  Governors  in 
New  York.  Gov.  Dongan  himself,  a  catholic,  althou-h 
he  had  conducted  the  government  with  energy,  and  dis- 
cretion, was  recalled,  and  Col.  Slaughter  appointed  in 
his  place. 

The  Five  Nations  felt  the  effect  of  these  changes,  and 
the  delays  consequent  thereon,  and  although  on  their  part 
the  war  had  been  prosecuted  with  perseverance  and  en- 
ergy,  and  even  with  a  good  degree  of  success,  yet  the  dis- 
appointment they  experienced,  in  the  promised  aid,  and 
co-operation  of  che  English,  do  t  nved  their  confidence  in 
them,  particularly  on  the  part  of  t.ie  JVfohawks  who  lived 


V 


I  'if 


a . 


„  mi 


itii 

1   '    mf 


•^hl 


94 


mSTORT   OF   BUFFALO. 


nearest  the  English.  It  was  not  very  surprising  that 
under  these  circumstauces  they  should  be  ready  to  listen 
to  proposals  of  peace,  which  the  Count  De  Frontenac  lost 
no  opportunity  to  proffer,  through  the  small  settlement 
of  their  countrymen,  the  praying  Indians,  who  still  re- 
mained true  to  the  interests  of  the  French. 

It  was  at  this  time,  (1691,)  and  under  these  circumstan- 
ces, that  the  Mohawks,  sent  one  of  their  sachems  to 
their  brethren,  the  praying  Indians,  who  introduced  him 
to  the  Count  De  Frontenac,  who  made  him  welcome, 
treated  him  in  the  kindest  manner,  and  gave  him  assu- 
rances of  his  desire  for  peace,  and  gave  him  a  belt,  with 
l)roposals  of  peace  to  his  nation. 

Col.  Slaughter  then  Gov.  of  New  York,  being  informed 
of  the  condition  of  affairs,  appointed  a  meeting  with  the 
Five  Nations.  Only  four,  of  the  Five  Nations,  were  rep- 
resented in  this  council.  The  Mohawks  did  not  attend, 
to  join  in  the  answer.  The  Oneidas,  Onondagas,  Cayu- 
gas,  and  Senecas,  all  answered  the  Governor,  that  they 
were  resolved  to  prosecute  the  war  against  the  French  ; 
they  did  not  approve  of  entertaining  any  overtures  for 
peace. 

On  the  fourth  day,  the  Mohawks  spoke  to  the  Governor 
in  presence  of  all  the  other  nations.  They  admitted  hav- 
ing received  overtures  of  peace,  through  their  brethren, 
the  praying  Indians  ;  they  desired  advice,  as  to  what 
answer  they  should  return  to  the  Governor  of  Canada. 
The  Four  Nations  replied  to  this' request,  as  follows  : 

"  Mohawks,  our  Bretliren,  in  answer  to  your  propo- 
sals from  the  Governor  of  Canada,  we  must  put  you  in 
mind  of  his  deceit  and  treachery. 
."  We  need  only  give  one  recent  instance,  how  he  late- 


THB  INDIANS  CONTINOIi  THE  war.  jj 

!fme  fein  ""  "^T"'  '"  '''"'  °'^^'  »"  "'  fto  same 
time  fell  upon  Schenectady,  and  cut  that  place  off. 

We  tel  you,  that  the  belt  sent  by  the  French  Gov 

on.or,  .3  po  son,  we  spew  it  out  of  ouf  mouths,  wt  abl 

"tely  reject,  and  are  resolved  to  prosecute  the  lar  a" 

iong.wol.vo...    Then  they  M. he  belt  lying  r;,: 

Pm.(- V     7  -corcy  ot  the   Mohawks,   attacked 

tIo  clTn  r  "'™'  "'^'''^"'y  oftheiiihabi:  's 

men,  under  the  command  of  Mons  T^pll«lr..^n,.  * 

t..eir  backs,  they  ".u-PHsod  z iTfti  ^^.r:!:,.!: 

about  e,gbty  po.ons  of  both  sexes,  who   says  t  "     a-f 

rely  cut  oil;  and  several  atten.p.s  wore  n,ade  i^  " 
p.  ng  and  suuuner  of  1C92,  to  open  it,  but  we. .  in  ev  v 
"H tance  trustrated  by  the  vigilance  of  the  Five  Na  ;„„? 
Acons,derablepartyof  the  Five  Nations  under  tie 
.onnnaud  ol  a  famous  war-chiof  uamed  Black  Kettle  c«° 
fnuod  a  long  ti„,e  on  the  St.  Lawrence  river,  in  hopes  "f 
meetmg  with  other  French  parties,  „„  .heir  passage  to- 


:m 


""■ji 


M 


;  m 


1 11 


I  I 


96 


HISTOIiY  01'  HUFFALO. 


wards  Aliickiiiac,  but  Ihuliii*^  no  I'lU'tlior  atteuipts  tliat 
way,  made  an  irniptiuu  into  tho  C(.)untiy  round  Montreal, 
over-running  the  whole  country,  burning  and  ravaging 
wherever  they  went ;  some  accounts  say,  Black  Kettle 
had  six  huiulred  men  with  him,  others  place  tho  number 
at  only  two  humh-ed. 

M.  Do  Vaudrieul  at  the  head  of  four  hundred  men,  fi- 
nally sm-prised  this  party,  and  after  a  desperate  encoun- 
ter, they  broke  through  the  French,  and  made  their  es* 
ca])e  with  tho  loss  of  twenty  killed.  The  French  lost  four 
officers,  and  many  men.  They  took  five  men,  nine  wo- 
men, and  five  children  prisoners.  Tho  Five  Nations  in 
a  few  days  after,  attacked  a  party  of  French  soldiers  re- 
turning from  guarding  some  vessels  from  Montreal  to 
Quebec,  killing  the  Captain,  and  dispersing  the  whole 
party.  During  all  the  summer  of  101)2  tho  French  were 
obliged  to  act  entirely  on  the  defensive,  keei)ing  within 
their  fortilications. 

These  continued  incursions  of  the  Five  Nations  which 
the  French  seemed  to  have  no  power  to  prevent,  or  pun- 
ish, exasperated  tho  Count  De  Frontenac  to  such  a  de- 
gree, that  ho  was  left  to  perpetrate  a  piece  of  savage  bar- 
barity, which  will  forever  stamp  his  administration  with 
disgrace  ;  it  was  no  less  than  condemning  two  prisoners 
of  the  Five  Nations,  to  be  publicly  burnt  alive.  Although 
the  influence  of  the  missionaries,  was  interposed  to  pre- 
vent tho  execution  of  this  terrible  sentence,  and  even  the 
entreaties  of  his  wife,  nothing  would  divert  him  from  bis 
purpose.  He  insisted  that  it  was  necessary  to  make  an 
example.  That  his  clemency  hitherto  had  encouraged 
them  in  their  boldness.  Not  that  these  men  had  been 
guilty  of  any  particular  act  of  atrocity,   but,    the   Five 


TOKTUBK   OF   AN   IKO.i.rOrs    WARRIOU.  97 

•Nations  ho  said  had  burnt  so  nuxny  Fronch,iustifiod  this 
node  of  .otahafon,  ono  of  the  two  pnsone,;  dispatched 
"  nse  t  nj  pnson,  h.foro  the  execution  ;  the  other  wa 
taken  to  the  phace  of  execution  by  tl,e  «'  christian  Indil' 
of  the  Lorrette,"  to  which  he  walked  with  the  utn.ost  fi T 
nessand  n.  ifterence.     While  the,  were  torturing  hi^ 
he  contmued  sin.nng,  that  ho  was  a  warrior,  brave    and 
w.thout  fear :  that  the  n.ost  cruel  death,  sho  Id  ^  t  ^hlk 
us  courage,  that  the  n.ost  cruel  torment,  should  not  d^t 
Iron,  inm,  one  complaint ;  that  his  con.rade,  was  a  cow- 
ard a  scandal  to  the  Five  Nations,  who  had  killed  him- 
self for  fear  of  pain  ;  that  it  was  a  comfort  to  him,  to  re- 
-jnber,  that  he  had  n.ade  nu^ny  French  to  suffer  as  ho 
cbd  now     He  full,  verified  his  words,  for  the  g.ate 
torment  they  could  inflict,  could  not  force  the  le^fst  com- 
pamt  from  Inm,  although  his  executioners  exerted  their 
utmost  skdl,  to  do  it.    They  first  broiled  his  feet  between 
hot  stones  ;  then  they  put  his  fingers  into  red  hot  pipes, 
and  though  he  "had  his  arms  at  liberty  he  would  not  pu 
ns  fingers  out.     They  cut  his  joints,  and  taking  hold  of 
the  sinews    twisted  them  round  small  bars  of  hot  iron 
All  this  wlnie,  he  kept  singing,  and  recounting  his  own 
brave  actions,  against  the  French.    At  last,  thev  flayed 
lus  scalp  from  his  skull,  and  poured  scalding  hot  sand 
upon  his  liead ;  at  which  point,  says  the  witness,  the  In- 
tendant  s  Lady,  obtained  leave  of  the  Governor,  to  have 
an  end  put  to  the  scene,  by  having  him  dispatched  at 
once    '.  to  the  relief  of  all  who  saw,  as  well  as  all  who 
read  this  dreadful  act  of  barbarity  " 

The  death  of  Gov.  SLaughter,  very  soon  after  his  arri- 
val in  the  country,  was  very  prejudicial,  to  the  interests 
of  New  1  ork.    Capt.  Ingoldsby,  being  the  military  com- 


>!ii 


■if- 


>j''.iri 


!(:! 


PS 


niSTORV    OF   BUFFALO. 


mander  of  one  of  the  companies  of  foot  soldiers,  took  upon 
himself  the  government  of  the  province,  without  authori- 
ty. Ho  had  little  experience  in  statesmanship,  and  was 
obnoxious,  to  a  considerable  portion  of  the  people,  and 
was  powerless  for  good.  Ho  met  the  Five  Nations  at 
Albany  the  6th  of  June,  1092,  which  resulted  in  little 
else,  than  a  renewal  of  promises  on  the  part  of  the  Eng- 
lish, to  ])rosecute  the  war  with  vigor,  calling  upon  the- 
Five  Nations  to  do  the  same. 

Notwithstanding  the  severe  measures  pursued  by  the 
Count  de  Frontenac  against  the  Five  Nations,  he  still 
hoped  to  negotiate  a  peace  with  them.  This  he  hoped  to 
be  able  to  do,  through  the  influence  of  his  agents,  the 
Jesuit  missionaries,  who  resided  among  them,  and  the 
praying  Indians,  who  were  Mohawks,  and  still  adhered 
in  their  allegiance,  to  the  French.  But  these  efforts  pro- 
ving ineffectual,  the  Governor  of  Canada  found  it  neces- 
sary to  adopt  other  means,  in  order  to  pacify  the  French 
people,  who  were  growing  despondent.  In  this  emergen- 
cy, the  Count  de  Frontenac  resorted  to  his  old  method,  of 
projecting  some  bold  enterprise,  that  should  encourage 
his  own  people,  and  at  the  same  time,  show  the  Five  Na- 
tions that  they  had  to  contend  with  an  enemy,  still  able 
to  act  on  the  offensive. 

An  expedition,  in  the  middle  of  the  winter  of  1692-3, 
was  determined  upon,  against  the  Mohawks.  It  con- 
sisted of  about  six  or  seven  hundred  men,  a  part  regular 
soldiers,  militia  of  the  country-  and  Indians,  commanded 
by  three  captains  of  the  regular  troops,  and  thirty  subal- 
terns. They  were  well  supplied  with  everything  neces- 
sary for  the  expedition,  even  to  snow  shoes,  and  sleds 
drawn  by  dogs,  upon  the  snow.    They  left  Laprarie  on 


Tumm  KxrEnmoN  aoainst  the  mohawk,.         99 

Mol,u,vk  river   abova  Z        !   ,  ™"°^  »'  "'<> 

■y  at  „igl,..    The  F  :„  Na  ."       ''  T  ""'  *"'  ''"''™»- 

"■«e.    Tl,o  next  castlo  „„t  rfll      ''r'  T  ''"""' 
■liie  i^rench  went  to  the  npvf  f^,.f       i  •  , 

.es'.  a,,.,  eo,„i,„  .„  .„„.:".::'„;, ; :: ::::':  '"^■ 

«nd  suspected  tl.ey  were  discovered     T,  ' 

caatioasly,  a„,i  f'„,,       """"^'o'"^'-    They  a,>,,roncl,ed 

^ance,  am  en    re^^    1        m™""'  °"'"'""^"  ''>'  »  »■'»• 
a  Wood,  r  c^  t        1  "''  T"  '"'"""'■^"'  I""  ™^' 

dians  sJb,:;         "t    ;:^,[l""'-';f  ™".  b^f-  the  In- 

When  tlie  news  reached  Albany    R.tp,.  q„u     , 
major  of  militia,  offered  to  he.dT  f'  "^^^''■'  "" 

with  the  enemy  on  th^  I7th    h,!!    ^  '*'""'  "P 

skirmishin..    J^ve  ovt    1  '""^'  "'^^^^^"^^ 

there.  ^^enselear  a  gen't  of  large  estate 


'.  * 


m 


■■'i»1 


I 


Ill 


100 


IIIHTOKV    OK    IJUFFAlAt. 


Tlio  Count  do  Fruntcimc  anticipating  that  tliis  disastor 
to  tlie  Mohawks,  would  so  cripple  the  Five  KatioiiH, 
that  thoy  would  have  no  farther  trouble  in  opening  a  pas- 
sago  to  Mackinac,  to  enable  the  French  to  bring  down  a 
great  ([uantity  of  furs,  they  iiad  accumulated  tiiorc.  lie 
sent  a  lieutenant  with  eighteen  Caiuulians,  and  twenty 
praying  Indians,  to  open  the  passage;  but  this  party, foil 
in  with  a  party  of  tiie  Five  Nations,  who  entirely  routed 
them,  so  that  few  escai>ed.  At  length  twt)  hundred  ca- 
noes, loaded  with  furs,  arrived  at  Montreal  from  Missili- 
makimvk,  to  the  great  joy  of  the  French. 

Early  in  1003  the  Five  Nations,  were  informed,  through 
the  friends  of  tlio  French,  that  the  Governor  of  Canada 
had  received  from  France,  largo  reinforcements  of  troops, 
and  ample  su[)plie3  of  military  stores,  jn-ovisions,  &c. 
This,  taken  in  connectijii  with  their  recent  severe  losses, 
and  the  little  assistance  they  had  received  from -the  Eng- 
lish, influenced  the  Oneidas  to  listen  to  the  solicitations  of 
the  Jesuit  missionary  Milet,  to  send  a  message  to  the 
Governor  of  Canada  for  peace.  Col.  Fletcher,  who  was 
now  Governor  of  New  York,  being  informed  of  this  move- 
ment called  a  council  of  the  Five  Nations  at  Albany,  in 
July  of  that  year ;  after  informing  them  of  what  he  had 
heard,  he  told  them  plainly,  that  they  had  been  influ- 
enced in  their  action,  by  th^  Jesuit  Milet,  who  they  had 
suffered  to  live  too  long  among  them,  and  advised  u;cm, 
to  expel  him  from  among  them.  He  made  them  ••  -P;.- 
ent  of  ninety  guns,  eight  hundred  pounds  of  powder,  eight 
hundred  bars  of  lead,  one  thousand  flints,  eighty-seven 
hatchets,  four  gross  of  knives,  besides  a  quantity  of  cloth- 
ing, and  provisions.  This  present  he  told  them,  was 
from  ibt^r  King  and  Queen,  to  renew  the  covenant  for  all 


K 


REMOVAL  OF  THR  .rKSUlT  Mi..,ONAUV  ,  UOKD.  iOl 

tllO  Kriirlisll    Colunit'rt.       Tim    Fivn    V«f' 

Q  ™n     ,       "J™"™  ""''■■'«-^'  " "■•■^'  tl-  Ki„K  „„„ 

k    „   ,    ,        T     *-'"  ■"■'■■"'•'"■""'"1  '■"'•  >l.o  n.n,„„„i,i„„ 

e<l  mil,!!;,  w,tl,  i>ro,„,8e8or  com,.lianco  at  a  tut„ro  ti.no 
..ndc-  certain  contingoncie.    tL  <lid  ' .    p      en    ,  ,o 
propa™t„,n,  of  an  answer,  to  bo  «ont  to  .l,o  'ov^  o  ^f 
Canada,  but  tl„.„„g,,  „,„  ,-„„„enco  of  tho  Mol.aw  •    "  ll 
I.ved  „ca,.c.t  ,1,0  EnglLsl,,  ,|,o  an^.or  wa«  a^r  o  I  fc    1 

tucreon,  lo.  wind,  pnrposc,  a  dopulatior.  of  several  sa 

De::;:::  t  '°  ^'""-^  "■■  "^  ^<'  '^«""»o-  ? 

Five  X  r         '"""^  ^™"  "'"  1'""<"I«'I  »i"-'*«-  of  tl,„ 
ins  deputation.    In  person  l,e  was  tall,  and  of  fine  fea 
r,    l,i  ?r'/''^""^  »'■«""-'"  ™"  »  8°aee,-,.  l"' 

L-^Aft-  :f",°"-  "isa^'resswasmadotoiQui- 
de  ,)  Major  8e  „,yler,  and  tl,e  n.agistratos  of  Albany  a, 
he  representatives  of  the  Governor,  „!,„  they  called  Cay 

M.orSl      ler..„-;:,r-^^^^ 

P  d  to,f  \  ""'"^'  "'"'  "'"  ^-el.;  and  pre 
po  ed  to  them,  to  ,neet  the  Governor  of  New  York  at 
Alhany  ,n  "seventy  days."  They  agreed  to  net  the 
Governor  at  that  tin.e,  "  but,  as  for-m^self,  (said  D  o  „ 


'k 
■  M 

ill 


■  I 


i 


102 


HISTOKY   OF  BUFFALO. 


esora,)   J  cannot  promise ;  I  am  now  the  representative 
of  the  general  council,  and  cannot  dispose  of  myself,  ex- 
cept by  their  directions.    If  they  order  me.  I  shall  will- 
ingly return."     Major  Schuyler  again    asked,  whether 
they  promised  to  stop  all  correspondence  with  the  French, 
either  by  the  Jesuit,  or  otherwise,  for  seventy  days,  and, 
until  they  should  have  the  Governor's  answer.    To  which 
Decanesora  answered :  "  I  have  no  authority  to  answer 
this  question.     T  shall  lay  the  belt  (which  liad  been  given 
thenj,)  down  in  every  one  of  the  castles,  and  tell  them, 
that  by  i;,  all  corre  ^    ndence  with  the  French  is  desired 
to  be  stopped  ;  but  1  cannot  promise  that  this  will  be 
complied  with." 

Early  in  the  spring  of  169-i,  Decanesora,  with  other 
deputies,  went  to  Canada,  and  in  May  another  delegation 
met  Gov.  Fletcher  at  Albany ;  but  not  being  able  to  give 
the  Five  Nations  any  assurance  of  a  rigoroue  assistance, 
he  called  the  principal  sachems  to  a  private  conference, 
and  asked  them  whether  they  had  made  pea.-^e  with  the 
Governor  of  Canada.  They  answered  that  it  only  wanted 
his  approbation ;  and  added  that  they  were  unable,  any 
longer,  to  carry  on  the  Mar,  without  assistai  ce.  "  We 
submit  the  whole  matter  to  your  prudence."  lie  then 
gave  his  consent,  ])rovided  they  kept  inviolate,  their 
chain,  with  the  English;  but  tolJ  theui,  that  he  could 
make  no  peace  with  the  French. 

Upon  su])niitt:ng  the  proposals  of  the  Governor  of  Can- 
ada to  a  full  council  of  the  Five  Nations  at  Onondaga, 
there  was  a  division  of  opinion  among  themselves,  a  large 
majority  objected  to  the  re-building,  of  the  fort  at  Cada- 
rackui.  (Kingston.)  The  party  most  in  favor  of  peace, 
proposed  to  send  a  deputation,  to  p]-ocure  a  modification 


SURRENDER  OF  PRISONERS  TO  THE  FRENCH.  103 

Of  the  terms  of  the  treaty,  which  was  granted,  and  to  make 
themselves  more  acceptable  to  the  French,  took  thirteen 
.prisoners  with  them,  to  deliver  up.    Among  these  was 
he  Jesm   Milet,  who  had  been  with  the  Oneidas  since 
1689,  and  Mons.  Jonscaire,  who  had  been  long  a  prisoner 
among  the  Senecas.     He  had  been  adopted  by  a  family 
of  the  Senecas.    He  obtained  such  a  reputation  among 
them,  that  the  nation  advanced  him  to  the  rank  of  a  sa 
•ctiem.    He  preserved  their  esteem  to  the  day  of  his  death  • 
and  was  very  useful  to  the  French,  in  all  their  negotia^ 
tions  with  the  Five  J^ations,  after  the  general  peace 

iho   embassy  however,   resulted   in  nothing,  as  the 
French  Governor  insisted  upon  re-building  forr  Cadaia 
kui,   and   induding  his  allies,  (the  western  Indians,)  in 
the  peac.     He  therefore,  dismissed  them,  with  pres  nts 
promising  them  further  benefits,  if  they  chose  to'comply 
with  lus  proposals,  but  threatened  them  with  destruction 
in  case  they  refused.  ' 

The  Five  Nations  refusing  to  comply  with  the  terms 
proposed  by  the  Governor  of  Canada,  he  resolved  to  force 
them  to  a  compliance.     He  sent  a  party  of  three  hundred 
men  to  exam  me  the  old  French  fort  at  Cadarakui,  and  to 
the  neck  of  land  between  lake  Ontario  and  lake  Erie,  the 
usual  hunting  ground  of  the  Five  Nations.    This  party 
met  with  three  or  four  men  whona  they  attacked,  but 
could  not  compel  to  surrender ;  they  defended  themselves 
with  such  obstinacy,  that  they  were  all  killed,  on  tire  spot. 
They  surprised  a  cabin,  where  they  took  some  men  and 
women  prisoners,  fo.r  of  the  m,n  were  publicly  burned 
ahve,  at  Montreal.     The  fort  at  Oadarackui  was  found  in 
better  condition  than  was  expected;  and  in  the  summer 
■  of  1695,  the  Count  de  Frontenac,  sent  a  party  consisting 


li<'4 


104 


HISTORY   OF   BUFFALO. 


i| 


of  both  Frencli  and  Indians,  to  repair  tlie  fortifications, 
and  to  protect  tliose  engaged  at  work.  The  Five  Nations 
immediately  gave  notice  to  the  English  at  Albany,  that 
the  French  again  occupied  fort  Cadarackui,  and  demand- 
ed the  assistance  promised  by  Gov.  Fletcher,  to  dislodge 
them.  JTe  met  them  at  Albany  in  September,  complained 
of  their  allowing  the  French  to  possess  themselves  of  the 
fort.  He  advised  them  to  invest  the  place,  and  cut  off 
their  supplies,  as  it  Avould  bo  impossible  to  transport 
cannon  from  Albany,  which  would  be  indispensible  to 
attack  the  fort.  He  gave  them  one  thousand  pounds  of 
powder,  two  thousand  pounds  of  lead,  fifty-seven  guns, 
one  hundred  hatchets,  three  hundred  and  forty  knives, 
and  two  thousand  flints,  besides  clothing,  &c. 

The  Count  de  Frontenac  having  secured,  and  repaired, 
fort  Cadarackui,  (it  was  afterwards  c'alled  by  his  name, 
fort  Frontenac,)  he  resolved  to  make  the  Five  Nations, 
feel  the  weight  of  his  displeasure,  at  their  refusal  of  the 
terms  of  peace  oft'ered  them.     For  this  purpose  he  deter- 
mined to  use  all  the  military  force,  that  could  be  made 
available  in  Canada.     His  forces  were  assembled  at  Mon- 
treal in  June,  1696,  but  did  not  leave  until  July.    They 
reached  Cadarackui  in  twelve  days,  they  crossed  the  lake 
to  Onondaga  river,  (Oswego,)  passed  up  the  river  in  ca- 
noes, with  scouts  on  each  side  the  river,  until  they  reached 
the  little  lake.  (Onondaga.)     As  soon  as  they  had  land- 
ed they  erected  a  stockade,  or  breast  work,  for  their  pro- 
tection.    A  Seneca,  who  had  been  some  time  a  prisoner, 
was  sent  out  as  a  spy.     He  gave  intelligence  to  the  Onon- 
dagas,  who  he  found  waiting  to  receive  the  French,  deter- 
mined- to  defend  their  castle  to  the  last,  for  which  pur- 
]iose  they  had  sent  away  their  women  and  children.    But 


COUNT  FRONTENAC'S  EXPEDITION  TO  ONONDAGA.  105 

upon  learning  the  number  of  the  enemy,  that  they  were 
armed  with  cannon,  they  decided  to  burn  their  town  and 
retire.    The  French  marclied  in  battle  array  in  two  col- 
nmns  the  artillery  in  the  rear.     The  Count  de  Frontenac, 
an  old  inan,  seventy-three  years  of  age,  was  carried  in  a 
chair,  directly  in  rear  of  the  artillery.     In  this  formida- 
ble manner,  the  aged  General  marched  up  to  the  ashes  of 
he  deserted  village,  and  his  army,  expended  the  furv  of 
their  assault,  upon  the  thick  ranks  of  their  standing,  cirn 
which  was  aH  that  was  left  for  them  to  capture,  or  to  con- 
oiuer.     One  old  sachem,  whose  age  marked  a  hundred 
winters,  disdaining  to  fly,  defied  the  torments  of  the  sav- 
age allies  of  the  French,  and  withstood  them  with  surpri- 
sing resolution,  preserving  to  the  last,  his  coolness,  and 
'Tr^''.if""^'"S  I'is  tormentors,  with  his  last  breath. 

ihe  d.fhculty  of  supporting  so  large  an  army,  in  such  a 
country,  compelled  the  Count  de  Frontenac,  to  make  a 
speedy  return .     The  Onondagas  hung  upon  their  rear  in 
their  retreat,  cutting  off  every  canoe  that  became  detached 
from  the  main  body.    This  compelled  them  to  hasten  their 
march,  so  that  they  returned  to  Montreal  the  10th  of  Au- 
gust, 1696.     The  French  suffered  more  in  this  expedition 
than  the  Five  Nations.     The  absence  of  so  large  a  por- 
tion of  the  male  population,  so  long  a  time,  caused  agri- 
culture to  be  neglected,  and  a  famine  ensued.     This  was 
the  last  considerable  expedition  of  the  French,  a-ainst 
the  Five  Nations.    In  the  ensuing  winter  an  attempt  was 
made  upon  the  English  settlements  near  Albany,  but  the 
party  was   met  and  entirely  routed  by  some  Mohawks 
and  Scahkook  Indians. 

The  war  was  kept  up,  in  a  predatory  manner,  until  the 
peace  of  Beswick  in  1697.     Soon  after  the  news  of  peace 


11 


1 


'  I     ! 


106 


HISTORY   OF   BUFFALO. 


was  received  in  New  York,  an  exi)res3  was  dispatched  to 
Canada,  to  inform  the  Governor  of  Canada  that  hostilities 
might  cease. 

The  Five  Nations  having  earlj  news  of  the  peace,  took 
advantage  of  it,  to  renew  the  beaver  hunting,  in  tlie 
neighborhood  of  fort  Cadarackui.    The  Governor  of  Can- 
ada being  informed  of  it,  dispatched  a  considerable  body 
of  Adirondacks  to  attack  and  surj^rise  them,  which  they 
did,  killing  several,  among  whom  was  a  distinguished 
war  chief,  who  after  being  mortally  wounded,  most  pite- 
ously  lamented  his  late.    That  after  all  his  great  exploits 
in  war,  he  should  ignobly  lose  his  life,  at  the  hands  of  the 
despised  Adirondacks,  who  were  lookd  upon  by  the  Five 
Nations  as  children.     A  dispute  arose  about  this  time, 
between  the  Government  of  New  York  and  that  of  Can- 
ada, respecting  certain  French  prisoners  in  the  hands  of 
the  Five  Nations.    The  Earl  of  Bellomont,  who  had  been 
appointed   Governor   of  New   York,   insisted   that  the 
French  should  receive  them  from  him,  at  Albany ;  where- 
as, the  Governor  of  Canada,  refused  to  recognise  the  sov- 
reignty  of  the  English  government,  over  the  Five  Na- 
tions, and  threatened  to  continue  the  war  against  them, 
unless  they  broiiglit  their  prisoners  to  Montreal,  to  deliv- 
er them  up  there,  and  that  all  the  allies  of  the  French, 
should  be  included  in  the  peace.     Upon  being  informed 
that  these  terms  would  not  be  submitted  to,  by  the  Five 
Nations,  the  Count  de  Frontcnac  threatened  to  renew  the 
war,  and  began  preparations  for  attacking  the  Five  Na- 
tions, with  the  whole  fjrce  of  Canada.     The  firmness  of 
the  Earl  of  Bellomont  however,  averted  the  threatened 
storm,  and  the  matter  was  referred  to  their  respective 
governments  at  home,  to  be  determined  by  commission- 


l!ll 


^t 


PEACB  DEPUTATIOK  TO  ONONDAGA.  107 

^r8  appointed  under  the  treaty  of  Reswick.    The  Count 
de  Frontenac  dying  before  these  disputes  were  settled 
hy  his  successor  Mons.  de  Callieres  stipulating  to  make 
the  exchange  of  prisoners  at  Onondaga.    These  commis- 
sioners on  the  part  of  the  French,  were   three,  one  of 
whom  was  M.  Jonciare,  who  had  so  long  resided  a,nong 
the  Senecas,  and  by  whom  he  had  been  adopted,  and 
made  a  sachem.    They  entered  the  castle  at  Onondaga, 
With  great  pomp  and  ceren.ony,  displaying  tlie  French 
flag,  Tmder  which  they  marched  in   procession.     Thev 
were  met  with  equal  ceremony,  by  the  representatives  of 
the  Five  Nations,  without  the  gate,  headed  by  their  great 
orator,  Decanesora,  with  an  address,  accompanied  with 
the  usual  compliments,  and  assurances  of  welcome,  en- 
iorcmglus  words  by  the  presentation  of  a  belt  of  wam- 
pum, at  the  close  of  each  part  of  his  speech.     When  thev 
entered  the  fort  or  castle,  they  were  saluted  with  a  salvo 
o  all  the  fire  arms,  conducted  to  the  largest  cabin,  and 
there  entertained  with  a  feast. 

The  next  day  the  general  council  of  the  Five  Nations 
was_  addressed  in  reply  by  the  French  deputation,  accom- 
panied with  the  usual  compliment  of  giving  a  belt,  at  the 
close  of  every  sentence,  or  head  of  the  speech. 

The  French  commissioners  had  full  liberty  to  take  home 
their  prisoners,  in  the  hands  of  the  Five  Nations,  but  few 
of  them  could  be  persuaded  to  return,  preferrino-  to  re- 
main where  they  had  experienced  more  real  liberty,  than 
among  their  own  people.  Several  of  the  sachems  of  the 
Five  Nations  returned  with  the  French  commissioners  to 
Montreal,  and  were  received,  and  treated,  with  every 
demonstration  of  respect,  and  consideration.  The  Eng- 
lish, had  nearly  as  much  difficulty  to  persuade  their  prit 


108 


HISTORY  OP  BUFFALO. 


oners  in  the  hands  of  the  French  Indians  to  leave  the  In- 
dian manner  of  life,  and  in  many  cases  no  arguments,  no 
entreaties,  or  even  the  tears  of  near  relatives,  could  induce 
them  to  leave  their  new  friends,  and  their  mode  of  life,  to 
return  to  the  society  of  their  friends  and  relatives,  and 
the  habits  of  civilization.     And  in  cases  where  they  have 
been  persuaded  to  return,  they  soon  grew  weary  of  the 
restraint,  and  embraced  the  first  opi>ortunity  to  return  to 
savage  life,  to  spend  their  days.     The  children  of  the 
natives,  taken  in  childhood,  and  educated  with  all  the 
care  and  assiduity  bestowed  upon  the  children  of  most 
favored  parents  in  civilized  life,  invariably  choose,  when 
left  to  their  own  choice,  to  return  to  the  Indian  mode  oi~ 
life. 


■1 

m  ' 

r^p. 

■ 

i 

■ 

t.i\ 

CHAPTER    VIII. 


Wo  have  now  brongl.t  the  hhtovj  of  the  Seneeas(or 
rather  the  Five  Nations  of  wliich  they  were   ad.nitted  to 
be  the  most  numerous  and  powerful)  down  to  the  close  of 
the  seventeenth  century,  a  little  less   than  one  hundred 
years  atter  the  first  settlement  of  Europeans  in  their   vi- 
cimty.    Had  they  left  no  other  record  than  what  is  now 
before  us,  they  would  be  entitled  to  a  name,  and  a  place 
in  the  great  history  of  nations.      That  a   people  laboring 
under  a  1  the  disadvantages  which  they  did,  should  have 
been  able  to  accomplish  so  much,  is  truly  surprising,  and 
shows  that  they  must  have  possessed  natural  endo;v^;ents 
that  under  more  favorable   circumstances   would   have 
inade  them  eniinent  in  all  that  we  admire  and  respect,  in 
the  character  of  men  ;  and  shows  that  all  that   has  been 
said  HI  eulogy  ofthem  by  Governor  Clinton   and  others 
IS  tnie  and  no  more  than  what  they  are  justly  entitled  to! 
We  have  dwelt  too  long,  perhaps,   upon   the  detail  of 
event^  m  their  early  history  ;  but  this  seeuied  necessary 
"1  order  to  illustrate  the  character  awarded  them,  and  to 
counteractm  some  measure,   impressions   of  a   different 
kind,  which  their  subsequent  history,   decline,   and  final 
downfall,  have  created  in  the  minds  of  those  not  conver- 


!.l 


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110 


HISTORY  OF   BUFFALO. 


sant  with  the  facts  wbicli  we  liavo  been  at  some  pains  to 
group  together,  in  the  order  of  their  occurrence. 

Tiie  efibrts  of  the  French  to  alienate  the  Five  Nations 
from  the  Englisli,  and  attach  thoin  to  tiie  government  of 
Canada,  did  not  cease  with  tlie  termination   of  the   war. 
For  we  find  that  early  in  1700,  the  Earl   of  Bellomont, 
wlio  was  then  Governor  of  New  York,  sent  a  commission 
(of  which  Peter  Livingston  was  the  head,)  to  visit   Onon- 
daga to  meet  the  Five  Nations,  then  in  council,  in  regard 
to  some  communication  they  had  received  from  the  French 
government  in  Canada,  and  to  ascertain  the  feelings  of 
the  Five  Nations  towards  the  English.    In   their  report 
to  the  Earl  Bellomont,  the  commissioners   represent  that 
the  French  are  more  active  than  ever,  to   acquire  influ- 
ence and  control  over  the  Indians.    That  their  intrigues 
are  carried  on  through  the  influence  of  the  "  praying  In- 
dians" settled  in  Canada,  and  through  the  Jesuit  mission- 
aries, who  had  gained  considerable  influence   over  the 
Oneidas  and  Mohawks,  in  particular.    They  say,  that  the 
English  ought  to  furnish  the  Five  Nations  with  ministers 
or  missionaries,  not  only  to  instruct  them  in  the  christian 
faith,  but  to  "  put  a  stop  to  the  diabolical  practice  of  poi- 
soning, by  which  means  those  attached  to   the  English, 
are  despatched  out  of  the  way." 

Early  in  1701  the  Earl  of  Bellomont  died.  This  cir- 
cumstance operated  unfavorably  upon  the  negotiations 
going  on  to  get  the  Five  Nations,  into  a  more  settled  and 
secure  state,  and  gave  the  French  a  great  advantage  in 
affording  them  an  opportunity  to  press  their  plans  and  pur- 
poses, the  more  successfully.  And  in  June,  1701,  the 
French  sent  an  embassy  to  the  Five  Nations,  at  Ononda- 
ga, which  was  received  with  every  demonstration   of  re- 


LORD  CORNUnRY  APPOIVTPn  nrnr    r.r. 

i-UI.NTED  GOV.  OF  NKW  YORK.        lH 

spect,   but  care  had  been  taken  hv  th. 
New  York,  then  under  Lieut    GvT        ^^^"'""^-^  ^f 
represented  at  this  interWe  "'a^d  io      fl"        ""1'  ^^  '^ 
Nations  to  pere^nptorii,     ell'i;:   hj  off   "'r"  ^'^  ^'^^ 
ry  to  reside  amoni  them     n    H    t    1^      '  '"''^''""- 

vLjeci  to  tlie  government  of  New  Vr,,-!-  n.  ■    .  , 
iuntm^gronnds,"  bounded  by  117],^    '  ''™'"'' 

west,  and  the  i,i  ,|,  lands  ,l,f,f  ""  "'""'"'  ""^ 
..seand  benofit^f    I      ;,"'"'''''• ,'»  ''"^  f- tl,e 

wards  c„nm.n,ed  on     0  ,fr„f;,"':'  "''"''  ""  """■ 

-™. ;;;»., a™., „:trer;tT:;:l!  i';i:;: 
-;- pernor  j:i:::,t!:r'v;rr^ 

Peter  Schuvl.,-  I  "^'^'^'""•^ '  ''  I'^'^y  »"f'er  connnand  of 
i-oa-,  to  tbe  Board       t;    :'","""'■"'■'''" 

-e.est:onas.ot,,erj:tt:e^;r::':c::;x 


J 


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112 


HISTORY    OF    UIIKKAI.O. 


post  of  Niagani,  became  one  ot*  more  serious  conbeciuciice, 
and  led  to  a  protracted  and  sharp  correspondence,  first 
between  the  Governor  of  New  York  and  the  Governor  of 
Canada,  and  afterwards  between  the  two  govermncnts  at 
home.  In  1720,  Gov.  Burnett  licUl  a  council  with  the 
now  Six  Nations,  (by  the  incorporation  into  the  confeder- 
acy of  the  Tuscaroras,)  at  which  the  subject  of  tlie  occu- 
pancy of  Niagara  was  fully  discussed.  The  French  had 
claimed  that  they  had  obtained  consent  to  the  occupancy 
from  the  Six  Nations.  But  it  appeared  that  theSenecas, 
who  claimed  the  land  upon  the  shore  of  the  river,  as  well 
as  the  lake,  had  never  given  their  consent.  The  consent 
claimed  by  the  French,  appeared  to  have  been  only  that 
of  the  Onondaga  sachems,  obtained  in  rather  a  surrepti- 
tious manner,  through  the  agency  of  the  French  mission- 
ary resident  among  them,  and  had  never  been  confirnied 
or  assented  to,  by  the  Scnecas,  or  any  of  the  other  Four 
Nations,  but  had  been  objected  to  by  the  Senecas  especi- 
ally. Indeed,  the  Five  Nations,  from  the  beginning  oi' 
the  controversy  about  jurisdiction,  claimed  not  only  the 
territory  on  the  south  side  of  the  lakes  Erie  and  Ontario, 
but  upon  the  north  side  also.  They  not  oidy  claimed  by 
possession,*but  by  right  of  conquest,  and  it  is  certain  that 
at  a  very  early  period  of  the  controversy,  they  had  set- 
tlements or  villages  upon  the  north  side  of  lake  Ontario. 
In  their  correspondence  with  the  English  government  at 
Albany,  they  make  it  a  subject  of  complaint  repeatedly, 
that  the  French  had  been  permitted  to  build  a  fort  at 
Cadarakui  (Kingston,)  upon  their  lands,  and  when,  by 
their  energy  and  perseverance  the  French  had  been 
obliged  to  abandr-i  that  fort,  and  all  the  country  around 
•jt,  the  Five  Nations  took  possession  of,  and  held  it  until 


EXTKNT  OP   lUOQlOiS    TKimrrOKV.  Hg 

title  to  tbo  t  to-'v'tlov      '""'",'-'«■"-''.  oxclusho 

greatly  ..educed  tl.ei.-  m,„,l„"'       '  /'^^P;^'''  "" 
■-•ation  showed  that  the  Seneeas  a,o,,    cV  U  b     C 
t  .o„sa„d  fighting  ,„e„  i„t„  tl,e  fold  •  in  1730    ,,  '  f ,  ? 

S.xKati„„seo„hHW„ish  hut  little  „o:e't;  .;:::* 


!'  :ifl! 


.  'ir 


'.I  -ji 


I      !  !li 


i  '         ! 


:ji 


Iti  |M 


M 


114 


filfrOST  OF  HUKFALO. 


bcr.  It  is  not  likely  tlio  principnl  town  or  village  of  tiic 
Senecns  liiul  been  removed  since  the  nbiuulonniont  and 
destrnction  of  Canagora,  at  tlie  time  of  De  Nonvillo's  ex- 
pedition (at  lionghton  Hill,)  into  their  conntry,  in  1687. 
They  never  returned  to  that  locality  to  reside,  (that  being 
their  uniform  custom,)  but  removed  further  interior,  ])rob- 
ably  to  Kancsedaga,  at  the  foot  of  Kanoseduga  lake, 
where  they  remained  until  Sullivan's  expedition  into  the 
Seneca's  country  in  1770. 

This  lake  had  previously  borne  the  name  of  the  Kane 
sadaga  lake,  and  when  the  Tsonnontouons  (Senecas,)  uuvdc 
their  principal  residence  there,  they  called  their  town 
Kanesadaga,  and  the  lake  received  the  name  of  Seneca, 
from  the  fact  of  the  Sennckas  (as  they  were  called  by  the 
English,)  residing  there.  The  same  may  be  said  in  re- 
gard to  the  origin  of  the  names  of  the  other  lakes,  Cayu- 
ga, Oneida,  Onondaga,  tfcc,  and  the  Moliawk  river. 

The  names  by  which  the  several  nations  were  called 
by  the  French,  were  entirely  different  from  those  of  the 
English,  having  little  similarity  either  in  sound  or  signiti- 
cation,  and  there  is  a  very  great  diversity  in  the  mode  of 
spelling  all  these  names,  both  in  the  English  and  French 
authors,  and  documents.  Sometimes  this  discrepancy  is 
so  great,  that  an  ordinary  reader  would  not  recogni/.c  their 
identity. 

As  has  been  observed,  the  question  of  jurisdiction  over 
the  Indian  territory,  was  stion  transferred  from  the  Six 
Nations  to  the  French  and  English.  The  French  deter- 
mined to  occupy  Niagara,  where  La  Salle,  Hfty  years  be- 
fore, had  taken  possession  in  the  name  of  the  French 
government.  In  order  to  have  some  color  of  authority 
for  this  proceeding,  tlTey  dispatched  M.  do  Jonciare  on 


■'•'noiaub  imitw  a  i„„-8I.:  at  niaoaba.  115 

nn  om:,„,.y  ,„  th„  Sonocan,  ,u  procure  their  eo„,en.  to 
"It.    Jt  «,||  bo  ,-o,„on,i,oro,l  timt  M.  .lo  Jonciare  l,„d 

tk^nct  at  N,a,,a,,..    I,„  wet  to  tl,o  T«o„„oMtl,„„a„, 
(^c„  ea,,)  and  „.,o,„i,]o.l  ti,o  ol,ieft,  an.l  alto,-  l.avin.  ,J. 

-   ...enuhat  1,0,, a.l„„  greater  p,^^^^ 
tl.a,    o   ,ye  „,„„„„  |,i,  ,,,,„,,„„  .  1,^  I- 

-..l>lv,.tto,,,n,,,oh„fto,.o,,i,M,ol,,uIac,d,,       o! 
^.on,,,vorol,o,,,i,-,,t,,,i,.o«.ho,,l,o™,,o.n,islil,      " 
lUoy  ,.0,, ,«  that  ,l,oy  ,,a,l  novo,.  oea,o.l  ,„  ,o„.<  „,,„„       ; 
as  one  „  t  ,o„.  ol,Md,.o„.    Tl,at  l,o  ,„i,,I,t  livo  i„  a,  v  ,.la 
ami  tl,at  l,o„,i,,l,.  el,„os„  t,,o  ,,laco  that  l,o  i„cllod    ,e 

.10  flxod  upon  a  spot  beside  of  the  rivo,-,  that  te,.„i. 

,  :    "  ™'"""  "•  "'« 'ftonaonthoaa,. ,1  b„ilt  a  cabb. 

"I'on   t.     Ihe  „ew8  «,«  eooi,  oa,.,-iod  to  New  IVk  a,„l 
ca,,sod  thoro  .0  „„,ol,  tbo  ,„„,.o  Joaloasv,  as  the  E  lib 
l.a<  .,evo,-  boo,,  able  ,0  obtain,  in  any  o,.o  of  tho  IrocL 
can  tons,  «hat  was  now  g,,„,tod  to  Soar  .;„„oia,.e  " 

Ho  add,  that  "al.l,„„o.b  ,bey  „,,od  ovo,y  „,oa,;s  to  dis- 

1  l.sh  ,t.  It  ,s  (sa,d  tboy,)  of  no  consoqnonco  tb,u  M.  do 
Jono,a,.e  dwells  tl,e,e,  bo  is  a  child  of  the  nation,  ho  o,^ 
joys  l„s  r,ght,  and  wo  have  no  .-ight  to  dop,-ivo  I,i„;  of  it ' " 
1  wo„  ,  be  ,nte,esti„g  to  know  n,„re  of  tho  pe,-sonaI 
^  story  of  tins  „,an.  than  can  begatl,e,-ed  from  the  ,„ere 
alius, ons  wh,cl,  a..  ,nade  to  bi,„,  i„  the  public  doou 
ments  rolat,ng  to  tbe  t.-ansaetions  in  wb.cb  bo  was  on- 


'  m 


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iliJ 

116 


HISTORY  OF  BUFFALO. 


m' 


Cliabert  Jonciare  (or  Jean  Coeur,  as  it  M'as  sometimes 
written  by  the  English)  literally  John  Hart,   appears  to 
have  been  a  young  French  soldier,  captured  by  the  Sene- 
cas,  in  some  of  their  forays  against  the  French  in  Canada 
some  time  prior  to   1700.     As  was  their  custom   when 
young  persons  of  either  sex  feli  into  their  hands,   he  was 
adopted  by  the  Senecas,  and  relishing  their  mode  of  life 
he  took  a  Seneca  wife,  and  raised  a   family  of  children. 
After  many  years  residence,  having   accj^uired   their  lan- 
guage, and  being  elevated  to  the   dignity  of  sachem,  he 
seems  to  have  acquired  great  influence,  particularly  with 
the  Senecas,  which  he  exerted  in  favor  of  the  French.  Ho 
appears  to  have  had  two  sons  at  the  time  he   was  libera- 
ted, and  probably  took  his  family  with  him  to   Montreal- 
He  was  immediately  omiiloyed  by   the   government, 
and  given  a  subordinate  military  connnission  in  1700,  and 
continued  in  active  service  during  the  remainder  of  his 
life,  sometimes  in  one  capacity,  and  sometimes  in  anoth- 
er, but  generally  to  advance  the  French  interest  and  in- 
fluence among  the  Six  Nations,  through  his  brethren,  the 
Senecas.    He  was  bold,  active,   and   unscrupulous.      In 
1721  he  was  charged  by  the  English  with  the   murder  of 
Mons.  Montour,  a  French  gentloman   who  like  himself, 
had  taken  a  native  wife,  of  whom  we  shall  have  occasion 
to  speak.    He  was  however,  \indicated  in  the  act,  by  M. 
Yadrieul  then  Governor  of  Canada,  who  said  : 

"It  was  by  my  orders  he  killed  the  Frenchman,  named 
Montour,  who  would  have  been  hanged,  had  it  been  pos- 
sible to  take  him.  alive  and  bring  him  to  this  colony." 

In  1730  Jonciare  appeared  in  the  "  Sinakees  country, 
with  several  French  soldiers  with  him.  He  told  the  Sen- 
■ecas  that  having  disobliged  his  governor,  he  had  been 


CirABEET  JONCIARE. 


117 


l»MUntano)  lake,  about  ten  leacrues  from  fi,.   q 
The  following  inessage  of  tl.e  Governor  of  Canada  to 

good  correspondence  with  the  French  •  ^"^ 

-gi^vr;:i:;^r°"  'r'^'^  ^-sentn.,onrn.es- 
>nc     Ch  d.  '  ^"^  ''^''''''^  y'^'"'  situation  to 

down  this  vpnr      Ti  Prevented  your  coming 

enough  for  yon,.  ,u,,p]y  ^'''S^™'  I"'°"''»ns 

.he\:e!:t!;::r;;,rr;'rr  ■'"  ''■""■•'  "^''^^  »^"-"'° 

i"  good  affiu...  I  „„  z  ,r  r .""'" '"  "°-°i"™"' 

t-™  and  good  fatheT.     "^ '      '    ""  ""'  '''''  «°  '«  ^«»- 

.vou  o;!ghn;'::::;^;;'r'-""i'r  '«^"^-»  ■■=-) 

fo«abb-,  and  tl.at  I  refuse,  'v„^       V™  "'"■°   ™'"- 
to  form  another  establishment."  '^    ""'''" 


"IPmI 

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118 


HISTORY    OF   15UFFAL0, 


It  is  to  Jonciare  belongs  tlio  credit  of  early  noticing 
the  Oil  Springs  which  are  now  attracting  so  much  atten- 
tion, lu  1721  he  informed  Charlevoix  who  was  then  on 
his  journey  to  the  west,  of  which  he  has  left  a  journal  "of 
the  existence  at  a  place  called  Ganos,  at  the  portage  be- 
tween the  Genesee  and  the  Belle  (Ohio)  river,  a  fountain 
the  water  of  which,  is  like  Oil,  and  a  little  further  on 
there  is  another  exactly  like  it. 

"The  Indians  use  it  to  allay  all  kinds  of  pain."  lie  had 
been  sent  there  to  locate  the  Shawnees  on  the  Ohio  river, 
and  was  a  very  active  agent  of  the  French   government, 
up  to  the  time  of  his  death   at  Niagara,    in   1740.     The 
Senecas  applied  to  the  French  for  his   son   to  come   and 
reside  with  them,  on  the  death  of  the  father,   which  was 
readily  granted.    The  son  was  called  a  "  French  Indian" 
by  tho  English.  He  spoke  the  language  fluently,  as  well  as 
the  Fi'cnch  ;  and  soon  became  as  active  and  useful  to  the 
French,  as  ever  his  lather  had  been.     In  1741   he   asked 
to  be  released  from  his  agency  in  the  Senecas  country,  on 
account  vt'  ill  health,  and  his  younger  brother,  Clau/conne 
Jonciare,  was   appointed  in  his  place,     lie  Cliabert   ap- 
pears however,  to  have  still  renuiined  in   the   employ    of 
the  French  government,  fur  his  name  is  signed  with   that 
of  his  brother,  to  the  capitulation  of  Fort  Niagara   to  Sir 
"William  Johnson,  in  1759.     The  brother  which  succeeded 
him  among  the  Senecas,  must  have  been  quite   young  at 
the  time  of  the  liberation  of  the- father,  as  we  fiiul  in  1742 
lie  was  sent  by  the  Marquis  Eeauliarnois,  who   was   then 
Gov.  of  Canada,  "to  the  Senecas,  to  learn  their  language.'' 
In  the  French  account  of  the  surrenderof  Fort  Niau'ara, 
is  the  following  notice  of  Cliabert  Jonciare,  Jr  : 

"  The  other  Indian  was  an  Iroquois  that  Air.   Chabert 


CIIADEBT    .TONCIAEE. 


119 


o«me  next  d.y      He  had  removed  totho  river  Clienondac 
(^l-Pl-va)  all   the  property  ho  could,   twenty   hotte 
«)"el.  be  onged  to  hin,  and  sou.o  oxen  he  had   brou'l 
Wn  on  h,s  own  account  front  Detroit.     He  bu.ned  the 

I    I,     T  ""■'■^'"'  ''''""^  <'^«'"»^=«''.)  "« it  wa.  not  tenable. 

"1,  '?'"'■■  ""'"r  (Cla-ouno)  had   arrived   on   the 

1  ev.oua  even.ng,  having  been  brought  down  by  tlie  Iro- 

o.,e  bearer  of  the  letter.    M.  Pouchot  n.ado  hi.n 

(tiie  messenger)  a  present." 

In  a  Xote  it  is  said  :  "M.  Chabert  Jonciare  held  a 
contract  or  transporting  stores  across  the  portao-  and 
possessed  nu.ch  greater  influence  over  the'  Indh.s  1 
M-esternNew  York,  that  Sir  AYilHan.  Johnson.' 

Ilio  toHowing  notice  of  the  brothers  Jonciare,  is  taken 

from  the  Maryland  Gazette  of  August  30,    1750    and's 
dated  at  Albany.  '  '       ^'^  ^^ 

''There  are  ten  other  officers,  one  of  which  is  the  famous 

^^"  Joncuaro,  a  very  noted  man  among  the  Seneca 

Khan.;  and  whose  father   was  the  first   that  hoisted 

honch  colors  m  that  country.     His  brother,  also   a   pris- 

--,s.snow.here,andhasbeenve.w   humane  to   nU 
i^^gl'^lmen  :  having  purchased  several  of  them  from  tl/e 


'■It 


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♦A- 


CHAPTER     IX, 


^The  frequent  cbangc  of  Governors  ofthe  colony  of  New 
York,  and  the  high  jiarty  spirit  AS'hich  characterized  this 
period  of  its  history,  left  little  time  for  those  in  power,  to 
pay  proper  attention  to  their  Indian  relations.  They 
were  for  the  most  part,  left  in  the  hands  of  the  traders, 
and  others  who  desired  to  possess  their  lands. 

But  the  French  were  by  no  means  idle.  The  Mohawks? 

by  reason  of  their  proximity  to  the   English  settlements, 

had  been  kept  in  partial  correspondence  with   them,   but 

the  other  nations  had  been   left  almost  entirely  under 

French  influence.    The  French  had   kept  possession   of 

all  the  important  trading  posts  upon  the  lakes,   and  had 

extended  a  line  ofposts,  from  Quebec   to   Xew   Orleans. 

Every  important  carrying  place,  between  the   lakes,  and 

the  Ohio  river,  was  in   their  possession  ;  and   for  nearly 

forty  years  very  little  was  done  by  the  English,  to  assert 

jurisdiction  over  the  territory  claimed  under  the  treaty  of 

Utrecht. 

The  Senecas,  who  were  remote  from  the  settlements  of  ' 
the  English,  were  more  accessible  to   the   French.      The 
principal  town  or  castle,   (Kanedasaga)    being   only  ten 
leagues  from  Tierondequatt  (Irondequot.)  a    convenient 
landing-place  upon  the  south  shore  of  the  lake  Frontenac  : 


JESUIT  MISSIONARIES.  '       jgl 

could  sevor  f},o  Q  ,     ^N-itioiis,   which   nothing 

of  apathy  seemed  to  ,Z     ,  '    "'' '''  S<">''  <'<=gree 

^o.l,:.ever::;:f;;fC^^^ 

nSof?!;:"rt::r-7•'^■■■^^^^^^^^^^^^ 

ir^nTr"  ''°"'™«"='="«nt  of  this  centm-y,  down  to 
«Ji  zeaj,  put  to  shame  many  men  eno-i^oil  in   .,   1   .. 

;.:v;;"  ;'"';'•'•' "-*"«'  >■»-  -■".«; 

Mo%.,M,I  A  "°'"''°*'  •'""'  ■"•■'.cnifiMuce,  of 

ao  r  ttZ      '"T.'^^'°"f-  *°f-"=l.  to  b,md  forts  in 

V^'"*'""*'"'"' western  tribes  went  over  to 
tl.e  irench  and  took  „p  the  hatchet  against  the  Lllisl," 


'  '  ill 


!l  .!  jl 


m 


VA 


122 


HI8T0BY   OF   UUKFALO. 


There  is  no  doubt  that  tlie  Senecas  and  some  of  the 
other  Five  Nations  were  in  rcgidar  and  intimate  corre- 
siJondence  witli  tho  F]-encli  at  this  period  ;  for  in  July, 
1742,  we  luive  in  tlie  "  Paris  documents''  a  full  account 
of  a  conference,  held  by  the  Marqu'-'  ^eauLunuis,  then 
Governor  of  Canada,  with  a  deputa."  Senecas,  and 

Onondagas,  wlio  visited  him.  The  dc..  action  of  the  for- 
tifications built  by  the  English  at  Cliouaghcn  (Oswego,) 
began  to  be  threatened,  about  this  period,  by  the  French; 
and  upon  the  news  of  a  declaration  of  war,  in  1744,  there 
was  a  general  stampede  ot  English  and  Dutch  traders, 
from  tliat  post,  where  a  pretty  lucrative  trade  had  grown 
ui>,  with  the  western  Indians,  who  had  been  induced  to 
come,  with  their  canoes  laden  with  furs,  to  that  place, 
instead  of  stop])ing  at  Niagara,  where  the  French  had  a 
trading  house,  as  the  Indians  gave  a  preference  to  Eng- 
lish goods,  over  the  French.  As  long  as  the  trade  at  Os- 
wego, was  successful,  the  English  at  Allxmy  and  New 
York  were  satisfied  ;  but  this  sudden  interruption,  was 
considered  a  great  public  calamity,  and  the  Governor  of 
New  York  in  a  communication  to  the  Assembly  in  Aug- 
ust, 1744, says  : 

"  The  Province  has  suffered  considerable  damage,  this 
sunnner,  l)y  the  precipitate  retreat  of  our  Indian  traders, 
from  Oswego.  Upon  notice  of  the  Frencli  war,  most  of 
them  left  the  place,  immediately  upon  the  alarm,  sold 
what  they  could,  of  their  goods,  to  those  few  of  their 
brethren,  that  had  sense,  courage,  and  resolution,  to 
stay  behind,  and  brouglit  the  remainder  back  with  them. 
You  will  judge,  what  a  baulk,  and  discouragement,  this 
instance  of  i^usillanimity,  has  occasioned,  to  those  number 
■of  Indians  of  the  fiir  nations,   who  have   rarelv   come  tu 


Ml: 


M.  DE  BHAUIIAKNOXS    LETTEK.  123 

goods  to  supply  tl.em  at  Niagara,  rosolved  to  proceed   to 
Oswego  wJ.ence  so.ne  of  the.a  found  tl.e  place  was  basely 
dc.ej.ted   b,  .nost  of  the  people,  .ndnogLs  toexcirnge 
01  then-  furs  ;  upon    ndU.nation    whereof,   nuiny   other 
Indian  canoes  were  turned  back,  before  they  reached  the 
place     How  mean  an  opinion,  must  these  savages  enter- 
tani  of  us,  when  they  find  our  people  so  easily  frightened 
as  It  were,  with  a  shadow,  and  that  the  great lai„    ,^  • 
are  constantly  reaped    by   this   advant.rgoous%rafic    are 
no   s„f  ,e,ont,  to  excite  a  resolution  in  our  traders  to  stand 
0  the  defense  of  this  fortress,  the  loss   of  which,  M..uld 
determ.ne  that  trade,  and  it  is  to  be   feared   the   J  dians 
00,  in  favor  of  our  natural   enemies,  the   French.     II^w 
iatal  such  an  event  wo.dd  prove  to  this  colony  in   partic- 
ular, and  the  British  interest  upon  the  ontinent   in  gen- 
eral, may  be  easily  forseen.-'  '' 

The  war  between  France  and  England,  embarassed  the 
iu-ench  operations  among  the  Indians  bv   cutting  ofi'  the 
regular  supply  ofgoods  for  the   trading   :)osts.  ^The  fob 
lowing  extract  from  a  communication  of  M.  de  Beauhar 
noas,  Governor  of  Canada  to  Count  de    Maurepas,  shows 
the  condition  of  the  French  interests  at  this  time  (1745  ) 
among  the  Five  Nations  :  '^ 


M.  DE  nEArUAEXOIS  TO  CWNT    DE    MAUEEPAS. 

"I  haye  already  acquainted  you,  my  lord,  with  the  dis- 
position o  the  Five  Nations  as  respects  Choueguen  (Os- 
wego.) Ihe  advantages  we  have  gained  in  the  interior 
of  the  colony  might  possibly  have  created  alarm,  had  we 
been  m  a  condition  to  follow  them  up  by  being  supplied 


f!.'  !!i1^l 


124 


niSTOKY   OF   BUFFALO. 


with  goods  and  effects  necessary  to  fit  out  new  parties, 
and  to  meet  the  wants  of  the  trade  of  the  posts,  Tlie  cir- 
ciunstaaces  in  which  wo  are  placed  by  the  want  of  these 
supplies,  must  make  us  desire  more  than  ever,  that  the 
Five  Nations  should  observe  the  neutrality  they  promised. 
JSTevertheless,  I  shall  neglect  no  means  possible,  to  induce 
them  to  co-operate  in  what  his  majesty  appears  to  re" 
quire  of  me  in  this  regard.  Sieur  de  Jonciare  is  already 
notified  to  give  that  matter  all  his  attention  ;  his  activity 
and  vigilance  may  bo  relied  on,  if  there  be  any  prospect 
of  success.  M.  de  Longueil  might  have  suited  for  that 
negotiation,  but  that  officer  is  ^ery  corpulent,  and  illy 
''itlanted  to  make  these  sort  of  journeys.  Those  nations 
who  adopted  his  oldest  son,  in  the  council  I  held  with 
them  last  summer,  appear  always  much  attached  to  the 
family.  I  expect  to  send  him  to  assist  Seur  de  Jonciare? 
should  circumstances  become  more  fiivorable." 

The  English  government  was  no  less  embarassed,  by  the 
want  of  harmony,  between  the  difi'erent   Governors,  and 
the  colonial  Assembly,  which  characterized   its   ^       oed- 
ings,  for  many  years  at  this   ])eriod   of  its   history, 
refusal  to  grant  appropriations  of  money,  by   the  Asse.. 
bly,  was  the  principal. 

We  have  now  arrived  at  a  point  in  our  history,  which 
makes  it  proper  to  take  some  notice  of  one  who  was  prom- 
inent  in  all  the  public  aftairs  of  this  period,  but  particu- 
larly so,  in  relation  to  the  aftairs  of  the  Six  Nations. 

Hitherto  there  seemed  to  be,  no  one  representing  the 
interests  of  the  English  government,  that  could  exert  an 
influence  over  the  Indians  equal  to  the  French. 

Wm.  Johnson  afterwards  Sir  Wm.  Johnson,  was  born 
in  Ireland,  about  the  year  1714.     He  came  to   this  coun- 


* 


SIB  WILLIAM  JOimSOX. 


125 


tiy  in  1784  as  tl,o  agent  of  l,i8  uncle,  Sir  Pete.-  W„„en 
to  superintend  a  largo  estate,  purei.ased  by  l,i,n,  „„    ^J 
near  the  Moliawk  river.    To  ,u,„,|  t„e  diuies  of  Z     > 
pouitme,,,  Mr  Johnson  loeated  liimself  upon  tlie  esta 
of  his  iinelo  „l,at  was  afterwards  ealled  "  Mount  John. 

tl .  T/"''"^'""')  »"»"'  •-■'«■..>■  between  Sclienec- 
tady  ai  d  the  carrjuig  place  (nowRonu.)  the  then  termi- 
nus of  boat  navigation  on  the  Mohawk  river.      Here  l,o 
01  course  bceaino  extensively  „e,,,iai„ted  with  the'ln- 
cl.a"s.    Hcstu,liod  tlieir  character,   and  acquired  tlioh- 
anguage.    He  Arst  became  known  to  them  a.  a  trader  • 
.0  established  a  trading  house   at  Johnstown,  where  lie 
kept  a  large  depot,  of  Indian  goods,   wliicli  he  imported 
om  tug  and.     He  dispatched  traders  in  all  dir  ct   ns 
1.0  Indian  settlements,  to  buy  f.irs,  and  to  b.duce  tl^ 
Indians  to  come  to  Mount  Johnson  to  trade.    I„   this  he 
™  vc,-y  suecessfiil.     Being  a  young  ma.,  of  good  educa- 
tion  and  supcuor  talo.its,  by  a  course  of  sagacious,   w  s„ 
neas,„.es,  he  gradually  bcame  very  popnla",  both  wi  1 
c  Indians  and  whites.    His  house  soon  bcca.no  the  re- 
so  total  eh^es,  particularly  of  the  Si..  Nations,  and  he 
«ltin.aelyobtai.,ed  a  greater  influence  over  tl^m,  it  is 
said  than  was  ever  attained  by  miy  white  .nan. 

'Us  coiistitntioi.  (says  Mr.    Campbell)  was  unusually 
flm  I  IS  mind  hardy,  coarse,  and   vigorous,   unsuscep.i 
We  of  those  delicate  feelings,  by  which  ...inds  of  a  softer 
.nonld  are  .n  a  great  .neasnre  governed,  destitute  of  those 
rehned  at tach.nents,  which  are  derived  from  a  correspon- 
dei.ce  with  elegant  society,  and  uncoi.finod  by  those  mor- 
al restramts  which  bridle  men  of  tender  consciences   lie 
.ere  saw  tlie  path  open  to  wealth,  and  distinction,  he  de 
termmed  to  make  the  most  of  his  opportunity.      He  oc^ 


Mi 


^f! 


'Ill 


i.i 


i  I 


126 


IIISTOUY    OF    UUFFALO. 


cupled  the  liouso  lio  l>uilt  at  Julmstown  ;  he  also  built  a 
house  tipou  the  bauk  of  the  river,  but  tliut  was  occupied 
by  his  son,  John.  A  (laughter  of  hia,  married  Col.  (Juy 
Johnson,  a  iiejihcw.  and  another  Col.  Clans.  Joseph 
Brant,  the  celebrated  ]\[oliawk  chief,  of  whom  wo  shall 
have  occasion  to  speak  hereafter,  was  sent  to  the  "  ]V[oor9 
Charity  School,"  at  Lebanon,  Connecticut,  established  by 
the  Rev.  Doct.  AVheelock,  with  several  other  Indian  boys, 
where  they  received  an  Euirlish  education  at  Col.  John- 
son's ex])ense. 

Brant,  was  a  particular  favorite,  and  was  employed  by 
Col.  Johnson  in  tiie  public  business,  after  he  returned 
from  school,  particularly  in  that  relating  to  the  Indians. 
After  the  death  of  Lady  Johnson,  who  was  of  Dutch  or 
German  descent,  a  sister  of  Brant  was  received  into  the 
family  of  Col.  Johnson,  and  was  treated  with  the  respect, 
and  occupied  the  position  of  a  wife,  without  the  legal  pre- 
liminaries necessary  to  constitute  that  relation.-'^' 

The  encroachments  of  the  French,  both  upon  the  trade 
and  territory,  of  the  English,  had  now  become  such,  as  to 
attract  the  attention  of  all  the  colonies ;  and  one  object 
of  the  "  plan  of  union,"  was  to  unite  the  force  of  all  the 
colonies,  to  resist  it.  Col.  Johnson  had  received  the  ap- 
pointment of  Colonel  of  the  warriors  of  the  Six  Nations, 
in  1745.  The  following  extract  of  a  reply  of  the  Indians 
to  a  speech  made  to  them  by  the  Governor  of  New  York, 
shows  the  estimate  in  which  Col.  Johnson  was  held  : 

"  Brotiikr  : — As  to  your  desiring  ns  to  listen  to  onr 
good  friend,  Col.  Johnson,  we  are  very  much  obliged  to 
you  for  it,  and  in  answer  thereto  must  teW  you,  that  for 

*It  is  t-aid  he  was  7imrrip(l  to  Molly  Brant,  a  short  time  before  his  death, 
according  to  the  rites  of  the  Protestant  Episcoi)al  Church,  in  order  to  le- 
gitimatize his  children  by  her. 


•im-^:.^ 


KJPEIiiriON  AGAINST  CUOWN  roiNT.  227 

thoso  twdvo  ,uo„M„  p„a,,  „,„,  |,on„     „  ,,„ 

-..    .to,.,l.o„ol.„,lyois„,„.lt„c.,.,l„„oi,.,e,„lit:,:a 
i'.oli.er,  you  „m.v  .le,,.,,,!  „po„  i,,  ,|,„t  „,|,,«ovor  „.,«.,  wo 

l"'vo  among  „8,  si,all  |,„  i„„no,liat.ly  l,r„„,.l,t  t„  l,i,n  • 

l..n„  .lo„„    ,,„  y„,„,  ,,„,,_  „,_j  ^1,^^^  ^1^^  v„rl.UI,„l)"l,o 
convmoed  that  we  .o  one  b„,Iy,  „,„,  i,.„,,„,,,,:„ ,„ 

o.u.o,.y  cl,umo.l  i,y  ,1,0  Kngli.l,,  „.,,  „,„„„      ,,     ', 

1     .,1     ,         ""'  "'"'  "'"'■""'™'  '''^'"g  «>„sido,.ocl  of 
0     g  o^t  „„,,„,,„,„,  Col.  J„l„.on  was  .■oco,„,„e,„lod 

.  a  p  «  ,.o,.«,,,  to  c„,n,„a,,,I.  in  cl.ief,  .1,0  said  so..- 
v.ee.  IIo  K.co,ve,l  acc„,,lingly,  a  connnission  as  Maio, 
&e  0  a    „„.  ,„„„,,  ,^,^  ^„^^,,.^^,  ^^  ^^^^^  ^^^^  ^      ^^^  o 

"'  ^'"'■c.o    ,o  attaci;  C'own  Point;  and  to  ^.....c  tl,o 
W...T.O..  of  tl,o  Six  .Nations  in  ,l,o  on.o,.p,.ise,  ,;;  d  a 
c.eos.a,.y  p,.o,l,„i„an-  to  p,,,vld„  ,;„.  ti.o!..  .e  uHty   b' 
p.  on,.,,,.  ,I,o„,  ft,,,,,  „,  ^„^„^,^  .,,  ,|_^.^  ^  ^^ 

o    t.,.,.,t„,.      Col.  Jol,„.„„  .otnpon  tl,o  porfonnan  c  oj' 

P  .  n,e„t  w.l,  g,.at  vi«o,,  in  „.,,i,„  „o  was  soeonci, 
b,  1,0  Govc,.„o,.,s  o.  all  ,1,0  different  oolonlos,  and  also  by 
Gen.  B,-addoclc,  wl,o  was  ,l,on  in  Vh^inia.  Ho  was  .1 
apixnntod  sole  suporintendenl  of  tl,c  Six  Nations,  a,  offlec" 
lie  liad  ,-cs,g„ed  sonietimo  previous 
In  Angnst  1755,  with  a  force  of  about  two  thousand 

101    Oiown   Point,    and   arrived  at  the  "oro^f  r-n,..    • 

t.on  exl„b,ted  by  so,neof  tbe  provincial  troops,  reouirln. 
great  ca,.e,  and  discretion,  on  the  part  of  the'  Genirllir. 


,i'     |l 


' 

i 

i 

II 

'i 

1 

1 

;,i! 

■ 

-i 

1 1 
n 

m 

128 


UI8TOBY  01'  UUFFALO.      » 


If 


it 


command,  who  of  course  wns  a  stranger  to  most  of  tlioiii. 
A  general  council  of  war  was  lieUl  at  this  place,  attended 
by  all  the  itrincipal  ulHccrs,  at  which  Gen.  Johnson  sub- 
niifted  some  (Questions  lu  to  the  disposition  of  the  forces, 
l)articularly  in  regard  to  the  reserves,  which  had  been 
promised,  and  provided,  bv  several  of  the  colonies,  in 
addition  to  the  force  then  present.    The  decision  was, 
that  these  reserves,  should  be  sent  to  join  the  army,  with 
all  possible  disi)atcli.     A  little  acquaintance  with  their 
chief,  seemed  to  ins])iro  the  men  with  new  confidence, 
and  the  army  having  received  some  reinforcements  of 
warriors  from  the  Si.\  Nations,  jin.ceeded  on  to  lake  St. 
Sacrament,  which  he  named  "lake  George,  in  honor  of  * 
his  Majesty,  the  King."     His  ellective  force,  was  now  in- 
creased to  over  three  thousand  men.    He  proceeded  to 
erect  a  fortification  at  this  place,  '•  where  no  house  was 
ever  built,  or  a  rod  of  hind  cleared."     Before  this  work 
was  completed,  some  Indian  scouts  brought  intelligence 
of  the  advance  of  a  large  party  of  French,  upon  the  camp 
they   had  left  at  the  great  carrying  place.     About  two 
hundred  and  fifty  New  Hampshire  troops,  had  been  left 
at  this  ])lace,  and  five  companies  of  a  New  York  regi- 
ment.    On  receiving  this  intelligence.  Gen.  Johnson  sent 
off  an  e.\])ress,  with  orders  to  Col.  Blanchard  in  com- 
mand, to  withdraw  all  the  trooi)s  within  the  fortifications 
there,  and  defend  themselves  as  best  they  could,  until  re- 
lieved by  reinforcements,   which  he  would  send.     One 
thousand  men,  under  command  of  Col.  Williams,  of  one 
■  of  the  Boston  regiments,  with  about  two  hundred  Indians, 
were  detached  for  the  relief  of  Col.  Blanchard.     Before 
this  detachment  had  reached  the  jmint  of  its  destination, 
it  was  met  by  an  overwhelming  force,  and  after  a  brave 


"ATTLK   AT   r.AKK  OKOROE.  ^OQ 

from  tlio  fort,  to  covo,-  fl  """'''•^''^  ^^'t'ro  dofachcl 

I-"  e,«,o,l  ,„.„,„„|  ,1,0  irt  .      "'r"' "•'"■^■'' I'"<1 

=''-  .0.-  c.or„„so,  «n..c:  t ; .  ;:  ."crr?""  "- 

opened  witl,  t,c„c,Kl„„s  olibct      A    I         '  ,    ^■'■°' """ 
■■esnlai-9  stood  tl.el,- „.  „    .  Altl,„„g|,  ,,,„  j,,,^    |^ 

protected  l,v  tl,o  l,.'ea,t,vork  ^ ,  ''"  '"'^^""'•-''' 

tl'cm,  u,,,!  tl,ev  wo,-.  1  '  ''''"""''  '"o  ''ot  for 

■'«'.-■>  "-dr. 'r/rj;^^^^^^^^^^ 

tte  assault  ,va«„,.af„Hi„o;if  '^"■"''"""o,,,  ,.|,o,.o 

«™t  resolutio,,.    T  ,t  t  ac    .'"-r     "■"'  ""  ''""■•  ""'■ 

"'ofire  oftl,oFro„I        °      '      '''"■'"'  ''™'"y  effect, 
work,  aiul  rushed  nnr.n  +1     ^j   •         ^  *'^°  ^^''^ast- 

^ead.adefoat.into-a",,:;::;':';:"'     """"*''  """'  ™' 
9 


If 


;»(      (i 


!l,  !   1 


130 


IIISTOKY   OF  BUFFALO. 


Among  the  wounded  and  prisoners,  was  the  Baron 
Dieskeau,  the  aged  French  General,  commanding  the  ex- 
pedition, hitely  arrived  from  France.  He  was  brought 
into  the  tent  of  Gen.  Joiinson,  and  treated  with  all  the 
consideration  and  care,  that  his  high  position,  and  unfor- 
tunate condition  required  ;  being  shot  through  the  legs, 
and  both  his  hips.  In  his  own  brief  report  of  tjje  battle, 
he  says  :  "  1  know  not  at  present  my  fate.  From  Mr,  de 
Johnson,  the  General  of  the  English  army,  I  am  receiving 
all  the  attention  possible  to  be  expected  from  a  brave 
man,  full  of  honor,  and  feeling."  His  wounds  were  con- 
sidered mortal,  but  he  recovered,  but  never  regained  his 
lost  reputation. 

Gen.  Johnson  received  a  severe  wound  from  a  musket 
ball,  lodged  in  his  thigh,  which  was  never  extracted.  For 
his  valuable  services  rendered  the  English  cause,  and  his 
good  conduct  on  this  occasion,  he  was  created  a  Baronet, 
by  the  King,  and  the  House  of  Commons  voted  him  a 
gratuity  of  five  thousand  pounds  sterling,  besides  his  sal- 
ary as  general  superintendent  of  Indian  afi'airs.  Baron 
Dieskeau  attributed  his  defeat  to  the  refusal  of  his  Cana- 
da Iroquois  to  fight  their  brethren,  in  his  report  to  his 
government. 

The  Indians  suffered  severely  on  this  occasion,  partic- 
ularly the  two  himdred  that  accompanied  Col.  Williams 
in  the  morning  to  relieve  the  camp  at  the  "  great  carry- 
ing place  ;"  several  of  their  principal  sachems  were 
killed  ;  among  them  the  celebrated  Mohawk  chief,  lleu- 
drick.  Mounted  on  one  of  Col.  Johnson's  horses,  he  led 
the  assault  by  the  Indians,  himself  firing  the  first  shot. 
His  horse  was  killed  under  him.  Ilcndrick  becoming  en- 
tangled, being  unwieldy,  and  somewhat  disabled  by  age, 


KING  HENDRICK  KILLED.  -jg^ 

They  were  i,„l„l„e<l  in  their  own  ,nodo  of  w.,.,- 
tor  as  to  permit  them  to  take  the  seal  ,s  of  VT      '  '" 
">>•■    In  his  offleial  report  of  til  ,      r       T   ""'■ 

says  "  old  Heudriek,t,e.,lt  «;,'•"'■  •'°''"'™ 

ted  chief,  ;„  „  ,  „  1  °     ^  '""""'''S  ""«-=«  "f  tim  eelobra- 
eo„„ty  :  '  '°  "'"  "W'"""'-^  »'•  'l'"  ""als  of  Tryon 

ner  com,.     „„,  „^,_,^_,  ,j„,„,,^„f  ■'  >'  I^- 

^:eo;:jz:;n:-::«!X:'rr-'T 
-^::xx^id:i{r^-- 

integrity,  united,  he  e.ce  led  al     t         ,'  '":'',™"'»™We 

t»n.s  of  the  unit;d  s.rt  sw,';.:  T'""'";'' ;"'''*'''■ 

:e::r:h::::-^^^^ 
;tht,,esi.NS3t::r:;;-:.— --- 

i.".-ive,  :d'c„  r-r hi;  er  ^"^""-■■'^ 

«'o  same  superior  eharaeten  am  thnt  Z""' T  °' 
bom  to  eontro.  other  men,  a„J  po  L  Lc  Hr'T  "" 
ty  nnrivaied  withi,,  his  h„owlei„e  "  '"■'''" 

l.aI^:ar.t ■s"::;r',''r.?''"^''' '-'»"  f-"'  ''.-a  ««- 

j"i.ns„„  T ;,:  h  Zh  "^.'^- ''''° """  «'^  ^■■'-» 

j-iju)ugn  an  the  intrunies  of  fi.o  i?..^     i    i 
■nained  (ai.l,f„|  to  his  alliance  ""''' ''"  "" 

"Ue  was  also  highly  esteemed  by  the  white  inhabitants. 


ill 


l"  %\ 


i  if 


'  -vi 


*u" 


'^-niki 


1^;  ii^ti 


m 


132 


HISTORY    01'   IJUFFALO. 


During  some  of  the  negotiations  with  the  Indians  of 
Pennsylvania,  and  the  inliahitants  of  that'state,  Ilendrick 
was  present  at  Philadelphia.  Ills  likeness  was  taken, 
and  a  wax  figure  afterward  made,  which  was  a  very  good 
imitation.  After  the  death  of  Ilendrick,  an  old  friend,  a 
white  man,  visited  Philadelphia,  and  among  other  things, 
Wiis  shown  this  wax  ligure.  It  occupied  a  niche,  and 
was  not  observed  by  him,  until  he  had  approached  within 
a  few  feet.  The  friendship  of  former  days,  came  fresh  over 
his  memory,  and  forgetting  for  the  moment,  Hendrick's 
death,  ho  rushed  forward  and  clasped  in  liis  arms  the 
frail  icy  image  of  tlie  old  chieftain.'- 

The  following  anecdote  is  related  as  a  well  authentica- 
ted fact : 

"  Ilendrick  was  at  the  house  of  Sir  William  Johnson, 
when  he  received  two  or  tbree  suits  of  rich  militarj' 
clothes.  The  old  King  a  short  time  afterwards  came  to 
Sir  William  and  said,  'I  dream.  Well,  what  did  you 
dream  ?  I  dream  you  give  me  one  suit  of  clothes.  Well, 
I  suppose  you  must  have  it,'  and  accordingly  he  gave 
him  one.  Some  time  after,  Sir  William  met  Ilendrick, 
and  said  '  I  dreamed  last  night.  Did  you  ?  What  you 
dream  ?  I  dreamed  you  gave  me  a  tract  of  land,'  descri- 
bing it.  After  a  pause,  '  I  supjjose  you  must  have  it,  but 
and  he  raised  his  finger  significantly,  you  must  not  dream 


agam 


5  V 


This  tract  of  land,  extended  from  the  east  to  the  west 
of  Canada  Creek,  in  the  now  county  of  Herkimer,  and 
was  about  twelve  miles  square.  Tiie  title  was  afterward 
confirmed  by  the  King  of  England,  and  it  was  justly  call- 
ed tlie  "royal  grant."* 


•St-e  Annals  of  Tryon  County. 


I     •*    n"? 


■^tfi''  . 


ma,  -ii 


OK^.  .IOII.VSON   CRBATBD.A  BABON. 


^y  uiei^rench,  and  caltI)ou<.-li  the  rp^^nlf-  .p  +i 
campa.g,,  was  „„t  e„,i,.elv  satisfi.c.o,;  t„  t  !  P  ," 
.vet  ,1,0  g„von„o„t  at  l.„„  o  ,„„fc,,    'S''"  ,^°'7'^'«' 

a        J    ^ciitncicii  to  the  interest  of  the   JCinr.     Ti      .•  i 

'.-.id before ti  ,  ::^   ;"""'"; /™"'"">"i. '- 1'- 

'o  take  ,l,is  ea,.i:   p,,;„         ,  ':7'™  ■""J-'-V's  c„,„,„a„d 

- •™-"™«rr;io:i::::;t;;:;::j-- 

ni  your  conntrv's  cause      Tl..         ^     1     «  "'''^  ^'^fhts,  and 
tion   w].-  11  prudent  spirit,  and  re.solu- 

Liie  uiucers,  and  1)1- vate  moil   ■,,.],    i  'o'"0   to 

ting„i.l,„l  tl,e>n,elvof  ,    '     ;  T  '"  ""'"^'""-^  '"^■ 

The  Z  e  ^-^  '  "'"""^'  ""^  S™'«^'  satisfaetion 

h    0        ::  ;  ;:^^^^       -l  proea,.„-„,„  .Idcl,  ,„„  showed 
.e.ul mgb,  the  J,™-  ],,)gland  govermnents,   before  the 
■'""":  •"■■ '■-'•"■•co.nents,  .,„,.t  likewise  ha -e  i,.  a,,! 
"  p.-e  .hud.  i.  .o,i„s,l,  due,  ,o,v„„r  whole  1    ^ 
T1.0  ah,er„y,  and  di.„a,eh,  with  which  the  reinfor       o"^ 


*  li 


,      Ml 


'        'i 


IN 


Ki 


1      1 1 

j  1 

;  f 

ll 

f 

1         t 
1              •< 

1  iJ: 

1 

131 


IIISTOKY  OP   BUFFALO. 


I, 


were  raised,  is  greatly  to  be  commended,  and  there  is 
reason  to  liope,  tliat  this  will  enable  you  to  pursue  the 
advantages  you  have  already  gained. 

The  colonies  wliich  have  so  readily  and  vigoi'ously  ex- 
erted themselves  on  this  great  occasion,  will  always  find 
favor  and  protection,  from  his  majesty. 

And,  I  have  particular  satisfaction,  of  having  it  in 
charge,  to  acquaint  3-ou,  that  the  King  has  been  gracious- 
ly pleased  to  confer  upon  you,  as  a  distinguishirg  mark 
of  liis  royal  favor,  and  approbation  of  your  conduct,  the 
dignity  of  a  Baron  of  Great  Britain,  and  the  Patent  will 
be  transmitted  to  you,  by  the  first  convenient  opportuni- 
ty." Sir,  etc., 

T.  KOBINSON. 

It  is  not  likely  that  few,  if  any  of  the  warriors  of  the 
Six  Nations,  except  the  Mohawks,  were  present^  or  partic- 
ipated in  the  engagement  at  lake  George.  The  Mohawks 
the  day  after  the  battle,  took  formal  leave  of  the  General, 
nnd  returned  home  ;  alleging,  as  a  reason,  tliat  they  had 
sustained  a  great  loss  in  the  death  ot  a  large  number  of 
their  principal  sr'jhems,  and  as  vas  their  custom,  they 
wished  to  return  home,  to  condole  with  their  people  for 
the  loss. 

They  also  expressed  fears,  that  during  their  absence, 
their  own  homes  were  exposed  to  be  attacked,  and  de- 
stroyed, by  the  enemy,  and  none  to  defend  their  wives 
and  children,  but  their  old  feeble  men. 

Early  in  IToO,  the  Frencii  organized  an  expedition 
against  Oswego,  with  a  view  to  reduce  the  fort  built  there 
by  the  English,  The  expedition  was  under  the  command 
of  the  Marquis  de  Montcalm,  and  consisted  of  about  three 


OSWEGO  TAKEN  BY  MONTCALM. 


135 


thousand  men.    He  invested  the   place   on   the   11th   of 

August  and  after  a  brief  seige,  captured  the  fort  on   the 
14th,  taking  most  of  the  garrison  prisoners  of  war,  among 
whom  (sajs  the  French  account)  were  one   Imndred   and 
twenty  women.     Tlie  English  fleet  of  six  vessels  was  also 
captured,  with  but  little  fighting,  either  on  laud,  or  water, 
ihe  i^rench  found  a  large  quantitj  of  military  stores  and 
provisions,  which  were  destroyed,   and   did   not  restrain 
^leir  savage  allies,  from  many   cruel   acts   of  barbarity. 
Co .  Mercer,  who   commanded   the  English   forces,  was 
kdled  early  in  the  engagement,    the  command   devolved 
on  Lieut.  Col.  Littlehales,  who  got  little  credit,  for  either 
courage,  or  military  skill. 

It  does  not  appear  that  any  of  the  Six  Nations  engaged 
m  the  defense  of  Oswego.     The  French   did   not  expect 
their  assistance,  but  expected   them   to   remain  neutral 
which  expectation  seems  to   have   been   realized       This 
apathy  on  the  part  of  the  Six  Nations,  may  be  attributed 
at  least  in  part,  to  the  influence  of  M.  de  Jonciare,  who 
visited  the  Senecas,  and  in  succession,  all  the  other  Five 
Nations,  prior  to  the  attack  of  the  French  upon   Oswego 
He  was  accompanied  by  Mons.  Longueville.  *" 

Mons.  Durant  who  met  them  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Choueguan  (Oswego)  river,  on  their  return,  asked  Jon- 
ciare what  he  had  accomplished  in  their  journey.  He 
replied  :  ''  I  have  beat  the  bush  ;  Mons.  Longueville  will 
take  the  birds  ;  our  voyage  will  do  him  honoratthe  court 
•  of  France." 


m ' 


■'  h 


1  '%  ' 

In   ';Mi 


i<i  > 


1 1 


CHAPTEE    X. 


Wlien  all  the  circumstances  are  taken  into  considera- 
tion, it  is  not  surprising  that  the  Six  Nations,  i)articularly 
the  Senecas,  were  at  a  great  loss  how  to  act.  The  want 
of  harmonious  action  in  the  Eno-lish  colonial  irovernment, 
which  had  characterized  its  proceedings  for  many  years, 
to  tiie  almost  entire  neglect  of  their  relations  with  the  Six 
Nations  ;  tlie  land  grants  in  Pennsylvania  and  Maryland, 
by  wliich  they  claimed  they  had  beeV  defrauded  of  their 
hunting  grounds  by  the  English,  and  the  unrestrained 
rapacity  of  the  English  traders,  by  which  the  price  of 
goods  sold  to  the  Indians,  had  been  greatly  increased ; 
while  that  of  beaver  had  been  greatly  diminished,  while 
their  morals  had  been,  greatly  corrupted,  by  the  unre- 
strained introduction  of  rum  among  them  ;  while  on  the 
other  hand,  the  French  had  made  the  most  of  their  op- 
portunity, by  sending  their  emissaries  among  them,  par- 
ticularly the  Senecas,  furnishing  them  Avith  goods  at  all 
their  trading' posts,  extending  from  Quebec  to  Mackinaw 
in  the  northwest,  through  the  lakes  to  the  Ohio  and  Mis- 
sissii)pi  rivers.  Through  the  influence  of  these  missiona- 
ries, and  agents,  who  in  many  cases  became  closely  allied 
to  the  Indians,  adopting  their  mode  of  life,  frequent  em- 


FBLNCil   INFLUENCK    INCREASES. 


137 


bassies  or  visits  of  lurgo  delegations  ol'tl.eir  leadin-Mnen 
were  made  to  tlie  (iovernor  of  Canada  at  Montre^'al,  ro- 
cemng  marked  attention,  and  loaded  with  valuable  pres- 
ents, aftordino.  opportunities  thi^ough  interpreters,  ibr  a 
tree  mterchange  of  views  and  feelings,  and  in  every  way 
cementing  a  stronger  allianee  every  year.  There  was  an- 
other respect,  in  which  the  policy  of  the  French,  served 
to  give  them  an  advantage  over  the  English.  In  all  their 
negotiations  with  them,  thej  never  proposed  to  buy  their 
lands.  "^ 

This  circumstance  was  used  with  great  y.ower,  and  snc- 
cess,_by  the  agents  of  the  French;  and  was  indeed,  in 
striking  contrast,  with  the  policy  and  practice  of  the  En., 
ish.     And  although  the  Indians  had  the  same  irrepressi- 
ble thirst  for  the  brandy  of  the  French,  that  they  had  for 
the  rum  of  the  English,  it  should  he  recorded  to  ihe  credit 
ot  the  In-ench  missionaries,  that  they  uniformlv,  and  ofter 
successfully,  resisted  the  introduction  and  us"e,  of  spirit- 
ons  liquors  among  the  Indians.     Sir  William  Johnson,  in 
ii.s  communications  with  the  English  government,  often 
refers  to  these  two  evils,  as  the  greatest  obstacles  in  the 
way  of  obtaining  influence,  or  control,  over  the  Indians, 
and  urges  that  the  Ohio  and  Pennsylvania  land  grants 
and  patents,  be  al.rogate<l,  and  the  sale  of  spiritous  li- 
quors restrained  l.y  law.     Col.  Johnson,  in  one  of  his 
communications  to  the  government,  savs  :  "The  Indians 
ought  to  bo  redressed,  or  satisfied,  in  all  their  reasonable 
and  well  founded  complaints,  (,f  enormous,  and  unriHite- 
ously  obtained  patents  for  lands.     <^    <^    <^    Missionilries 
ot  approved  character,  abilities  and  zeal,  with  due  en- 
couragement, would  be  of  unspeakable  advantage,  to  pro- 
mote our  interests  amongst  them  :  and  subvert  the  French 


'¥ 


*rm 


1   ^1      Ji 


n\ 


m 


1 ' 


138 


HISTORY   OF   BUFFALO. 


whose  industry  in  this  article,  lias  been  of  infinite  service 
to  them.'" 

The  I9S8  of  Oswego,  and  other  disasters  which  imme- 
diately followed,  darkened  the  prospects  of  the  English 
cause,  and  discouraged  all  efforts  at  conciliating  the  In- 
dians to  the  English  interest.  The  tardiness  of  the  Eng- 
lish, in  performing  what  they  had  promised,  created  dis- 
trust in  the  minds  of  the  Indians,  of  their  ability  to  resist, 
much  less  to  expel,  the  French,  from  the  territory  claimed 
by  the  lilnglish.  Sir  AVilliam  Johnson  was  however,  in- 
defatigable in  his  efforts,  and  held  frequent  consultations 
with  the  Six  Nations.  The  feelings  of  the  Senecas  at 
this  time,  may  be  better  understood  by  the  following  ex- 
tract of  a  speech,  delivered  at  one  of  these  councils  in 
1756,  by  Skanonyade,  or  the  half  king  of  the  Senecas. 
"  Wo  were  told  (said  he,)  last  year,  that  large  canoes 
were  to  be  built  to  keep  i)rovisions  from  being  carried  to 
supply  the  French  at  Niagara.  "We  see  the  vessels  have 
been  built  a  long  time,  and  yet  we  see  provisions,  *fec., 
daily  come  to  Niagara,  without  any  more  interruption, 
than  when  you  had  no  canoes."  At  another  council  the 
same  year,  Kagswoughtaneyonde,  a  great  sachem  and 
warrior,  of  the  Senecas,  alias  Belt,  stood  up  and  addressed 
himself  to  the  whole  body  of  Indians,  in  the  following 
speech : 

"  Brethren  uerh  present  :  I  have  seriously  considered 
all  that  our  brother  Warraghiyagcy  (Sir  William  John- 
son,) said  to  us  tvo  days  ago,  and  for  my  ])art,  I  am  clear 
in  it,  that  what  he  proposes  is  right,  whereupon  I  am  de- 
termined to  comply  with  it,  and  shall  as  soon  as  I  get 
home,  let  all  my  nation  know  what  our  brother  said,  and 
my  opinion  and  resolution,  in  which  if  they  should  differ 


CANAGHQUIKSOJv's   gl'F:ECII. 


189 


■with  me,  I  am  detennined  to  leave  the  country,  and  live 

with  my  brothers,  the  English/' 

^  In  November,  1757,  a  descent  was  made  by  a  party  of 
French  and  Indians,   npon  the  settlement  at  German 
riatts,  on  the  Mohawk  river,  entirely  destroying  the  set- 
tlement, taking  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  men,  women 
and   children  prisoners,   destroying  a  large  amount  of 
stock,  and  other  valuable  property,  besides  carrying  away 
a  considerable  amount  of  plunder.     In  regard  to  this  af- 
fiiir,  much  complaint  was  made  of  the  conduct  of  some  of 
the  Oneida  nation,  living  in  the  vicinity.     That  although 
they  were  apprised  of  the  approach  of  the  French,  they 
gave  no  information  to  the  inhabitants,  in  time  to  enable 
them  to  escape,  and  thai  some  of  the  Oneidas,  aided  the 
i^rench,  in  their  nmrderous  enterprise.     This  however, 
was  denied  by  Canaghquieson,  the  chief  Oneida  sachem,' 
who  said  : 

"Beother:  (addressing  Mr.  Croghan,)  I   can't  help 
telling  you,  that  we  are  very  much  surprised,  to  hear  that 
our  brethren  the  English,  suspect  and  charge  us,  with  not 
giving  them  timely  notice  of  the  designs  of  the  French  ; 
as  it  is  well  known  that  wo  have  not  neglected  to  give 
them  every  piece  of  intelligence  that  came  to  our  knowl- 
edge     Brother,  about  fifteen  days  before  the  affair  hap- 
pened, Ave  sent  the  Germans  word,  that  some  Swegatchie 
(OsNAcgachie,)  Indians  told  us,  the  French  were  deter-   . 
mined  to  destroy  the  German  Flatts,  and  desired  them 
to  be  on  their  guard.    About  six  days  after  that,  we  had 
a  further  account  from  Swegatchie,  that  the  French  were 
preparing  to  march.     I  came  down  to  the  German  Flatts, 
and  in  a  meeting  with  the  Germans,  told  them  what  we 
had  heard,  and  desired  them  to  collect  themselves  in  a 


\m 


'    1 1 


!        II'! 

'I 


ili 


I  mm 

E  Pit  •  ' 
t    1- 


140 


HISTOIiY  OK   liUFKALO. 


body  lit  their  fort,  tind  secure  their  women,  children  and 
effects,  and  nuvko  the  best  defense  they  could ;  and  told 
thcni  at  the  same  time,  to  write  to  brother  Warraghiya- 
gey,  (Sir  William  Johnson,)  but  they  paid  not  the  least 
regard  to  what  I  told  them,  and  laughed  at  me,  slapping 
their  hands  on  their  buttocks,  saying,  they  did  not  value 
the  enemy.  U])on  which,  I  returned  home,  and  sent  one 
of  our  people  to  the  lake,  (meaning  the  Oneida  lake,)  to 
find  out  whether  the  enemy  were  coming  or  not.  After 
ho  had  staid  there  two  days,  the  enemy  arrived  at  the 
carrying  i)lace,  and  sent  word  to  the  castle  at  the  lake, 
that  they  were  there,  and  told  them  what  they  were  going 
to  do;  but  charged  them  not  to  let  us  at  the  upper  castle 
know  anything  of  their  design.  As  soon  as  the  man  sent 
there,  heard  this,  he  came  on  to  us  with  the  account  that 
night,  and  as  soon  as  we  received  it,  we  sent  a  belt  of 
wampum  to  confirm  the  truth  thereof,  to  the  Flntts,  which 
came  here  the  day  before  the  enemy  made  their  attack. 
But  the  people  would  not  give  credit  to  the  account,  even 
then.  This  is  the  truth,  and  those  Germans  hero  present 
know  it  to  be  so.  The  aforesaid  Germans,  did  acknowl- 
edge it  to  be  so,  and  that  they  lieard  such  intelligence." 

It  was  during  this  year,  1750,  that  Sir  AVilliam  John- 
son, by  direction  of  the  English  colonial  government,  had 
erected  forts,  or  castles,  in  all  the  ])rincipal  towns  of  the 
Six  Nations.  The  following  are  extracts  from  the  John- 
son manuscripts,  records  some  interesting  ])articulars  : 

"  Kendaruntie,  the  great  Seneca  warrior,  with  eight 
more  men  of  his  nation,  came  down  to  guard  the  mer, 
hither,  whom  Sir  William  Johnson  had  sent  up  to  build 
their  fort."  It  is  also  stated  under  the  same  date,  that 
six  Seneca  warriors,  who  came  dowji  with  one  Abeel,  an 


AIIIJEL,  VAlUKli  OF  COKN  I'LANTKK. 


141 


V  bany  trader,  to  l.olp  l.i.n  dowr.  with  a  parcel  of  skins 
winch  he  fraudulently  ,ot,  in  the  Senecas  country,  told 
Col.  Johnson  that  they  were  ill  treated  l.y  Ca,.t  Will- 
jams  at  the  carrying  place,  c^^c.     At  8  o'clock  Sir  Wil- 

^vitl     John    A  beers   sldns."    This  is  the  first   nu-ntion 
n^eotU.ehU 

O  aul     aims  "Cornphu.ter,"whosubse4uently  il.nu-ed 
-  large  y  w.  the  afiairs  of  the  Six  Nations,  pa;.icularly 

liV  f  t.  ";t"  •  ^^"'" ''''  ^•'•'""^'  1^'^''  -^  i'--oi 

l..t  of  the  tuiou-n.g  delegates  of  the  Senecas,  to  visit  Sir 
»  uiuvni  .lohnson  : 

ch^'"'   O..   CAST.K-Tageghsady,  ^^uvista^vis,   Sa- 

Ckxosxo  Casti  K-Karonghyanagh,iui,    Ilayadondv,   a 
head  warrior,  and  forty  others. 
Tudyuscung,  a  Seneca  chief. 

A  series  of  continual  disasters  resulting  from  folly  and 
nusmanagement,  rather  than  , from  want  of  n.eans  and 
-^>}^ta^  strength,  alarmed  the  British  nation,  and  the 
lung  Tound  |t  necessary  to  change  his  counsels.     The  cele- 
orated  Wilham  Pitt  was  i)laced  at  the  head  of  the  new 
'mmstry,  and  a  large  appropriation  of  men,  and  means 
was  made,  for  three  separate   expeditions   against   the' 
i^rench,  in  America,  who  had  possession  of  a  line  of  ,>osts 
extending  from  Quebec  to  New  Orleans.     One  of  these 
expeditions  was  against  Niagara,  which  had  remained 
quietly  in  possession  of  the  French.     Early  in  1759    Sir 
AVilliam  Johnson,  in  an  official  communication  to  his 
government  says  :  '^  The  Six  Nations  in  general,  an.l  the 
Chcnocio  ((^enessee,)  Indians  in  particular,  (who  are  a 
brave,  and  powerful  tribe  of  the  Seneca  nation,  and  live 


f; 


I 


1. 1 


,H|; 


1 ' 

m 

1  ; 

1 

1 
t 

1 
'! 

.1:     1.) 

J 

1^1 

142 


I118T0UV  (IF  IIL'FKAr.O. 


near  Niagara,)  are,  as  your  Lordships  will  ace,  by  the 
proceed iiigrt  I  now  send  you,  very  desirous  ot'driviii;;^  the 
French  from  Niagara ;  and  equally  pressing  that  wo 
should  undertake  it.  *  "^  *  '^  It'  an  attempt 
upim  Niagara,  through  lake  Ontario,  should  bo  made  a 
part  of  the  ])]an  of  operations  for  this  year,  I  am  persua- 
ded 1  could  Join  His  Alajesty's  troojis  that  way,  with  the 
nuvin  body  of  the  warrii»r3  <<f  the  Five  Nations,  together 
with  others  of  their  allies  and  dependents." 

The  expedition  against  Niagara  was  organized  \mder 
the  comnmnd  of  Gen.  Prideaux,  consisting  of  little  over 
two  thousand  men,  and  left  Oswego  for  Niagara,  on  tho 
1st  of  September,  1759.  It  was  joined  by  Sir  William 
Johnson  with  alxmt  six  hundred  warriors  of  tho  Five  Na- 
tions, and  this  number  was  increased  to  one  thousand, 
when  the  expedition  arrived  at  Niagara,  in  the  vicinity 
of  the  fort.  Gen.  Prideaux  immediately  commenced  a 
a  seige.  Early  in  the  progress  of  it,  he  was  killed  by  the 
prenuiture  dischaigo  of  one  of  his  own  guns  (acohorn.\ 
The  coinnumd  devolved  on  Sir  William  Johnson.  The 
seige  was  conducted  upon  strictly  scientific  princi])iCM\  by 
regular  api)roache8.'"-  During  these  operations  tho  Indian 
scouts  brought  information,  of  the  approach  of  a  body  of 
French  and  Indians,  from  the  west,  to  reinforce,  or  relieve 
the  beseiged  Ibrtress.  A  force  was  immediately  detached 
to  intercejit  their  advance.  A  considerable  portion  ot 
this  force,  consisted  of  Indians,  the  friends,  or  allies  of  the 
Five  Nations.  A  parley  between  the  Indians  was  held. 
The  western  Indians  declared  they  did  not  come  to  fight 
their  brothers,  the  Five  Nations,  but  the  English.  The 
residt  was,  they  separated  themselves,  and  joined  their 
brethren.     The  French  were  attacked,  defeated,    and  all 


A  TKA((U;AL  event. 


143 


-■iii^-.i,  w„,„„  0,1,  ,„i<>.„  ,.„■»„,„„..,,  ,„.  ,„,i ,,  „i  ,„.    ^, 

'""";"=' "'"  '"•"  ■"•  I-  "-""n'o ,.,  ti.„  K,;,,,,,  cl 

manhunt  .,uTe„.lo«l  .1,0  ,Wt  an,,  „,,  M,  ft,,,,,  ,,,,J: 

On  ll.is  «c™»i„u  a  trask.,U  «vo„t  ,„c„n-cd.    C'l.lot 
w,tl,  ,„  I,„l,„„  ,.,  „.|„„„  ,,„  |,„„,„„„  ^^,,,,,1 
1  -  I..,i„u,,  wl„,  l„|„„„„,  ,0  tiu,   E„,,|:sl,    „,„y     1    '1 

—uu.K„„,u,,ls,u,l  „,,„■„,:    ■•Ii,.„tl.o,.,Iu,„     ,   ,,„t 
orturu.g  y„„,"  ,„„|  kill,,,  I,.  „  „  .^1,  ^  '^ 

...w  ,„„„„„,„,„,,,,,„  ,„,.^ ..•,,„„.,„.,: 

winch  ,„.„„„„,,  „,„„„„  ,|„„„,,,,3,  „,.^  ^,^     ,^j^^| 

was,  c„„.l,l„,.,.|  „„  |„y  .„  ,„  ..  ,^„^^;^  ,„„  ™',r'^ 

o  tl,e  E,^,l  »|,     II,,  Jo„cia,es,fi,.l„,.a„,u„,      ,|,„ 

My  ,ea™,  exertcl  ,l,„t  i„H„„„,,  ,„„  ,„  ,.,,„    ,^        '^^ 
soon  ,l,«covc.re,l  l,y  ti„  EnglLsl,,  tin.t  tl,,y  „„t  ,„,,  ,     "^ 

other  nat,„ns  ofti.e  oonlklo,.ucy  a„,l  tl,oi,.  allies  ti,e  M 

»a,.es,  .,,e  S,,aw„„,e,  &e.,  was  w.„.n.,  .,„.',     ei"" 

Uoun  e,.in„„a.,,i  in  „„,„  |„,„,,,,  „„,„„„,„,  j/' 

ot  ti,  so  .■,bos,  .■es.ding  „p„„  „,„  ,ontl,e,-„  an,  s„„tl,-wes! 

ern  border  of  wl,at  was  a,i,nit,od  to  l,„  „„  torri.,rrof 

.e  b,x  Nat,ons.    The  eanses  of  tl,e  difflenlties,  so    ar  i 

tln„  lands.     I  b,s  Invd  leca  ..  subject  of  eo.nplaim  on  the- 


t!! 


I        III       '  ! 


I         J 


I      « 


i 

J 
jj 

li 

1' 

1 

144 


HISTORY   OF   BUFFALO. 


part  of  the  Indians,  for  many  years  ;  but  instead  of  ob- 
taining any  redress,  or  satisfaction,  they  had  been  put  off 
with  tlie  promise,  that  their  comphiints  had  to  be  referred 
to  their  great  father  over  the  water,  which  required  time, 
and  indeed  the  whole  question  became  so  comijlicated, 
by  the  interference  of  parties  interested,  that  the  true 
merits  of  the  case  could  not  be  understood,  by  the  gov- 
ernment at  home.  The  controversy  involved  the  Govern- 
ors of  several  of  the  colonies,  particularly  the  ''Proprie- 
taries of  Pennsylvania."  Dr.  Franklin,  as  the  accredited 
agent  of  the  government  of  Pennsylvania,  and  the  "prop- 
rietaries'' as  they  wore  called,  addressed  a  memorial  to 
the  King,  setting  forth  the  grounds  of  these  complaints, 
and  difficulties,  asking  for  his  interposition,  and  as  stated 
in  the  memorial  "  to  take  the  premises  into  your  royal 
consideration,  and  do  therein,  as  to  your  Majesty  in  your 
great  wisdom,  shall  see  meet.'" 

This  petition  with  a  vast  amount  of  correspondence  up- 
on the  subject,  was  referred  to  "  his  Majesty's  privy 
council  for  plantation  affairs,"  who  made  an  elaborate  re-, 
port  thereon.  The  complaint  of  the  Indians  was  that  in 
some  cases,  the  purchases  had  been  made  of  parties  not 
authorized  to  sell.  In  other  cases,  large  tracts  liad  been 
taken  up,  and  surveyed,  when  but  a  small  tract  was  sold, 
and  conve^^ed  by  deed.  The  report  of  the  council  which 
evinced  a  desire  to  protect  the  Indians,  and  procure  for 
them  justice,  admit  that  the  troubles  are  mainly  owing  to 
the  neglect  of  the  government,  to  define  the  boundaries 
of  their  own  territory,  and  to  assert  the  jurisdiction,  which 
the  treaty  of  Utrecht  clearly  awarded  to  the  English  gov- 
ernment, in  1701.  During  this  long  period  of  neglect, 
.parties  in  nearly  all  the  colonies,  had  instituted  indcpend- 


'I     'Mr 


IXDIAN  TKOUBLES    INCREASE.  145 

rnern.    JNot  knowing,  or  reo-nj-Wm^.  n         . 

■ations  subsisting  ^^.JXtZ^'IS^  F  "' M^' 

I'unt.ng  grounds,"  wl.ich  the  Five  Nat^I  ,  , 

11-  Cow,,,  to  l,e  held  f„,  the  benefit  oft, 7  '""  .'=""^'"° 
tlieir  postwit^-.  "'^  ■""'""*.  and 

Although  Sir  William  Johnson  I,.„l  «         i   ,. 

"•itl.  g.-eat   diligeneo  n„J  adZs"  |,e  T'^f   """'''' 

".-0  difficulties,  he  found  his  Xt' f,-    „:";"";  "' 

■■.assed,  and  son.etimes  thwarted    bv   tl  ;        ''^'" 

c-ontlict iute,.e,„  i„fl  '     ■'    "'°  """fterence  of 

«»a,.d  <,f  Trade,  he  nta  i  "     ':~r''  ^^ '''^ 

■■if  (^avs  he,)  the  Indians  are  ad,„  S    „      """'f'"'- 
con,plicute  or  multifarious  influe    "  "    j"         """"'  " 

-  -der  the  Indians  .,:.X:;rr  Z!" X.! 

0  power  of  acting,  see.ns  to  be  divided  .nd  , '  ,  ! 
■'.-et  „g  the,n,  not  n.ntually  co„ee,-t  bv  '  't: 
■-Ij"  aftect  and  assnn.e  to  be  snpemecessa-rv"  " 

m  a  Icttorofa  later  date  than  the  -ib„v»  '  „„    ,■ 

-;™..eineo„eiiiati,,g.hei,,di:s:r:;g:!;;:i:L: 

tl'o  connuence.uent  of  tJio  Indian   war     But  ^f 

satisfaction  to  find   tJiat  n,v  U)  "  ''"^  ^''° 

tVnnHnv.        1  ••     '^^^''^   ^'-'^^^   secured   these 

;on  ers,  and  comninnications,  as  well  as   i.rcerved   tl  o 

-^ol.^otflveoutoftheSixXation,.it,/ti::::'c:!: 


itii 


s .», 


r 


I  •  ^ir| 


1  li'  ^i<V 


•  * 


''M 

1 J 


i  1  i . 


WW 


U6 


illSTORY    OK    BUFFALO. 


ada,  and  many  others.''  He  undoubtedly  alludes  to  the 
Senecas  as  the  one  of  the  Six  Nations,  which  at  this  time 
1703,  he  considered  as  in  hostility,  against  the  English, 
notwithstanding  peace  had  been  declared  between  Eng- 
land and  France. 

It  was  at  tills  period  1T<>3,  that  Pontiac,  the  great  Ot- 
toway  chief,  attempted  to  unite  the  western  Indians, 
against  the  English,  and  to  dispossess  them  of  the  country 
about  the  lakes,  recently  couijuered  from  the  French,  and 
it  is  said  that  he  exerted  a  wider  inlluence  than  any  other 
man  was  ever  able  to  do  among  these  nations.  The  hos 
tility  to  the  English  was  undoubtedly  excited  by  the 
French,  who  still  lield  possession  of  Louisiana,  aiid  all  the 
entire  valley  of  tlic  Mississippi,  with  the  streams  tributa- 
ry tu  that  river.  The  Senecas  iiad  at  tin's  time  settled 
some  small  villages  on  the  head  waters  of  the  Belle  river 
(Ohio.)  and  considering  the  influences  brought  to  bear  up- 
on tliem,  through  the  untiring  zeal  and  activity,  of  the 
Jonciares,  ftither  and  two  sons,  fur  more  than  liftv  vears 
it  is  not  surprising  that  they  should  have  been  brought ti* 
syn-.pathize  with  tliis  great  movement  of  Pontiac.  This 
feeling  exhibited  itself  in  an  open  attack  upon  the  'Eng- 
lish at  the  carrying  place  upon  the  J^iagara  river. 

Before  the  surrender  of  fort  Niagara  to  theEnglisliCha- 
bert  Jonciare  Jr.  (his  father  being  dead)  was  in  command 
of  the  carrying  place  around  the  Falls  of  Niagara.  This 
in'otitable  privilege  had  been  granted  him,  by  the  French, 
.  as  a  reward  for  his  services,  and  had  been  assented  to  by 
the  Senecas,  who  shared  in  the  profits,  as  they  considered 
him  one  of  their  ciuldren,his  mother  being  a  Seneca  wo- 
man. Jonciare  had  a  considerable  amount  of  property 
invested  in  this  business,  which  of  course  was   destroyed 


Lit- 


iJL 


OAKKnxa  PLACE  AT     NfAGARA.  I47 

by  the  overthrow  <.f  the  French  ;  Joucuvre  himself  beinc. 
taken  pnsoner,  together  with  his  brother  Clauzonne  Joi^ 
ciiire,  at  the  surrender  of  the  fort. 

U  ho  J..„gl„  ,, , ,  ,,„,  j,„^  i„  „,,^„,„^  ^^.^^^  j^|^__ 

m..n,    an    l,„sl,sh,™„.     This  greatly  exasperated  the 

o:n,,  r  ";'"^'^'-->"'«  -"Tins  pu^'o  a,  th.- 

w„,  .tuu  long  been,  possession  of  „„e  of  their  ohil- 
■I'u,.    The  leelmgs  ol  the  Seneca.,  i„  respect  to  this  suh- 

tiora  tl,c  Enghsl,,  „,„  ,,,,„  „„j,,,t„od  by  Sir  William 
Johnso,,  and  ti.e  train  of  wagons  fro,„  the  landing  (Le  v 
.,  on,  ,0  „tt  e  Niagara  (Schlosse.)  was  always  f.n-n'is  d 
■th  a  gnard  ot  soid.ors.  ,Vs  this  was  the  only  practica. 
^.le  rente  fron,  east  to  west,  at  that  time,  for  the  Unglish. 
h,s  and  other  carrying  places  were  of  the  ntn.ost  impor- 
tance to  them,  as  they  had  been  to  tl,e  French 

The  necessity  or  famishing  the  dirterent  western  posts 
at  Detroit,  Mackinac,  etc.,  which  had  been  snrren.iered 
by  the  French,  n.ade  the  safety  of  these  carrying  places, 
ot  great  importance  to  the  English,  and  no  p,;ins  were 
spared,  not  only  to  seenre  safety  ,„  these  sapplies,  bnt 
to  .nsnrc  dispatch  in  their  transit,  over  this  lon„  line  of 
comn.„„,eation.  The  te.ams  ,vere  composed  S.ieflv  of 
oxen;  each  team  having  one  d,-ivei-,  the  master,  or  ovev- 
seer  aeeon,panying  the  train  on  horseback.    The  train 

with  one  oftcer,  and  twenty-fonr  soldier,  the  party  con- 
sisted of  nmety-six  persons.  In  their  progress  m  the 
nver,  the  ram,  with  its  escort,  had  arrived  oppol 
what  .s  called  t^"  devil's  hole,"  when  owing  totLe 
»hapeofthegr<*,d,theroadran  near  the  edge  of  h! 


i 


'■■',  . 


148 


HISTORY   OF   BUFFALO. 


precipice.  It  was  at  this  point  the  Indians  formed  an 
ambush,  entirely  out  of  view  of  their  xmsuspecting  vic- 
tims, who,  as  they  approached  tliis  narrow  defile,  were 
fired  upon  by  their  concealed  foe  ;  nearly  all  were  killed 
or  wounded,  at  the  first  fire  ;  the  Indians  I'ose  from  their 
concealment,  with  a  tremendous  yell,  rushed  upon  their 
helpless  victims,  and  the  tomahawk  and  scalping  knife 
soon  finished  the  bloody  work.  The  following  account  is 
from  the  manuscripts  of  Sir  William  Johnson,  under  date 
of  September,  17C3: 

"  I  have  this  moment  received  an  express,  informing 
me  that  an  officer  and  twenty-four  men  who  were  escort- 
ing several  wagons  and  ox-teams,  over  the  carrying  place 
at  Niairaru,  had  been  attacked  and  entirelv  defeated,  to- 
gether  with  two  companies  of  Col.  Wilmot's  Regiment, 
who  marched  to  sustain  them  ;  our  loss  on  this  occasion, 
consists  uf  Lieuts.  Campbell,  F...zer,  and  Koscoe,  of  the 
Regulars,  Capt.  Jolyison  and  Lieut.  Dayton,  of  the  Pro- 
vincials, and  sixty  privates,  killed,  with  about  eight  or 
nine  wounded. 

"The  enemy  who  arc  supposed  to  be  Senecas,  of  Che- 
nussio,  scalped  all  the  dead,  took  all  their  clothes,  arms 
and  araunition,  and  threw  several  of  their  bodies  down  a 
pr  ci])ice. 

''  I  am  greatly  apprehensive  of  the  fate  of  the  Detroit, 
they  being  in  much  want  I  fear,  at  the  garrison;  and  as  all 
unr  cattle  etc.,  which  were  at  Niagara,  are  either  killed 
or  taken,  it  will  be  impossible  to  get  any  necessaries 
transported  over  the  carrying  place  lor  the  remainder  of 
the  seas(jn.  I  shall  immediately  send  belts  to  all  the 
friendly  nations,  and  use  every  ettectual  measure  forpre- 
ventin;;'  the  destruction  of  our  settlemen^from  the  enemy 


m 


•-  CVRRYINO  PLACE  AT    NIAOAKA.  149 

Indians  m-I.o  are  bnt  ^.o  much   encouraged  from   tl.ei.' 
repeated  successes/' 

'JJl'e  subjoined  account  of  this  transaction,  was   related 

^Jr:  '"  ^'"^^''^'  gentlen.an,  who  visited  the  tails 
•n  18(  0,  bv  the  son  of  John  Steadman  named  below  : 

ihe  portage  or  carrying  place   which   is   now  from 
(neenstown  to  Chippewa,  was  previous  to   1792   from  -x 
place  opposite  Queonstown  (Lewiston)to  Fort  Schlosser. 
lu  l.GO  John  Steadman  was  master.  In  1763  the  Indians 
at  acked  the  train  of  wagons  and  its  gaurd,   consistin..  in 
soldiers  and  wagoners  of  ninety-six  persons.      Of  tiresc 
mnety-two  were  killed  on  the  spot,   three  jun.ped  ,lown' 
tlie  prec.p.ce  over-hanging  the  river,  and  John  Steadman 
putting  spurs  to  his  horse,   galloped   to   Fort  Schlosser 
The  three  who  jumped  down  the  precipice,   (considered 
by  them  as  certain   death,    which   they  preferred  to  the 
on.ahawk  ot  the  Indians,)  were  preserved  by  shrubs  and 
brushwood  breaking  their  tall.     One   was  a   drummer 
whose  drum  falling  into  the  river,  gave  the  first  news   ol' 
this  defeat,  at  Niagara. 

"Peace  being  concluded  with  the  Indians  a  few  months 
alter  this  massacre,  they,  of  their  own  free   will,    <niye  n 
grant  to  John  Steadman  of  all  the  land  he  galloped  over 
in  his  flight.    This  tract  so  granted,   begins   at  "  bloodv 
bridge  '  the  scene  of  action,  and  terminates  atFortSchlos 
ser.     Its  extent  in  depth  from  the  river  is  such  as  to  make 
the  whole  amount  to  about  four  thousand  nine   hundred 
acres.     The  reason  they  gave  this  grant  was,   thev   con- 
sidered his  ->8cape,  as  miraculous,  and  that  tin's   cvfft  was 
an  atonement  to  him,  and  tlie  Great  Spirit,  who  p^-otected 
Inm,  for  their  guilt  in  having  attempted   to   kill   him' 
Many  of  the  Indians  assured  him  that  thev   luvl  deliber- 


^  iM 


,*;fl- 


,lj 


t 

1 

if 

1  i 

11^ 

i:i 

'  ■'; 

'    m 

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il 

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m 


■'¥ 


loO 


HISTORY    OK    liUKKAU). 


ate  and  fair  Hhots  at  liiiu,  and  that  liad  lie  been  a  deer,  nc 
could  not  have  escaped  tlicir  rifles." 

The  Steadnian  ianiily  witli  slight  exceptions,  kept  pos- 
riession  of  the  I'arm  at  Fort  Schlosscr  and  ^probably  the 
carrying  place,  many  years  ;  aided  by  influential  friends, 
application  was  made  to  the  Legislature  of  the  State  of 
New  York,  after  the  llevolution,  for  a  conflr  nation  of  the 
Indian  grant,  to  at  least,  what  Steadnian  had  enclosed. 
and  improved,  being  about  fifteen  hundred  acres  :  but 
like  a  multitude  of  similar  claims  in  other  parts  uf  the 
State,  the  Legislature  refused  to  recognize  them,  and  who 
ever  will  take  the  trouble  to  examine  the  record  of  Legisla- 
tive proceedings.,  V,  ill  find  frequent  mention  made  of  the 
Steadmau  farm  upon  the  Niagara  river. 

The  carrying  ])lace  round  the  falls  was  originally  upon 
the  Canada  or  west  side  of  the  river,  but  it  had  been 
changed  to  the  eastern  or  American  side,  the  distance  be- 
ing found  to  be  much  shorter,  upon  the  American  side- 
We  at  this  period  have  very  little  idea  of  the  amount  of 
transportation  over  tliis  carrying  jdace.  It  is  probable 
tliat  the  train  attacked  and  plundered  by  the  Senecas,  in 
1763,  cousisted  of  from  forty  to  fifty  teams.  In  1800  J\rr. 
Maud,  from  whose  journal  we  have  already  quoted,  in, 
passing  down  on  the  Canada  sitlo  in  August  of  that  year. 
says  : 

"There  is  a  jjortagc  at-lliis  place,  which  i'nq)loy^  nu- 
merous teams,  chiefly  of  oxen,  each  cart  (wagon)  being 
drawn  l>y  two  yoke  of  oxen  or  two  horses.  I  passed  great 
numbers  on  the  road  taking  uj>  bales  and  boxes,  and 
bringing  down  packs  of  jieltries.  Kourteen  teams  were 
*  at  tlie  wharf  waiting  to  be  loaded."  ••  ••  '•  On  the  oyy"'- 
site  side  of  the  river  to  i^ueenstown.   tlie  government    of' 


*      ![ 


<AKUV/NG  I'J.ACK   AT    NIAGAKA. 


151 


H.e  United  States  design  to  establish  a  landing-,  or  rather 
renew  the  old  portage  to  Fort  Schlosser."  •-  :<• 

"  Another  sclienie  of  the  Anglo-Americans  is  to  ,lu 
uway  with  the  necessity  of  a  portage,  by  substituting  a 
canal  in  its  place  ;  this  object,  can  bo  best  explained  by  a 
-luotation  from  Capt.  Williamson's  accountof  the  Genesee. 

-The  lallAvas  found  to  be  three  hundred  and  twenty 
loet  from  Steadman's  Landing  (Fort  Schlosser)  above  the 
falls,  to  Queenstown  Landing  below.  The  distance  to  be 
cut  for  the  proposed  canal,  did  not  exceed  four  miles 
nearly  three  of  which  is  on  a  level  with  the  navigabU. 
part  of  the  river,  above  the  tails." 


C  li  A  I'TE  i:     X  I 


ill  A])ril  17^4  a  tivalv  (.)ri)L'acu  was  coiichulcd,  by  Sir 
William  J(.lins(.ii  with  tlio  St'iiecas  at,  Johnson'b  IJail;  in 
which  thcv  amve  fD.st..].  all  liostiiities  amiiiist  thn  Eii-- 
libli,  n-ive  u]i  all  prisuiifit-.  iifj,ortt'rs,  and  iioi-roes  amoiiu 
then),  ct'do  tlit.'  carrviii-i' ])lace  on  the  .\ia-ara.  indudiiiu 
all  the  land  iW>n)  about  I'oiir  miles  ])olow  Fort  Nia<^ara,  to 
the  creek  above  Fort  Schlo..ser,  or  little  Niagara,  on  both 
sides  of  the  river,  being  about  fourteen  miles  lono-,  and 
tour  miles  wide,  and  agree  never  to  oljstruct  the  carrvinu 
place,  or  the  free  use  by  the  English  of  said  tract.  The 
signatures  to  the  treaty  are  : 

Sayenqiieraghta,  Wanuiihissue,  Taganrt-ndie,  Taanja- 
qua,  Tagaanadie,    Kaanyts,  Clionedagan,  Aughnanawis. 

The  Senecas  were  to  liave  a  full  pardon  for  all  past  of 
fenses,  and  to  renuiin  in  perjtctual  peace.  At  this  treaty, 
asappears  from  subsequent  ]>rocoeding3  and  the  signa- 
tures of  the  chiefs  or  sachems  attached  to  it,  a  ]  tuition  of 
the  Senecas  were  not  reiiresentcd.  Those  residing  at  Chc- 
nissio,  and  upon  the  head  waters  of  the  Eelle  (Ohio)  river 
had  to  some  extent  been  drawn  to  sym])athize  with,  if  ^ot 
to  co-0])erate  in  the  great  movement  headed  by  Pontiac. 
They  had  attacked  and  destroyed  the  train  and  its  escort 
at  the  carrying  place  on  the  Niagara,  and  were  implica 


'"Ms 


C.,.,   iMCl,   t„     tl„.„.     „lk.„i,UK.„     t„     tl,d,.     b,.rfI„.C.„      .,.,,1     t  . 

nitcliiefsot  tiio  Aloliiiuks,  the  Oncid-m  fl,.    n        i 

rr  ,       ■'    ■  -""'"''•  "'"'  "'"->'  «•««  fl.mIlvM„I„cc;i 

"1  August  of  (lie  sii,,,!,  v,..,,  .    fi,„;  ,    .  ""'■""iiall. 

,1,,.,.-,?     n,         •'"".. .'.II.    first  l,cii,i;  iissm-od,   tl„ii 

';■';"';"'"'■'"'■""'■■«"""  .'^»  "".I   rd,,,.,,.  „,.  i„ 

:.;";:'■ '"" "'"  'r--  "■■"  '■'-■'.«■  «.•  ti.oi,. .,;,..,. 

feiiouitl    (>o  giiaraiitet'd, 

Tl.i.s  o,„„o,.o„c..  was  l„.W    „.it,,    ,„„„,,   ^„,.^„„^„ 

"*'     AV,l,„,„J„,„,s„„,    „,„,   t,,^    j,„, 
1-f  s,,c.ul<c.,.  „rtl,o  0„o„.Ia,„.s,  ,u,.h.osse,l  the  fofl        ' 
fu.™a  .pood,  to  ,1,0  Sonacas,  and  Dohuvares  (.l.o    ™^ 
cc,ns,do,.od  H,„  f,.i.,„|s  „,„,  ,„;,„  „,.„,^  s  " 

p.-ese„ce  o,  Sir  WilHa,,,  J„l„,s„„,  „„a  „„  «,„  ^^  ;'' 
sacl,ems  of  tl,o  Five  ICatio„s  : 

"UKK.r„KEN  OF  raii  SfNBCAs  AND  Deuwarks  :- We  ai'o 
lioi'c  met,  to  the  nainbei.  of  four  N-.itlo..^  i„  ,i 

of  S,r  W,ll,„„  Jo|„,s„„,  ,„  „,e  end,  ,l,at  l,e  „,„,.  see  .,,,1 
bo  e„„v,noed  of  o,„.  „„dividod  endeavors,  to  br  ,!;;: 

uZ^t  .r'  ""^.•i"''»-™-'  ->eh  as  may   l,o  do/end 
.P"i..   I.at  „,„.  wnes  and  cl,ild,.o„  ,„a.y  live  in  poaee,a„d 
.0  „„  longer  involve,!  i„   „nn,I,erless  ,listresses.      Yo 
■ave  boon  for  a  long  time  in  a  i,a<l  road.    It  is   therofbro 

;..la,,„o,tl,at3-„ure.„,.n,,aokin,ot,,atofom.:,:ee:: 
to.N  who  always  en,,,lo.yed  tho.nselvos  in  good   aflabs, 


IM 


I'll 


i 


4 


i 


U'iii 


\kl 


1) 


I 


154 


JUSTOliV  OK   111  I'fAI.o. 


iiiid  continually  told  \\a  that  thoy  were  never  tlie  luUhur- 
■  tf  ])loo(l8]iO(l  and  (kiiuii.  For  tliis  reason,  wo  are  over- 
joyed, that  you  are  now  come,  after  haviuLr  heen  so  lon^i 
called  upon. 

"  \'ou  very  well  know,  the  promise  made  by  you  at 
Niagara,  tu  Sir  AVilliani  .Fohnson.  Your  engagement 
was  then  reasonable,  and  did  not  require  too  much  of  you- 
Yuu  had  therefore  best  to  blot  out  all  the  past,  and  act 
better  for  the  future,  than  you  have  *liitherto  done:  and 
this  is  most  strongly  recommended  to  you,  in  tlie  name  ol 
the  Oi\ondagas.  Tayngas,  Oneidas,  and  Mohawks."  Gave 
a  belt. 

Then  Gaustrax,  the  Seneca  Chief,  stood  up  and   said: 

•'BuETnuEX  OF  TiiK  FivK  Natioxs  : — I  have  attended  to 
what  you  have  said  on  this  belt  to  us.  You  nuxy  be  as- 
sured that  we  think  of  nothing  but  peace,  and  to  that  end 
will  deliver  up  all  tlie  English  })eople,  as  is  recommended 
tons;  and  we  will  send  messengers  to  collect  them  im- 
mediately ;  and  as  the  Delawares  have  agreed  to  leave 
hostages  for  the  performance  of  their  promise,  I  agree  to 
stay  here,  as  an  hostage  on  Iiehalf  of  my  nation,  for  the 
like  ])urpose.  Uut  should  the  messengers  not  be  able  \" 
succeed  in  getting  the  prisoners,  I  shall  then  beg  Sir  "Wil- 
liam Johnson's  permission,  to  go  myself,  accompanied  by 
Mr.  Perthias  the  Interpreter,  when  I  doubt  not  of  obtain- 
ing them  all,"' 

He  returned  the  ])elt  given  him  by  the  four  Nations. 

Sir  William  Johnson  addressed  the  Senecas  in  replv. 
as  follows : 

"IbiKTiiRKN  (iF  TUK  Skxkcas  :— You  must  be  Sensible, 
that  the  greatest  part  of  your  Jiation,  have  been  our  mo.-t 
inveterate  enemies,  dnrinii'the  late  hostilities.     I  will  not 


^IR    WIf.MAM   .IOIINSOn's    81'KKCII.  ir)5 

:iowc.nlai-eoutluitJ,ea.l,asit  ^va,  the  .subject  uf  our 
•fcaty  at  Xiagam  last  summer.  All  I  have  to  sa.y  uiion 
it.  n.w  IS,  that  1  expect  you  will  consult  your  own  Inter- 
ost,  an.I  happiness,  and  to  that  end,  eurefnllj  avoid  a 
..•each  w-th  your  hrethrcn  the  I.n.:;-ltsh,  for  the  tiuio  to 
;->ne.  On  this,  all  your  ha,,pinos  mtirolv  depends,  and 
a  you  repent  ofyour  late  conduct,  and  are  come  ri-htlv 
t.'  your  senses,  you  will  lind  the  necessity  of  strictly°al,i- 
'iing  by  all  vdiu- eng;.^•ements. 

••  Your  not  bringing  down  the  rest  of  the  prisojior^.  im 
mediately  after  the  delivery  of  those  last  year  to  me, 
agreeable  to  your  engagement,  has  had  a  very  bad  ai*- 
pearanco,  and  you  cannot  excuse  yourselves.  'Vou  have 
therefore,  nothing  left  to  convince  the  English  of  vour 
smcenty,  .but  by  your  future  actions;  words  will  no't  he 
sufhcient;  and  therefore,  lexpect,  that  within  forty  ni-hts 
trom  hence,  you  will  bring  down  every  ]>risoner%et 
amongst  you,  and  every  deserter,  in  which  ni  canm.t 
'ieceiveme,forIknow  their  numbers;  and  until  vou 
l^crlorm  this  punctually,  I  expect  you  will  leavr  another 
''t  your  chiefs  of  Xarathyaradaris  with  Gaustrax,  as  hos- 
tages for  the  discharge  of  your  engairement." 

This  engagement  was  luimicd  on  ihe  part  of  the  Sene- 
gas and  Dehiwaros  of  the  Susquehanna,  bv  delivering  up 
twenty-live  persons  of  both  sexes,  held  is  prisoner^  bv 
them. 

^  In  September  of  this  vear,  in  an  official  letter.  Sir  Wil 
iiam  Johnson  savs : 

"Having  this  moment  heard  of  the  death  of  the  Chief 
ot  all  the  Senecas,  who  was  for  some  vears  past  sincerely 
attached  to  our  interests,  I  am  apprehensive  that  the  di=. 
content  among  these  jealous  and  troublesome  people  wiU 


If 


! 


!   I 


i  ! 


i 

t 

1        ! 

1,1 
* 

ijH 

!    ■  !' 


K:i 


106 


IIISTi/UV  '  1    I'.l  llAI.o. 


l)e  luiiHidoml.ly  iiu<rmci.l.Ml  ;  on  which  accoiuiM.iit  par- 
ticularly from  soiiio  infurmatiuu  I  daily  recciv*-,  I  iiur- 
pose  iimiiediiiU'ly  under  ii  pioU'iiso  of  u  hmv  \\,v  liealtii, 
to  visit  the  Onoiida<,'ii  couiiiiy,  which  heit>,i,'  the  jjlacr 
where  the  ^'reat  confederacy  nicot,-*,  I  hoj)e  topn.fit  Boiue- 
thill",'  from  the  discovery  I  mai:e."  "  " 
^  The  result  of  this  visit  was  auylhin;;  but  satidfact(.ry  to 

Sir  AVilliam  .Johii>.'.ii.  !)ut;  c Ii'inatory   (,f  the   fears  lie 

luid  expressed,  as  appears  l.y    ;;,e   reiwt    ho   made,    in 
which  ho  says: 

'•The  Indians  with  whom  I  lu-'u]  a  congress,  were  verv 
desin.us  to  know  whether  I  iuid  nc.  ived  any  satisfactory 
accnnts  i'lxnn  Court,  resi)ectin-  the  intentled  honndarv 
line,  tile  sumnniry  i)rocess  for  justice,  the  -rievancea  con 
ceriiin-r  lands,  murders,  and  intrusions  of  the  frontier  in- 
iiabitants.  and  other  matters,  on  which  they  had  been 
promised  relief.  In  answer  to  which  I  gavu  them  main- 
assurances  that  these  matters  were  mider  consideration- 
and  orders  actually  sent,  to  tiie  Governor  of  the  province 
on  the  subject  of  lands. 

'' They  answered  that  they  had  no  expectation  from 
that  (|uarter,  and  that  the  application  to  his  Majesty  was 
founded  on  a  certainty  that  they  could  expect  no  redress 
elsewhere. 

''That  on  this  and  every  other  subject  of  grievance, 
they  had  patiently  waited  for  redress,  several  years,  that 
tbey  were  now  quite  tired,  and  began  to  despair  of  it,  that 
all  the  nations  were  becoming  impatient  and  dissatisfied- 
and  could  not  restrain  their  warriors." 

The  principal  causes  of  the  disaffection  of  the  Senecas, 
which  extended  more  or  less  to  all  the  Six  Nations,  with 
the  exception,  perhaps  of  the  Mohawks,  grew  out  of  the 


*•■»- 


,m:r 


iits 


TROLilI.lt  o.v  THK  om.)  aivicu. 


I8T 


Km..„d,;"  „rco„„o  Cor  ,l,i,  |,„r,«,.  „,„  ,,,„'""."« 
...onso  territory,  „„d  tl,o  «e(,  ion  out  of  .  f' t 

an.n,al.  ,ro,u  „  U.r,,o  torrieory ;  ,,„.|   „,e  eons    „.    ^ 

'•""""'  """"'^■''  ""■'"  ■-  -lioi;  tl,-o.v  often  asser       uZl 
o     >        ho  i,r,nc,),aU„„rees  of  ,l,o.„  .liniclties  were 

,°      7-    ™."  S""^^™'  "''O  g"mde,l   tl,e  "  western 
'  »or   „1  the  confcderaey,  h„d  at  thi.  period  pushed     ,e 
l»n  .er  .et.ie.nen.s  to  the  hanics  of  th'ose  rive':'  we 
■;!.«.  hr„„,d,t  ,„to  eontiiet  with  the  white  sot  lers     The 
^•re neh  enossaries  were  s.iil  i„  t,,e  eonutrv.    T,,  !  sto 
■     0,1  the   ndians  (over  who,,  they  posseise,!  (ZrtZ 

",e  t  set  le,s  ;  the  co„se,,„o„ee8  soon  l,eca„,e  too  an„a 

|;en    n.thewh,.les,de.,,,,r,,e,,,  „,,deapt,,,.os        :X" 
■"".hes  a„d  so,„eti,„os  of  settlea.ents,  ,„adeby   ti^el 
■haus,  „,  .,,„se  they  eonsidet-e,!  as  intruder  „po,     /e  • 
ngh-»  a.,d  p,,>perty.   Of  eourse  ,ho  settle,,  beear.e.re 
>-a,,er,Ue,,  „,ai„st  „,o  Indians,  „„d  did  not  f,    "t 

'  r  t  ,1     ,  r'""'°  •"  """■  ^•^■""—  »I."n  .he,„wl,on. 
i'_"  tl,ej  lia.l  an  opj,oit„„ity  to  do  so. 

ihe  lolloping  exfact  of  a  letter  written  l>y  Sir  Willin,„ 

-rtreL:::""''''"'""-----'--^^^ 

••The  late  .nnrder  co.n.nitted  on  the  friendly  Conesto 
.a  Ind,ans  residing  in,  and  nnder  the  proteetion  JlC- 


I  rvM 


/€li^ 


158 


HISTORV    OF   liUKKALO. 


sylvania,  by  a  number  of  riotous  persons,  wlio  without 
any  cause,  surprised  and  killed,  six  of  these  peaceable 
people,  occasioned  Mr.  Penn  to  issue  a  proclamation,  for 
discovery  of  the  authors  thereof,  and  to  place  the  rest  of 
that  people  in  Lancaster,  where  they  were  lodged  in  the 
workhouse,  for  better  security.  But  the  rioters,  not 
alarmed  at  the  proclamation,  came,  in  a  body,  armed, 
broke  open  the  workhouse,  and  barbarously  murdered 
fourteen  more  of  these  Indians,  and  even  threatened  to 
come  down  to  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  and  killanumbci' 
of  peaceable  and  well  disposed  Indians,  taken  into  the 
protection  of  that  city. 

In  October,  1768,  a  great  treaty  was  held  by  Sir  Will- 
iam Johnson  at  Port  Stanwix,  with  the  Six  Nations,  the 
Shawnees,  Delawares,  and  Senecas,  of  Ohio,  at  which 
more  than  two  thousand  Indians  were  present.     Several 
weeks  were  occupied,  in  completing  the  business  trans- 
acted, the  principal  of  which  was,  the  settlement  of  the 
question  of  a  boundary  line  between  the  whites  and  the 
Indians.    The  Governors  of  several  of  the  colonies  were 
present  at  this  treaty,    (iov.   Penn,   of  Pennsylvania. 
after  waiting  several  days  for  the  arrival  of  the  delegates 
from  some  of  the  more  distant  nations,  who  were  slow  in 
coming,  was  obliged  to  leave,  and  placed  his  affairs  in 
the  hands  of  two  commissioners,  to  represent  that  colony. 
After  much  discussion  and  negotiation,  conducted  entirely 
by   Sir  William  Johnson,   on  the  part  of  the  English, 
assisted  by  his  two  sons-in-h)w.  Col.  Guy  Johnson,  and 
Col.  Claus,  the  boundary  was  agreed  upon,  and*the  treaty 
signed  by  the  chiefs  of  all  the  Six  Nations,  and  their  de- 
pendents the  Delawares,  Shawnees,  <fcc.    This  line  ex- 
tended from  near  lake  Ontario,  at  the  junction  of  Canada 


ii& 


'i"l'I-J    UOL-XDAUV   LK\E. 


159 


and  Wood  creeks,  to  Oweoo  on  thf^  <„        i 
'l"-gl.  Pcnsyh-ania,  mZndtT'T"'  """"' 
.1.0  Cl,o,„koo  0,  Te„„o  see     ™   •  T,'    „        '™""'  "'' 
iHHmda,,.  lino  ^..tAonZZli^^rTT"'"  ''  "" 

tion  of  tlio  Indh, ,     Tl,:.  i       ,™      '         °  <l'S6atisfac- 
■lifflcnlt  ol       T     ;  '7  '^^"l""-' "'"1  ^va,s  of  ,„„,,. 

,    ""  "  '  f  r'"''°"' '"  '■-  co„c,,„,Kle„co  with  the  .„  -e™ 
...en  at  this  ponod.    It  ,vas  the  alan„i„.  i„e,-eat:rf  t 
'"":;'«'•'  '■•"•'  S.-owi.,g  ,,o„e,,  of  tl,o  I-n^Z  "" 

■liie  reason  assirnied  bv  Sir  W;]i;„,   "t  i 

'i-.,.  <..•  dosing  tL  bound    ',;':'":;■■'■.  '"■  r 

"0«1.,  was,  tl,at  tl,e  propertv  to  I       '•'';«  O'*'""  <™  tl.o 

r'T'''"- »«°"-'«'"'«'..;i.  o.:;a'::;T' 

I-wks,  and  could  at  any  tin.o  tLc-oafto,.  "b   -el"   d  n  '" 
loiy  .noderatc  exnense   s.,o„l,l  i  •    .r  "'  " 

O'lo  of  tl,e  sti„„l.  t:  "  ^"J""'-*'  '■'^l'"''o  it" 

^'.o...db;pen:,:::\X-;:r:r'"^/''-;'^V'"^^ 

'»l:ilImS,:or  enforcing  ti.is  ,ti,     •  t  '  *"""^  "'' 

educated  them  to  exnr.f.fri;-.n       •  .  "'^  i^nglisJi,  had 

tliov  l,.ul  ^       ^'i^«'irpo]ntnient,  notwithstanding 

tJ'C}   iuid  unwavering  confidence  in  the   inte-^rit  f 

good  .utentions,  of  their  friend,  Si.  Wi  L      '"^ /  '   ""' 
the  frontier,  particularlv  nf-  fj  ^''^^"ani.     Bui  upon 

■i-i.a.,..a,  .;,^d .,:  0  Vri  :^'::"*:™^''  "'r"  "'"«"- 

"I'o  patt  of  the  settlers,  a-  „i,  t  tl,'    iT  "''"^'  ™ 

"•as  strengthened,  .n,U.^ZZ^T\r       '  '"" 
tbe]iriti«h  ...-m.  „    i  .i        "f't^'^^^^si^e,  bj  the  success  of 

o-'sotit  r ;  r,  'V""'/^' ":»""^"""^'^ "'■■»'-- 

"  "'"  "«"'  f"">'l  tl.at  the  boundary 


I 


ftrp    ««!^ 


160 


lIISTOUy    «)K    UUl'FAI.O. 


line,  was  no  restraint  upon  the  rapacity  of  tiie  land  spocu  ■ 
lators  and  squatters,  and  from  negotiations  between  the 
Indians  and  the  government,  there  was  a  sudden  transi- 
tion to  a  state  of  iiostilities  between  the  Indians  and  the 
frontier  settlers,  many  of  whom  had  already  pushed  their 
claims  beyond  the  limits  of  the  boundary  line 

The  following  letters  of  Sir  William  Johnson  to  Gen. 
Gage,  written  at  this  time,  shows  the  state  of  Indian 
affairs  about  tliis  ])oriod,  and  the  influences  that  were  o])t;- 
rati'ng  to  produce  disaffection  among  them  : 

SIK    WILLIAM   JOIIXSOxX   'IX)    GEN.    GAGE. 

April  IStli,  1767. 
I  Iiave  had  a  particular  inibrmation  of  the  murder  of 
the  .Delaware  Indian  at  Kedstone  creek.     It  aj.pears  fnon 
the  information  of  several  wliite  men,  that  tiio  quarrel 
arose  through  the  instigation  of  Col.  Creasaj),  of  Mary- 
land, who  trades  on  that  fi-(jntier,  and  (probably  from  in- 
terested motives,)  Jiad  actually  told  the  deceased  that  if 
he  met  with  any  traders  in  the  C(.untry.  or  going  to  it,  he 
sliould  take  their  liquor  from  tliem,  and  cause  the  ke^^; 
to  be  staved.     This  is  one  of  the  consequences  of  snfier- 
ing  the  traders  to  rumble  where  ever  great  ju-oflts  may 
seduce  them,  an<l   I  consider  it  as  oidy  a  ])relude  of  wliat 
is  to  follow,   unless  they  are  tinu-iy  and   effcH'tually  re- 
htrained. 

silt    WILLIAM   .l(>II^•S0^    TO   (,KX.    GAGE. 

April  LHth,  J 767. 
I  am  \.el]  informed  that  Chabert  .lonciaro.  is  prepar 


1 


CHABERT  JONCIARE. 


161 


fii 


nig  to  set  out  with  a  cargo  of  o-oods  for  ^Jn 
iieartily  wisJi  ho  conld  h.  1  ^^gara,  and 

y  iie  conhl  by  some  means  be  prevented  •  i'r.. 

'■Since  ,,,3,  last  oftl.e  l^t,,  j,,.  ,;,„,  f  I'f/'''""^- 
■•ived  here,  together  with  L  I'uf  r  ^,       (J°'«='">-<^0  ar. 
««vo.™,'w,S,  iette.:"  r,  :  ihtt:;  TuZ  '"  '"^ 

moiit  ho  met  witli  ill  Fi-ii„.„  „.i  ■  i  mtieat- 

as.inst  that  nation    tiiat      '  '"'"'  P'°J"'"<^°  '"■'" 

cat-go  fo.-the  x^o  t:;:i,;':r, 'r''f ' "  '"■=<= 

-     ™^is  Lopoatei,  eiiti-oLes a  J.:Z:1       t 

.'.-■o,.e,L-e;i;:vL:tr'o:rtJ;^ 

•i;aintiiig  him,  .„„,  i  „,„„„     ^^     ;  ^^^^'^  - 
M  .  Chabei-t  .ill  act  the  part  of  a  wise  man,  a,  d  t  nn 

hai-b-  ,,,  irfi,,,  Si,.  William  J„h„s„„  „„„,„  „  ,.,.^,^ 
OnoiK  agas,  Ca„i,„s,  and  Seiiecas,  tOr  the  pun,"  Tf 
ming  the  particniars  in  Legai-d  to  the  oii.  agi  :„„ 

iej,eu  uie  bi\  JSTations  were    nvolved      Af  n,,^    i 


It- 


■il 


i  i 


;     1 1 


i  ^  ■    t  !  ,  'i   'b 


162 


HISTOKY   OF   BUFFALO. 


'f< 


received  a,  severe  Imrt,  wliicli  nearly  rendered  him  inca- 
pable of  proceeding,  but  after  a  little  delay,  be  pursued 
his  journey  to  Seneca,  (Kanesadaga,)  where  he  had  sum- 
moned the  chiefs  of  that  nation,  living  near  the  head  of 
the  Ohio  river,  to  meet  him.  The  Indians  assembled  to 
the  number  of  more  tlian  two  thousand.  A  spirit  of  gen- 
eral discontent  was  soon  manifested.  The  Senccas  beiran 
by  a  long  detail  of  their  grievances,  comjilaining  of  a 
general  neglect  on  the  part  of  the  English  to  observe  tlic 
provisions  of  the  late  treaty.  That  tlieir  trading  posts 
were  neglected,  that  frauds  up(.>n  them  were  practiced 
more  than  ever  ;  tliat  the  agents,  interpreters,  and  black- 
smiths, which  they  had  been  ftccustumed  to  have  among 
them,  had  been  withdraAvn,  and  that  they  were  inforn^ed 
that  a  war  between  the  English,  and  the  Spanish  and 
French,  was  imminent,  and  they  were  invited  and  en- 
couraged by  the  emissaries  of  the  French  still  among 
them,  to  engage  in  it,  which,  notwithstanding  A)  advice 
of  the  chiefs  to  the  contrary,  was  a  great  temptation  to 
their  warriors.  That  the  French  had  predicted  all  these 
evils,  and  experience  had  proved  it  too  true,  and  "they 
were  full  of  resentment  through  disappointment." 

In  his  report  to  the  Earl  of  Hillsborough,  Sir  "William 
Johnson  says :  "  On  my  way  home  I  was  overtaken  with 
the  news  of  a  murder  of  a  young  Seneca  lad,  who  was 
fired  upon  on  the  river  Snscpiehanna,  by  some  of  the 
frontier  inhabitants,  without  the  least  provocation  given ; 
(of  which  I  have  since  received  an  account  from  Penusyl- 
vania,)  as  the  father  of  this  lad,  has  generally  lived  with- 
in the  settlements,  and  with  the  whole  family  demonstra- 
ted the  most  zealous  attachment  to  the  English,  and  weic 
.much  respected  by  the  Indians,  the  murder  is  a  very  un- 


I 


TROUBLES   OH  THE   OHIO.  Igg 

lucky  accident  at  this  time,  b„t  it  is  „„t  alone;  several 
others  Lave  been  lately  co„.,nittecl,  by  tl,e  infatimed  am 
lawless  .nhabitants  on  the  frontiers  ol  Virgin.r&e    X 

a,ca  to  go  on.    And  thongl,  the  effeets  of  all  this  Inve 
0   be     s  „„„^.  ,„,  ,,^  ^^^^^^^^^  J  ^  a 

to  make  then-  appearance,  particularly  abont  the  illinoi 

i^      li  :,  :  — "Jorin  chief;  the  Indians 

haung  kdled  several  people,  attacked  and   „lu„dore,l 
several  trader's  boats,  and  in  short  bloeked  n,  the  Z 
mnnieation  of  the  Ohio  so  that  it  1=        ,       '  "' 

"-or  trading;  -^ .  \:irat'«;:sr:reCt 

t     "'     ™  °™''  '^''  l""-P°^'=''  'I'at  are  but  too  obvious 
«em,ng  only  to  wai.  the  success  of  their  negotiatiorfo; 
the  commencement  of  hostilities."    *    »    ,"°"''"»'«' «" 
In  the  mean  ti,„e  no  provision  was  made  by  the  coIo 

buutdid"^;™:  t  «,f "^  ''"'*  r "  -'^  °- 

,     •  "^  po^mcis  tor  that  purpose  th  s  year     Tn 

s  ances  were  not  „nfre,uent,  when  for  son,e  ac  I   a  s  n 

^^..  the  state  Of  i^bngt^LJ;--:^^ 

Lr  BeT  'n     „*'"'  ^■""'"'  S»«l'.  -I'O  was  attal^^d 

>  a.  Bedford,  by  tlnrty  white  raen  disguised  and  painted 

He  In  ,ans  who  destroyed  and  carried  away  th" 

est  part  of  Ins  goods,  declarin  .  "they  would  suier  none  tl 


'r.t 


1:1" 

1-1 

I 


I 


u\ 


41  i 


H18T0KY  OF  UUrFALO. 

pass  on  to  til 0  Indians."  *  *  The  political  troubles 
which  began  to  agitate  the  public  mind,  both  in  Massa- 
chusetts and  New  York,  about  this  period,  caused  serious 
embarrassment  to  the  management  of  Indian  aiFairs.  In 
1770,  a  combination  against  the  importation  of  foreign, 
goods,  was  formed  in  New  York,  and  it  was  with  the 
greatest  ditRcultj  that  Sir  William  Johnson  was  able  to 
get  "  out  of  the  hands  of  the  committee  of  non-importers," 
a  cargo  of  Indian  goods  which  were  of  the  greatest  im- 
portance to  enable  him  to  keep  his  promises  to  them. 
The  delay  in  obtaining  the  ordinary  supplies  for  the  In- 
dian trade,  had  been  used  by  the  French  emissaries  with 
great  effect  against  the  English,  and  had  shaken  the  con- 
Udence  of  the  Ii.JIans  in  them. 

Great  dissatisfaction  had  been  given  the  Shawnees  and 
Senecas  residing  on  the  Ohio  river,  by  fixing  the  boun- 
dary line  on  that  river.  They  claimed  the  land  between, 
that  river  and  the  lake,  and  this  dissatisfaction  was  felt 
by  the  Senecas  residing  at  Chenissio  (Genesee,)  and  re- 
ports came  to  Sir  William  Johnson  "  that  the  Six  Na- 
tions were  concerned  in  exciting  the  Shawnees,  and  the 
Delawares  and  many  others  to  make  war  upon  the  Eng- 
lish." 

The  following  circular  letter  from  Lord  Hillsborou<rh  to 
the  Governors  of  Quebec,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Vir 
ginia,  North  Carolina,  Maryland,  and  Pennsylvania,  da- 
ted Whitehall,  November  15th,  1770,  shows  the  light  in 
which  the  English  government  viewed  the  state  of  af- 
fairs at  this  time : 

"Sir: — ^The  enclosed  extract  from  a  letter  I  have  late- 
ly received  from  Sir  AVilliam  Johnson,  will  fully  inform 
you  of  the  complaints  made  by  the  Six  Nations  of  Indians 


m 


^J^    t.^ 


(!M 


LETTER  OP  lOED  nil.I.SIIOHOUOll.  165 

and  their  allies  and  eonfederates,  al  a  congress  J.el.l  in  J„. 
.  .y  las  at  t  e  Gor,„a„  Platts,  of  the  abusts  and  violen 
co,n,„,t  «,  by  the  traders  and  frontier  inhabitants  of  so  ^ 
eial  of  us  n,a.,cst/s  colonies,  and  the  enclosed  extract  of 
the  conlereneo,  will  point  out  to  yon  h„«-  earnest  the  In- 
dians have  been  in  these  con,,,Iaints,  and  what  is  likely 
to  happen  if  they  are  not  redressed.  ^ 

"After  the  King  had  thongl,t  fit  fr„„,  regard  to  the 
aaims  and  opinions  of  the  colonies,  to  leave  ft  to  them  to 
make  sneh  regulations  concerning  the  Indian  commerce, 
■»thcyj,ged  proper,  there  was  good  reason  to  hop 
that  a  matter  on  which  their  interest  ."and  safety  do  so 
mnoh  depend,  would  have  been  an  immediate  object  of 
l.c.rser,ou.  deliberation.    But  contrary  to  all   expecta- 
.0".  nothing  eftectual  appears  to  have  becu  done,   "d  as 
^hc  Indians  have  in  the  strongest  manner,  expressed  thel 
mpatience,  nn.ler  the  almses  to  which  thev  are  constant- 
ly  exposed,  the  King  has  commanded  me  to  sio-nitV  his 
pleasure  that  you  should  without  delay,  tiUl  u^onsome 
measures  of  putting  Indian  aftairs  umler  sueli  regulations 
a.  may  have  the  effect  to  prevent  these  abi^^s  "f  7o 
.rade,  and  those  violences  and  encroachments  of  the  frou- 
..er  inhabitants,  which  the  Indians  so  justly  eoin,',-in  of 

I  am  etc., 

IIILLSEOROUOTI '' 

In  1772,  Sir  AV^illia.u  Johnson  sent  a  deputation  to  the- 
ObK.,  lo,-  tl.e  purpose  of  aseertainin.  the  true  state  of  tlie 
W  ^;"7^^"-^^«'-^'oni.e  MohaM-ks  was  at  the 
i'cad  ot  the  deputation.  Tie  is  spokeii  of  by  Sir  Willian- 
ns  a  mail  ot  superior  capacity  and  of  unquoslioned  fidelity 
-the  English,  lie  accomplished  his  ndssion,  hut  died 
•^n  Ins  way  back.    The  report  of  this   end.assv   made   bv 


ii: 


It 


¥''' 


•''h  (i^ 


1. 


Ki 


.,» 


;m  *  Vi 


I 


'^■A  X. 


Ii<' 


106 


HISTORY   OF  BUFFALO. 


one  of  the  survivors  rather  confinncd  previous  reports, 
and  to  some  extent  implicated  the  great  Seneca  chief, 
Aga8tarax(orGastrax)who  was  recently  deceased;  anoth- 
er general  council  had  already  been  appointed  at  Sciota, 
at  which  Sir  William  Johnson  informs  Lord  Hillsbo- 
rough he  should  take  care  that  the  Six  Nations  shoidd  be 
represented  by  those  whose  iidelity  could  I)e  relied  on. 
As  his  own  impaired  health  would  not  admit  of  his  taking 
the  journey  liimself,  his  deputy  would  be  present  to  watch 
the  proceedings.  In  1773  Sir  William  Johnson  visited 
England,  and  it  is  probably  from  this  tact,  there  is  little 
or  no  record  of  events  occurring  this  year,  relating  to  the 
Indian  affairs,  found  among  his  manuscripts. 

In  a  report  to  Governor  Tryon,  Oct.  22d,  177o,  the 
Mohawks  numbered  only  four  hundred  and  six  souls,  the 
Oueidas,  fifteen  hundred,  the  whole  Six  Nations  about 
two  thousand  lighting  men;  making  at  least  ten  thousand 
souls  in  all.  "  The  Seuecas  alone  are  one-half  that  num- 
ber." 


CIIAPTEli   XII 


It  was  during  tl.is  year  (1772,)  tluat  events  occnrrerl  on 
ti.e  Ohio,  wl.lch  undoubtedly  inlhienccd  sul,se.|ucnt  trans- 
HCt.ons,  jf  indeed  they  did  not  produce  ti.e  Indian   war 
wiuch  resulted  so  disastrously  to  the  Six  i\ations     In   -i 
.•cport  to  Earl  Dartmouth,  Sir  William  Jc.hnson  says  • 

"My  negotiations  with  tlie  Senecas  was  interrupted  by 
mtelhgence  that  a  certain  Mr.  Cressop,  an  inhabitant  of 
Virgnna  had  nnirdercd  forty  Indians  on  the  Ohio,  for  the 
most  part  of  the  Six  Nations.'' 

Tlie  agent  of  Sir  William  Johnson  (.n  the  Ohio,  report- 
ed that  he  "received  information  from  Capt.  Crawford 
and  one  Mr.  Neville  from  Virginia,  that  on  the  way  to 
this  place  they  met  a  number  of  inhabitants  settled  below 
this  (Wheeling)  moving  off;  among  whom  was  a  party 
who  ha<l  several  Indian  scalps,  and  related  their  having 
taken  them,  as  follows  :  ^ 

"That  a  number  of  Indians  having  encamiDed  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Yellow  Creek,  they,  with  one  Greathouse 
iiad  collected  themselves  at  the  house  of  one  Eaker,  op- 
posite to  the  said  Indians,  and  decoyed  two  Indian  'men 
and  two  women,  over  to  their  side  of  the  river,  to  drink 
with  them  ;  who,  upon  finding  them  intoxicated,  fell  up- 


yf 


I 


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'*!■! 


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I 


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108 


1II8T0MV  OK   IJUFKALO. 


■ 

i 

IliM 

1 

■i|M 

1  r  I 

f 

r  III 

III 

1 

on  them,  uiul  knocked  them   in   the  lieati,   antl  scalped 
them.     That  soon  after,  two  otlier  Indians  canio  over^  to 
see  wliat  detained  their  friends,  and  were   served  in  the 
same  manner.     After  this,  tiie  Indians  appeared   nneasy, 
and  six  of  tlieirmen  were  comin-,'  across  tlie  river  to  look 
after  their  people,  wlu.   ai)j)roached   near  the   shore,   ob- 
served them,  the  said  white  i)eoi)le,  where  they  were  ly- 
ing in  ambush  lor  them,  and  attempting  to  return  to  their 
camp,  were  fired  ui)on,  and  two  of  them  were  killed,  who 
dropped  into  the  river;  and  two  others  tliey  observed  fall 
dead  in  the  canoe :  and  the  fifth,  upon  their  landing,  they 
could  discover,  to  be  very   badly    wounded,   so   that  he 
could  scarce  get  up  the  baidc,   and    that   they   heard  the 
women  and  the  children  at  the  camp,  raise  a  very  melan- 
choly cry. 

''  Among  those  who  were  killed,  was  an  Indian  woman, 
the  wife  of  one  of  our  traders,  who  had  a  young  child  upon 
her  back,  which  she  had  bore  to  him  ;  and  after  some  al- 
tercation between  those  murderers,  whether  they  should 
put  the  child  to  death,  they  agreed  to  take  it  along  will, 
them. 

"The  said  Mr.  Neville  asked  the  person  in  whose  cus- 
tody the  child  was,  if  he  was  not  near  enough  to  have 
taken  its  mother  prisoner,  without  ]uitting  her  to  death 
in  that  iidiuman  manner  ;  lie  answered,  that  he  M'as 
about  six  feet  distant,  and  that  he  had  shot  hci'  in  the 
forehead,  and  cut  the  strap,  l)y  wliich  tiie  child".,  crudlc 
hung  at  her  back  ;  and  that  he  intended  to  have  dashed 
its  brains  out ;  but  that  he  was  struck  with  some  !■( morse 
at  seeing  the  child  fall,  with  its  mother.  That  one  of  his 
companions  recommejided  thcirtakingit  along  with  them, 
that  they  might  have  an  (.jtportunity  of  seiuling  it   to    its 


AFFAIUS  ON  THE  OIIH). 


10'!  > 


fatlicr,  to  take  caro  of  it ;  au.l  that  after  tl.oy  ha<l  ,.cr„e- 
ratcl  tins  barbarous  niunlor,  tliev  n.ade  off  with  their 
'amihes;  also  they  further sahl  that  bv  this  time,  the 
whole  country  was  deserted,  as  MicluK-l  Cressun.  who 
oounmtted  the  first  .nischiet;  was  there  likewise,  .  's 
way  toKed  Stouc    ' 

Alexander  McKee,  who  was  the  agent  of  Sir   Willian. 

-Johnson  on  the  Ohio,  nia.h.  a  report  of  the  iaets   as  they 

occurred  at  this  tin.o,  whieh   appear  to   be  entirelv   au- 

Iicnt,c;o  wluchtheprecedin.i.,   and   fuHowinc.,   a^e  ex- 

racts,  and  serve  to  ilh.strate  the  true  eondition^f  thin-^s, 

to  a  fuller  extent  than  has  hitherto  been  done  • 

';0n  May  lst^774,  the  tbll.win.  alunnin.  intelligence 
-nv.d  at  Fort  Pitt,  by  one  Stevens,  who  1,^1  proc:eded 
ma  traders  canoe,  which  was  attacked  on  the  IGth,  by 
the  Cherokees,  in  ...rder  to  have  carried  her  to  Sciota.wlK. 
^^'lve  tiie  tollowing  particulars,  viz: 

"That  on  the  25th  upon  his  way  down  the  river,  and 
near  AVheohng  Creek,  he  observed  a  canoe  conu-ng  up  the 
nver,  w  uch  suspecting  to  be  Indians,  he  made  to  the  op- 
pos.te  ehore,  to  avoid  then. ;  but  upon  his  approach  near 
the  shore  was  fired  upon,  and  a  Sl-awnese   Indian  in  the 
canoe  with  him,  was  killed ;  npo.>  a  second  lire  from  the 
shore,  a  Delaware  Indian  who  y  as  Jso  in  the  canoe,  was 
i^iled:  .^aid  Stevens  further  say..  1.0  could   not  perceive 
who  It  was,  fired  upon  him,  as  they  lay  concealed  in   the 
weeds,  and  upon  throwing  hin.s.Jf  into  the  river,  observed 
rhecauoe^thatwascon.ingnptobe   white   people,  upon 
M-hich  he  nuKle  towards  then.,  and  found  it  to  be  one   Mi. 
chae  Cressop,withapartyofn.enwho   denied  knowing 
anytlung  ot  what  had  happened  to  them,  although   froni 
■^'.rcumstances,  he  the  said  Stevens,  is  well  convinced  that 


I  4 

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IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


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Photographic 

Sciences 
Corporation 


33  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTBR,N.Y    (4580 

(716)  872-4503 


■  V 


170 


HISTORY   OF   BUFFALO. 


the  above  murder  was  done  by  some  of  said  Cressop's  as- 
sociates. Stevens  likewise  informed  me,  that  while  he 
was  in  company  with  said  Cressop,  he  heard  him  make 
use  of  threatening  language  against  the  Indians,  saying  : 

"  He  would  j)ut  every  Indian  to  death  he  met  on  the 
river  ;  and  that  if  he  could  raise  men  suflicicnt  to  cross 
the  river,  he  would  attack  a  small  village  of  Indians  liv- 
ing on  Yellow  Creek. 

"Tlie  same  evening  one  Maj.  McDaniel  of  Virginia,  wlio 
had  been  down  the  river  as  low  as  Kanhaway,  returned  to 
this  place,  with  an  account  tliat  a  skirmish  had  happened 
between  a  party  of  Yirginians  and  the  Indians,  near  the 
big  Kanhaway,  that  a  number  were  killed  on  both  sides, 
which  luid  occasioned  the  surveyors  and  land-hunters, 
from  that  colony,  to  return,  and  that  on  his  way  hither? 
on  the  5th  inst.,  he  was  at  Michael  Cressop's  house,  at 
or  near  Wheeling,  when  an  account  was  brought  to  said 
Cressop,  by  one  McMahon,  that  five  Indian  canoes  liad 
stopped  at  his  Jiouse,  on  their  way  down  the  river,  con- 
taining fourteen  Indians,  who  asked  him,  the  said  McMa- 
hon for  some  provisions,  which  he  refused  to  give  them, 
and  told  them  that  two  of  their  brethren  had  been  killed 
by  the  white  people,  the  day  before  ;  the  Indians  replied 
that  if  it  was  so,  they  knew  nothing  of  it,  and  then  pro- 
ceeded down  the  river.  That  upon  this  information,  the 
said  Cressop  procured  fifteen  men,  pursued  them,  and 
overtook  them  near  Grave  Creek,  where  they  had  stopped 
and  drawn  up  their  canoes,  in  the  mouth  of  a  creek  that 
was  hardly  perceivable,  on  account  of  the  bushes;  where 
they  had  prepared  themselves  to  receive  the  white  people 
suspecting  that  they  would  be  followed,  after  what  Mc 
Mahon  had  told  them ;  and  that  upon  the  said  Cressop 


U.,| 


CRESAP'S   WAR. 


171 


observing  tlio  Indians,  he  tired  upon  them,   upon    which 
a  sku-inish  ensued  between  them  ;  but  tbe  Indians  retired 
alter  losing  one  man,  and   one   man  was  killed  on  the 
white  people's  side.    Cressop  and  his  party  found  sixteen 
kegs  ot  rum,  and  two  old  saddles,  and  some  bridles  in  the 
deserted  canoes/'  This  dastardly  transaction  was  soon  fol- 
lowed by  another  outrage,  which  though  ofle.s  ma^-ni- 
tude,  was  not  less  atrocious  in  its  spirit,  while  it  was  even 
more  harrowing  to  the  feelings  of  the  Indians.  The  event 
reierred  to  was  the  murder  by  a  white  man,  of  an  aged  and 
inoffensive   Delaware  chief,  named  the   "Bald  Eao-le." 
Pie  had  for  years  associated  with  the  whites  more  than 
with  his  own  people,  visiting  those  most  frerpientlv,  who 
entertauied  him  and  treated  him  with  the  greatest  kindness. 
W^hile  paddling  his  canoe  alone,   on   his   return  from  a 
visit  to  the  fort  at  the  mouth  of  the  Kanhawa,  he  was 
shot  dead  by  a  man  who  it  was  said  had  suffered  at  the 
liandsof  the  Indians,  but  had  never  been  injured  bv  the 
object  upon  whom  he   wreaked  his  vengeance;  after\ear- 
ing  the  scalp  from  his  head,  the  white  savage  placed  the 
body  in  a  sitting  posture  in  the  canoe,  and  sent  it  adrift 
down  the  stream.    The  voyage  of  the  dead  chief  was  ob- 
served by  many  who  supposed  him  living  and  upon  one 
of  his  ordinary  excursions.--* 

Ecpially  exasperated,  at  about  this  same  time  wer-e  the 
Shawnees  against  the  whites  by  the  murder  of  one  of 
their  favorite  chiefs,  »  Silver  Heels,"  who  had  in  the 
kindest  manner,  undertaken  to  escort  a  party  of  white 
traders  across  the  woods  from  the  Ohio,  to  Albany,  a. 
distance  of  nearly  five  hundred  iniles.f 

'McClung,  as  cited  by  Drake. 
tHecke  welder. 


172 


HISTORY  OF   BUFFALO, 


a  t 


If 


May  23d,  1774,  (at  Pittsburgh.) 
"  I  called  a  meeting  (of  Indians)  with  Kayashota  the 
white  raingo,  and  some  other  Six  Nation  Chiefs,   at  Col. 
Croghan's  house  ;  where  was   present  the  commandino- 
ofhcer  of  the  militia,  (Capt.   Connoly)  and  several  other 
gentlemen,  when  I  informed   them  (the  Indians)  of  the 
melancholy  murders  of  their  people  as  before  mentioned, 
whicii  they  had  not  before  heard,   and   assured   them  at 
the  same  time,  of  its  being  done  by  a  few  inconsiderate 
white  people,  and  not  by  the  intention,  or  knowledge,  of 
any  ofour  wise  peojile;  that  1  made  no   doubt  but  the 
Governor  of  Virginia  when  he  was  made  acquainted  with 
the  unhappy  loss  they  had  sustained  by  his  people,  would 
fell  upon  every  measure,  to  make  them   ample  satisfac- 
tion, as  it  was  not  done  by  the  intention  of  government. 
That  in  the  meantime,  I  enjoined  them,  to  afford  all  the 
assistance  in  their  power  in  accommodating  the   unfortu- 
nate breach  of  friendship,   that  liad   happened  between 
our  people  and  them,  as  a  general  difference  could  not  be 
attended  with  anythhig  but  the  utmost  distress  on   their 
side."     They  returned  for  answer : 

"That  they  had  considered  what  we  had  said  to  them, 
and  as  the  cliiefs  of  the  Delawares  were  expected  in  to- 
night, or  to-morrow,  they  would  consult  with  them  and 
know  what  reply  to  make.  That  we  might  Ijo  assured 
that  they  would  do  everything  in  their  power  to  keep 
matters  quiet,  \vhich  they  made  no  doubt  might  be  done, 
from  the  general  disposition  of  their  own  people,  provided 
we  would  be  strong,  on  our  parts  in  preventing  our  rasli 
people  from  committing  any  further  outrages  against  the 
Indians." 

The  following  is  the  answer  of  the  Shawnese   to   Capt. 
Connoly  and  others : 


'^pi 


fl 


AFFAIRS  ON  THE  OHIO. 


17S 


u 


Erethben  :— It  is  you  that  are  frequently  passing  up 
and  down  the  Ohio,  and  making  settlements  upon  it,  and 
as  you  have  informed  us  that  your  wise  people  are  met 
together  to  consult  upon  this  matter,  we  desire  you  to  be 
strong,  and  consider  it  well. 

"  Brethren,  you  see,  you  speak  to  us  at  the  head  of 
your  warriors,  who  you  have  collected  together  at  sundry 
jolaces  on  this  river,  where  we  understand  they  are  build- 
ing forts  ;  and  as  you  have  requested  us  to  listen  to  you, 
we  will  do  it,  but  in  the  same  manner  that  you  attend 
to  us.  Our  people  at  the  lower  town,  have  no  chiefs 
among  them,  but  are  all  warriors,  and  are  preparing  them- 
selves to  be  in  readiness,  that  they  may  the  better  be  en. 
abled  to  her:  what  you  have  to  say. 

"  Brethren,  you  tell  us  not  to  take  any  notice  of  what 
your  people  have  done  to  us ;  we  desire  you  likewise,  not 
to  take  any  notice  of  what  our  young  men  mav  now  bo 
'lomg  ;  and  as  no  doubt,  you  may  command  your  war- 
riors, when  you  desire  them  to  listen  to  you,  we  have- 
reason  to  expect  that  ours  will  take  the  same  advice  from 
us,  when  we  require  it,  that  is  to  say,  when  we  have  re- 
ceived peaceable  tidings  from  Virginia." 

March,  1774. 
The  address  of  Kayashota  or  Kayagshota  the  Seneca 
chief,  to  Capt.  Connoly,  commandant  of  the   militia    -it 
Fort  Pitt:  ' 

"As  I  understand  you  had  an  appointment  to  com- 
mand in  this  country,  I  therefore  take  this  opportunity  of 
informing  you,  that  at  this  time,  it  will  be  very  detrimen- 
tal to  the  public  interest,  to  suffer  liquors  to  be  sold,  or 
carried  into  the  Indian  towns,  for  I  am  sorry  to  observe 
that  there  appears  at  present,  a  great  deal  of  confusion, 


'  ill, 


I  f 


!  I 


174 


HISTORY  OF  BUFFALO. 


and  discontent  among  man}'-  of  the  Indian  tribes,  and  the 
addition  of  rum,  will  serve  greatly  to  increase  their  disor- 
derly conduct.  I  spoke  to  the  traders  last  fall,  on  this 
subject,  and  desired  they  would  desist  for  their  own  sakes, 
as  well  as  for  ours,  from  taking  such  quantities  of  rum, 
M-ith  them,  a  trading,  but  I  received  no  answer,  from 
them,  and  it  seems  since,  they  pay  no  regard  to  what  1 
recommend  to  them,  but  have  continued  this  pernicious 
practice.  This  is  the  reason  1  would  therefore  request 
you  to  use  your  influence  in  preventing  them,  until  things 
appear  more  settled.     Gave  a  string  of  Wampuna.*' 

The  events  upon  the  frontier  of  A'irginia,  which  occur- 
red about  this  time,  have  additional  interest  imparted  to 
them  by  the  celebrity  M'hich  history  has  given  to  some  of 
the  principal  actors  in  them.  Logan,  whose  name  is  im- 
mortalized in  the  celebrated  address  he  delivered  to  Lord 
Dunmore,  Governor  of  Virginia,  was  a  chief  of  the  Six 
Nationb.  His  father,  Shikelimo,  or  Shikellimus,  or 
Shickalamy,  (the  name  being  spelled  in  all  these  various 
ways,)  was  a  distinguished  cljief  of  the  Oneida  Nation,-:<- 
(and  not  of  the  Cayugas  as  has  been  stated,)  who  lived 
in  1743  at  Shamokin,  in  Pennsylvania.  He  was  the 
friend  of  James  Logan,  long  the  Secretary  of  the  Propri- 
etors, as  they  were  called,  hence  the  name  of  his  son. 
Logan,  had  with  others  of  his  fixmily,  removed  to  the 
country  of  the  Shawnese,  on  the  Ohio,  where  he  resided 
in  1773-4,  and  had  become  a  leading  sachem,  or  chief. 

Michael  Cresap,  at  this  time,  appears  to  have  been  an 
Indian  trader,  as  his  cabin  or  trading  house,  upon  the 


*Colden.    See  names  of  chiefs  of  tbe  seyeral  Nations  present  at  a  coun- 
cil at  Philadelphia.  July,  1742. 


■l-    wiwnft. 


CKESAp's   WAR. 


176 


bank  of  the  river,  near  Wheeling,  is  spoken  of  in  connec- 
tion with  current  events.    His  knowledge  of  the  country, 
his  Indian  experience,  and  military  reputation,  pointed 
him  out  as  the  most  suitable  person  to  command  the  or- 
ganized body  of  settlers,  traders,  and  land  jobbers,  who 
combined  to  make  aggressive  demonstrations  against  the 
Indians,  to  redress  real  or  pretended  grievances,  charged 
against  them  by  the  whites.     Many  murders  were  un- 
doubtedly committed  by  this  party,  under  Cresap,  but 
whether  he  ought  to  be  held  responsible  for  all  that  was 
suffered  by  the  Indians,  is  not  so  clear ;  and  ])erhaps  his- 
tory, has  laid  upon  his  shoulders  a  weight  of  responsibil- 
ity, which  in  part,  at  least,  ought  to  be'borne  by  others 
He  being  chosen  the  leader,  the  war  which  followed,  was 
called  "  Cresap's  war."    That  the  cruelties  against  the 
Indians,  some  of  which  we  have  already  related,  were 
perpetrated,  there  is  not  a  shadow  of  doubt.    And  the 
effort  to  mitigate,  or  to  throw  the  responsibility  of  them, 
upon  the  Indians  themselves,  must  fail,  when  the  facts^ 
as  they  are  recorded  in  the  correspondence  of  Sir  William 
Johnson,  (now  made  public,)  are  viewed  in  the  light  of 
impartial  history,  and  cannot  fail  to  place  the  responsi- 
bility of  the  cruel  scenes  enacted  on  the  Ohio,  in  1773-4, 
upon  the  parties  Avhere  it  rightfully  belongs. 

It  was  in  one  of  these  massacres  (for  thev  can  be  called 
nothing  else,)  that  Logan's  family  relatives  were  killed. 
Fired  with  indignation  and  revenge,  it  is  not  surprising 
that  he,  with  others  of  his  people,  became  exasperated  to 
the  highest  pitch  of  desperation.  Being  their  acknowl- 
edged chief,  lie  soon,  and  almost  as  a  matter  of  course, 
became  the  recognized  leader  of  his  people.  And  he  un- 
doubtedly headed  several  parties  in  their  murderous  at- 


iii! 
i;  Jiil 


m 


4 


•i:  3 


r 

(I 

IB 

''if/ 

11 

J 

11 

176 


UI8TOBY   OF  UUFKALO. 


tacks  upon,  and  indiscriniinato  slaug.iter  of  the  whites. 
lie  headed  a  party  of  only  eight  wa  Tiors,  who  made  u 
descent  upon  a  white  settlement  in  the  Muskingum,  in 
1774,  with  fatal  success.    But  in  all  these  warlike  forays, 
the  humanity  of  Logan   was   conspicuous.    In  one  in- 
stance, he  so  instructed  a  prisoner,  doomed  to  almost  cer- 
tain death  by  running  the  gauntlet,  that  he  was  enabled 
to  escape  almost  without  injury.    In  another  case,  he  cut 
with  his  own  hands,  the  cords  which  bound  a  prisoner  to 
the  stake,  and  by  his  influence,  not  only  saved  his  life, 
but  procured  his  adoption  into  the  family  of  an  Indian 
friend.    So  persistent  was  he,  in  this  line  of  conduct,  hfj 
to  bring  upon  himself  the  rei)roacli  of  some  of  his  own 
people,  who  called  him  '>  the  white  man's  friend."    The 
war  which  was  begun,  and  at  first  carried  on  in  this  de- 
sultory manner,  soon  assumed  more  gigantic  proportions, 
and  an  army  of  two  or  three  thousand  men,  was  om-an- 
ized  by  Lord  Dunmore,  Governor  of  Virginia. 

This  army  was  divided  into  two  wings.  The  left  wine, 
composed  principally  of  the  chivalry  of  Virginia,  mostly 
armed  with  rifles,  was  entrusted  to  the  command  of  Col. 
Andrew  Lewis,  with  instructions  to  proceed  directly  tu 
the  mouth  of  the  great  Kanhawa  river,  while  his  Lord- 
ship with  the  right  wing,  was  to  cross  the  Ohio  at  a  higher 
point,  and  fall  upon  the  Indian  towns,  on  that  side  of  the 
river.  Col.  Lewis  arrived  at  the  junction  of  the  Kan 
hawa  with  the  Ohio,  early  in  October,  177 4.  In  the 
morning  his  pickets  were  fired  upon  by  a  body  of  Indi- 
ans. Immediately  upon  the  alarm  (although  it  was  be- 
fore sunrise,)  he  put  Lis  forces  in  order  to  advance  and 
attack  the  Indians,  but  they  had  scarcely  left  their  en- 
campment, before  they  were  met  by  from|eight  to  fifteer. 


lUTTLE  AT  TliK  MODTII  OFTJIK  KANIIAWA.  177 

liundrcd  Indians.    Tho  on.set  was  impetuous  upon  both 
^ides.     Tho  Virginians  had  encamped  upon  the  point  of 
land  between  the  tv.o  rivers,  giving  tho  Indians  the  im- 
portant advantage,  of  being  able  to  retreat,  wliilo  they 
(the  Virgmians,)  could  not.    The  Indians  were  led  by 
Logan,  assisted  by  other  chiefs,  among  whonx  were  the 
celebrated   Shawnee   chief  Cornstock,    EUenipsico,   (his 
son  )  and  Red  Eagle.     Col.  Charles  Lewis,  who  led  the 
right  of  the  Virginians,  fell,  almost  at  the  iirst  fire;  both 
parties  sought  every  advantage,  by  lighting  from  behind 
trees,  but  the  battle  was  at  the  first  decidedly  in  lavor  of 
the  Indians,  and  two  of  the  Virginia  regiments,  after  se- 
vere loss,  especially  in  officers,  were  compelled  to  give 
way.     Col.  Flemming,  who  commanded  the  leit,  tho'^ugh 
severely  wounded  in  the  beginning  of  the  action,  by  two 
balls  through  his  arm,  and  another  in  the  breast,  bravely 
kept  the  field,  cheering  his  men,  and  urging  them  not  to 
lose  an  inch  of  ground,  ordered  them  to  outHank  the  en- 
emy.    But  the  assault  of  the  Indians,  was  so  vigorous 
and  their  fire  so  severe,  that  like  the  right,  the  left  too' 
had  to  yield.    Just  at  this  critical  moment,  Col.  Field's 
regiment  was  brought  to  their  relief,  and  the  impetuosity 
ot  the  Indians  was  checked,  but  with  the  loss  of  the  gal- 
lant Col.  Field,  who  was  killed  at  the  moment  his  regi- 
ment was  brought  into  action.    He  was  succeeded  In 
comfiand,  by  Capt.  Isaac  Shelby,  afterwards  Governor  of 
Kentucky.    The  Indians  were  forced  to  fall  back  to  avail 
themselves  of  a  rude  breastwork,  of  logs  and  brush,  which 
they  had  taken  the  precaution  to  construct  for  the  occa- 
sion ;  here  they  made  a  valiant  stand,  defending  their 
position  against  every  endeavor  to  dislodge  them,  fight- 
ing like  men  who  had  not  only  their  soil,  their  homes,  to 
12  ' 


«ij 


•'.■!^ 


.f, 


178 


HISTORY    OV    lllJKFALO. 


protect,  but  deep  wrongs  to  revenge.  "TIio  voice  of  the 
miglity  Cornstock,  was  often  heard  during  the  day, 
ubovo  the  din  of  buttle,  calling  out  to  his  warriors,  be 
strong!  bo  strong!  and  when  by  the  repeated  charge  of 
the  Virginians,  some  of  his  men  began  to  waver,  he  is 
said  to  have  struck  his  tomahawk  into  the  head  of  one 
who  was  attempting  to  fly.""' 

Towards  night,  tinding  that  each  successive  attack 
upon  the  line  of  the  Indians  weakened  his  own  force, 
without  making  any  sensible  impression  upon  the  Indi- 
ans, a  final  attempt  was  made  by  throwing  a  body  of 
troops  into  tlie  rear.  Three  companies,  led  by  Capt. 
Shelby,  taking  advantage  of  the  bed  of  a  small  creek, 
covered  l)y  tall  weeds  and  grass  upon  its  banks,  enabled 
them  to  accomplish  the  movement,  unobserved  by  the 
Indians ;  and  lalling  vigorously  upon  their  rear,  compelled 
them  to  abandon  their  rude  works,  with  precipitation. 
The  Indians  fled  across  the  Ohio,  and  continued  their  re- 
treat to  the  Scioto. 

This  battle,  considering  the  numbers  engaged,  has  been 
ranked  one  of  the  most  bloody,  on  record.  The  loss  of 
the  Indians  was  never  known,  but  must  have  been  se 
vere ;  it  is  said  that  in  addition  to  the  killed  and  wounded, 
borne  away,  numbers  of  the  slain  were  thrown  into  the 
river,  and  thirty-three  of  their  warriors  were  found  dead 
upon  the  field,  the  following  day.  The  loss  of  thi  Vir- 
ginians was  also  severe.  Two  of  their  colonels  were 
killed,  four  captains,  many  subordinates,  and  between 
fifty  and  sixty  privates,  besides  a  much  larger  number 
wounded.f     It  is  said  Cornstock  was  opposed  to  giving 


'Drake.     OHicial  roiiort. 


jllll'M 


COKN«TO(;k'm    AbDRESS. 


179 


battle  lit  tho  mouth  of  lumhawa,  but  being  overruled  in 
council,  rcrfolvccl  to  do  his  best. 

Upon  their  urrivjil  at  Chilicothe,  a  council  of  Indians 
was  hekl  to  decide  what  was  next  to  be  done.     Cornstock 
addressed  the  council,     lie  said:  "The  Ion-  knives  are 
upon  us,  Irom  by  two  routes.    Shall  wc  turn  and  light 
them?"     No  response  being  made  to  tho  question, °he 
continued :  "  Shall  we  kill  our  sciuaws  and  children,  and 
then  fight  until  wo  are  killed  ourselves  ?"     As  before,  all 
were  silent,  whcreuj)on  Cornstock  struck  his  tomahawk 
into  the  war  post,  standing  in  the  midst  of  the  council, 
and  remarked  with  emphasis:  "Since  you  are  not  in- 
clined  to   light,   1  will   go  and  make  peace.*'     Saying 
which,  ho  repaired  to  tho  camp  of  Lord  Dun  more,  who 
having  crossed  the  Ohio,  was  now  approaching  Scioto. 
Cornstock  was  accompanied  by  several  other  chiefs,  on 
this  mission  of  peace,  but  Logan  refused  to  go  with  them. 
IIo  was  in  favor  of  peace,  but  scorned  to  ask  it.     The 
chief  speaker  on  this  occasion  was  Cornstock,  who  did 
not  fail  to  charge  tho  whites  with  being  the  sole  cause  of 
the  war,  enumerating  the  provocations  which  the  Indians 
had  received,  and  dwelling  with  peculiar  force  upon  the 
murders  committed  in  tho  family  of  Logan.     A  peace 
was  concluded,  and  so  important  was  it  considered  by 
Lord  Dunmore  to  have  tho  name  of  Logan  to  the  treaty, 
that  ho  dispatched  a  special  messenger,  Col.  eTohn  Gib- 
son, to  the  cabin  of  the  great  -'Mingo  Chief."    His  as- 
sent to  the  treaty  was  obtained,  but  with  an  eloquent  re- 
hearsal of  his  own,  and  his  people's  grievances.     TJiis 
conference  with  Col.  Gibson,  was  alone,  in  a  solitary 
wood,  and  at  its  close  Logan  uttered  tho  speech  or  mes- 
sage to  Lord  Dunmore,  which  has  given  his  name  a  place 
among  the  greatest  orators. 


w    I 


Hi'  i 


.M 


t    ,: 


± 


itm. 


Ilh'il 


180 


IIIHTOKV   or    UUFFAI.O. 


I.OOAn's   BI'KKril. 


"1  appeal  (Bays  lie,)  to  iiny  white  man,  1(»  say  if  iio 
«ver  entered  Logan's  cabin  hungry,  and  he  gave  him  not 
meat.  If  ever  ho  came  cold  and  naked,  and  he  wanned 
him  not.  During  tlio  course  of  the  last  long  blo6dy  war, 
Logan  remained  idle  in  his  cabin,  an  advocate  for  peace. 
Such  was  my  love  for  tiio  whites,  that  my  countrymen 
pointed  as  they  jnissed,  and  said  Logan  is  the  friend  oi 
the  white  man.  I  had  thought  to  live  with  you,  but  for 
the  injuries  of  one  nuvn.  Col.  Cresap,  the  last  spring  in 
cold  blood,  and  unprovoked,  murdered  all  tho  relatives  of 
Logan  ;  not  even  sparing  my  women,  and  children. 
There  runs  not  a  drop  of  my  blood  in  tho  veins  of  any 
living  creature.  This  called  on  me  for  revenge  ;  I  have 
sought  it ;  I  have  killed  many,  I  have  fully  glutted  my 
revenge.  For  my  country,  I  rejoice  at  the  beams  of  peace 
but  do  not  harbor  a  thought,  that  mine  is  tho  joy  of  fear. 
Logan  never  folt  fear.  He  will  not  turn  on  his  heel  to 
save  his  life.  Who  is  there  to  mourn  for  Logan,  not  one !" 

Tho  following  is  a  copy  of  the  pretended  speech  of 
*'Lonan,-'  by  which  tho  attempt  is  made  to  invalidate 
the  claim  of  Logan  to  its  originality. 

"  Speech  pronounced  by  the  savage  Lonan,  in  a  gen- 
eral assembly,  as  it  was  sent  to  the  Governor  of  Virginia, 
Anno,  1754 : 

"  Lonan  will  no  longer  oppose  making  the  proposed 
peace  with  the  white  man.  You  arc  sensible  that  he 
never  knew  what  fear  is,  that  he  never  turned  his  back 
in  the  day  of  battle.  No  one  has  more  love  for  tho  white 
man  than  I  have.  The  war  we  have  had  with  them,  was 
long,  and  bloody,  on  both  sides.    Rivers  of  blood  have 


lain 


'^  n 


COL.  oibson'w  affidavit. 


Ul 


niM  on  all  parts,  ami  yet  no  ^'ood  has  resulted  tlieretVoni 
to  any.  I  onco  more  repeat  it,  lot  us  bo  at  peace  witli 
these  men.  I  will  lurf^et  our  injuries,  the  interest  of  our 
country  demands  it.  I  will  forget,  hut  dilHcult  indoed  is 
the  task.  Yes,  1  will  forgot.  Major  liogers  (-ruolly  and 
inhumanly  murdered  in  their  canoes,  my  wife,  n)y  child- 
ren, my  father,  my  mother,  and  all  my  kindred.  This 
roused  mo  to  deeds  of  vengeance.  1  was  cruel  in  despite 
of  myself.  I  will  die  content  if  my  country  is  once  more 
at  i^eace.  JJut  when  J.onan  nhall  bo  no  more,  who  alas  ! 
will  not  drop  a  tear  for  him."* 

This  is  evidently  a  version  of  the  same  transaction,  re- 
lated by  the  AbboEobinin  1781-the  (i  tie,  and  some 
other  parts  of  the  speech  having  boon  altered,  either  by 
mistake  or  desifrn. 

Extract  of  the  affidavit  ot  (Jul.  John  (iibson,  sworn  and 
subscribed  before  J.  iJarker,  at  Pittsburgh,  Aiiril  4th, 
1800:  .  ' 

''This  deponent  further  .saith,  that  in  the  year  1774, 
ho  accompanied  Lord  Dunmoro  on  the  expedition  against 
the  Shawnees  and  other  Indians,  on  the  Scioto.  That  on 
their  arrival  within  fifteen  miles  of  the  towns,  they  Avere 
met  by  a  flag,  and  a  white  man  by  the  name  of  JElliott, 
who  informed  Lord  Dunmoro  that  the  chiefs  of  the  8haw- 
ueso,  had  sent  to  reciuest  him  to  halt  his  army,  and  send 
in  some  person  M'ho  understood  their  language.  That 
this  deponent,  at  the  request  of  Lord  Dumaorot  and  the 
whole  of  the  ofHcers  with  him  went  in.  That  on  his  arri- 
val at  the  towns,  Logan,  tlio  Indian,  came  to  whore  this 
deponent    was   sitting,   with   Cornstock,  and   the  other 

*Nouvoau  Vo,yftKf  duns  !.•  Anioriquo,  tSoplentrionnle  on  I'Annec.  1781 

.•  Campagno  do'  1'  Amce  do  M.  lo'coinpU-  do  Roolmmbou,,  ,,nr  M  Jc 

abbe  Robin.     Tlio  .\l,l,o  was  a  Chaplain  in  tl.o  urniy  of  onr  Frond.  Auxii- 


M 

*     f  I 

f 

■if  J-' 

1  \iM 

.  f  il 


anos. 


•  ati  M 


'1'! 


182 


HISTOKV   OF   liCFFAI.O. 


cliiefs  of  the  Shawnese,  and  asked  him  to  walk  out  with 
liiin.  That  they  went  into  a  copse  of  wood,  M-here  they 
Bat  down,  when  Logan,  after  abundance  of  tears,  deliv- 
ered him  the  sp'iecli  nearly  as  related  by  Mr,  Jefforson, 
in  his  notes  on  Virginia.     • 

JOHN  GIBSON."' 

This  affidavit,  ought  to  be  conclusive  in  regard  to  the 
authenticity  of  Logans  speech,  as  given  by  Mr.  Jefferson. 
Heckewelder,  says  "there  is  no  doubt  that  the  speech 
was  delivered  by  Logan,  as  given  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  ex- 
cept, that  it  had  a  force  and  beaut}  in  the  original  Indi- 
an, that  cannot  be  given  in  a  translation." 

The  atienipt  that  has  been  made  to  throw  doubt,  or 
suspicion  upon  the  authenticity  of  Logan's  speech,  which 
has  been  admired  wherever  read,  while  it  is  not  credita- 
ble to  the  motives  of  those  who  are  the  authors  of  it, 
must  as  signally  fail  of  its  wicked  purpose.  The  trea- 
ties, and  indeed  all  the  negotiations  with  the  Indians  in 
Virginia  and  elsewhere,  at  the  period  named,  have  been 
pretty  fully  lecorded.  Had  there  been  any  such  speech 
made  as  that  attributed  to  -'Lonan,''  prior  to  Logan's 
day,  it  is  not  likely  we  should  have  been  left  to  search 
for  it,  in  some  obscure  book,  of  some  e(pially  obsoure 
French  author. 

Logan,  like  thousands  of  his  race,  fell  a  sacrifice  to  the 
••  v.-hite  jnan's  firewater."  Does  it  become  t!u-  "white 
man"  to  )'eproach  the  memory,. or  disparage  tln'  charac- 
ter, of  the  victim  of  his  own  crime  '. 

After  "he  j^eace  of  Chillicotlie,  Logan,  it  is  said,  sank 
into  a  state  of  dee]i  mental  depression,  declaring  that 
life  was  a  burden  to  him.    He  became  in  some  measure 


r-:Mi: 


DEATH   OF   LOGAN. 


183 


deranged ;  he  went  to  Detroit),  and  there  yielded  to  habits 
of  intoxication,  and  at  last  became  a  victim  to  the  same 
ferocious  cruelty,  which  had  already  made  his  heart  deso- 
late.^ He  was  murdered  by  a  party  of  whites  while  re- 
turning from  Detroit  to  his  own  country.- 

Other  apcounts  say  he  was  killed  by  his  own  nephew, 
while  in  a  drunken  brawl. 


•Thatcher. 


m 


CHAPTER     XIII. 


In  July,  1774-,  Sir  "William  Jobnsou  heifl  his  last  coun- 
cil with  the  Six  Nations,  at  Johnson's  Hall.  He  had 
summoned  the  chief  sachems  of  all  the  Six  Nations  to- 
gether with  theirjdependents. 

The  principal  object  ot  the  council  related  to  the  late 
troubles  on  the  Ohio.  Sir  William  evidently  foreseeing 
the  troubles  which  portended,  had  for  some  time  exerted 
all  the  means  in  his  power,  to  induce  the  Six  Nations  to 
withdraw  their  people  from  their  settlements  there,  and 
to  bring  them  together,  in  their  villages  within  the  boun- 
daries of  New  York.  A  very  strenuous  eifort  was  made 
by  the  principal  chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations,  to  accomplish 
this  ;  and  had  their  great  friend  lived,  it  might  have  been 
accomplished. 

'•  Proceedings  at  a  Congress  with  all  the  chiefs  and 
warriors  of  the  Six  Nations,  at  Johnson's  Hall,  in  June 
and  July,  1774. 

Present — The  Hon.  Sir  William  Johnson,  Bar't,  Sup't. 
Guy  Johnson,  Esq.  Sir  William's  Dep'ty,  Ass't.,  Daniel 
Claus,  Esq.,  Dep'ty  Ag't  for  Canada. 

On  the  19th  of  June,  a  large  party  of  Onondagas  &c.. 
arrived  at  Johnson's  Hall  and  acquainted  Sir  Williann 
Johnson,  that  the  chiefs,  &c.,  of  all  the  Six  Nations  were 


A  HEN  EGA  PRISONER  DIES   IN    PRISON. 


185 


on  their  way  to  liis  house,  to  hold  a  conference  on  the 
critical  state  of  Indian  affairs,  and  other  matters.  From 
the  lath  of  June  to  the  8th  of  July,  parties  continued  to 
come  in,  amounting  in  the  whole  to  near  six  hundred. 

"On  the  morning  of  the  8th  of  July,  one  of  the  prison- 
ers, conlined  in  the  Jail  for  the  murder  of  the  French- 
man on  Luke  Ontario,  died,  and  the  Indians  held  a  con- 
ference with  Sir  William,  earnestly  re<inesting  that  the 
other  prisoner  might  bo  restored  to  them,  as  they  had 
been  lately  so  ill-treated  at  the  southward,  and  as  the  one 
had  died  as  they  apprehended  through  the  circumstan- 
ces of  a  confinement,  to  which  he  had  not  been  accus- 
tomed, for  all  which,  and  as  it  appeared  agreeable  to  the 
General  from  the  state  of  affiiirs,  and  as  tlleyhad  brought 
in  all  the  skins  they  had  been  able  to  collect,  as  a  resti- 
tution for  the  robbery.  Sir  William  agreed  to  their  re- 
quest; and  they  thereupon  delivered  up  some  packs,  and 
a  quantity  of  loose  bear,  raccoon,  and  other  skins,  whicb 
with  those  delivered  up  at  Ontario,  amounted  nearly  to 
the  real  loss  sustained  by  the  Canadians,  which  appeared 
to  have  been  much  exagerated.  The  Senecas  expressed 
great  satisfaction  on  the  occasion,  and  Sir  William  told 
them  that  he  expected  they  would  act  a  ftiithful  and  be- 
coming part,  for  this  instance  of  lenity,  which  they  owed 
to  their  particular  solicitations,  his  Majesty's  compas- 
sion, and  that  he  expected  this  would  be  the  last  instance 
of  irregularity  on  their  parts. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Six  Nations  at  Johnson's  Hall,  the 
9th  of  July,  1774. 

Present— Sir  William  Johnson,  Baronet,  Superintend- 
ent, Guy  Johnson,  Esq.,  Daniel  Glaus,  Esq.,  and  severa."; 
other  gentlemen. 


rri 


.    !UI 


<«', 


186 


mSTOKY   OF    liUFFALO. 


"Conaghciuieson,  an  Oneida  chief,  opened  the  meeting 
with  the  ceremony  of  condolence  with  the  Indians  on 
the  death  of  the  young  Indian  prisoner,  who  died  the  day 
before,  to  which  the  Indians  returned  thanks  in  tlie  usual 
manner.     Giving  six  strings,  and  two  black  strouds. 

"  Then  Serihowane,  a  ISeneca  chief,  proceeded  upon 
the  business  they  assembled  for,  and  addressed  Sir  Wil  * 
liam  Johnson  as  follows  : 

"  Bkotuer  Waeraguiyagey. — You  told  us  last  fall  to 
remember  and  keep  up  strictly,  to  the  old  engagements, 
entered  into  with  the  English,  wiiicli  was  in  general,  in- 
tended for  our  interest,  and  welfare,  and  that  you  was  ap- 
prehensive that  the  sincerity  of  the  Senecas,  was  not  as 
perfect  as  you  could  wish.  We  can  assure  you  Brother, 
of  the  contrary  on  our  side,  and  shall  be  happy  if  the 
Eoglish  on  their  part  are  as  sincere  towards  us,  and  we 
beg  you  will  not  give  ear,  to  every  report  that  is  made  to 
our  prejudice. 

"  Brother,  to  convince  you  that  we  keep  fresh  in  our 
memory  the  engagements  entered  into  with  yon,  we  now 
produce  to  you  the  chain  belt  of  alliance,  and  friendship, 
you  delivered  to  us  at  Niagara,  in  1764,  after  the  Senecas 
liad  got  bewildered  and  acted  an  unbecoming  part  to- 
wards you. 

"We  can  assure  you  Brother,  ever  since,  we  have  en 
deavoredto  our  utmost  to  keep  that  chain  bright,  and  the 
path  of  peace  unobstructed,  notwithstanding  which,  we 
Iiave  observed  w'ith  concern  that  many  of  our  people 
were  still  suspected  of  insincerity,  which  we  cannot  think 
wc  deserved,  from  the  English.    Showed  the  belt. 

"  Brother,  you  likewise  recommended  to  us,  to  collect 
all  our  straggling  people,  about  the  Ohio  and  its  branches, 


ilf^.ki 


KPEEOII    OF    A    SENECA    OUIKF. 


187 


ami  convinced  us  that  it  was  for  tlie  good  of  tiie  public, 
that  they  should  be  broug-ht  under  our  eyes  to  prevent 
them  from  being  led  astray  by  bad  peopli.  This,  Brother, 
we  have  endeavored  and  arc  still  endeavorinc:  to  do.  But 
hitherto,  without  success,  which  is  in  a  great  measure 
owing  to  the  conduct  of  the  English,  the  neglect  of  the 
Provinces,  and  the  behavior  of  the  traders.  AVhen  you 
convened  us  at  Niagara,  and  after  settling  every  matter 
for  our  mutual  welfare,  you  told  us  we  should  enjoy  a 
plentiful  trade,  and  mentioned  to  us  the  dift'erent  marts, 
where  we  could  have  our  necessaries,  and  trade  with  the 
English,  which  we  really  accordingly  enjoyed,  and  trade 
was  carried  on  for  some  years  to  our  mutual  satisfiiction. 
But  to  our  sorrow,  that  regulation  by  some  means  or 
other,  did  not  continue  long ;  and  as  you  informed  us  soon 
after,  the  management  of  trade  was  left  to  the  regulation 
of  the  respective  Provinces.  But  the  Provinces  have 
done  nothing,  and  the  trade  has  been  thrown  into  utter 
confusion  by  the  traders  being  left  to  their  own  will  and 
pleasure,  and  pursuit  of  gain,  following  our  people  to 
their  hunting  grounds,  with  goods  and  liquor,  where  they 
not  only  impose  on  us  at  pleasure,  but  by  the  means  of 
carrying  these  articles  to  our  scattered  people,  obstruct 
our  endeavors  to  collect  them,  which  we  might  have 
easily  effected,  if  the  traders  had  been  obliged  to  bring: 
their  goods  to  Niagara,  or^^ther  markets,  as  before. 

''Brother,  you  cannot  imagine  the  many  ill  consequen- 
ces this  change  in  the  regulation  of  trade,  has  occasioned. 
But  we  shall  still  persevere,  and  hope  you  will  give  or- 
ders to  your  resident  at  fort  Pitt,  to  assist  us  in  removinir 
:'ur  people  living  at  Conawago,  and  elsewhere. 

''■  lirother,  we  are  sorry  to  observe  to  you,  tluit  vour 


n'J 


i1 


I  '"J 


I      U 


t:l 


:.r   I'  ' 


* 


i 


i' 


188 


IIISTOKY  OF  BUFFALO. 


people  lire  as  ungovernable,  and  rather  more  so  than  ours  j 
you  must  remember  that  it  was  most  solemnly,  and  pub- 
licly, settled  at  librt  Stanwix,  in  176S,  on  behalf  of  the 
great  I^ing  of  England,  our  father,  and  the  Governors, 
and  the  Commissioners,  pf  the  several  Provinces,  then  as- 
sembled there,  that  the  line  pointed  ont,  and  fixed,  be- 
tween the  whites  and  Indians,  should  forever  after  be 
looked  upon  as  a  barrier  between  us  ;  and  that  the  white 
people,  were  not  to  go  beyond  it. 

"  It  seems  Brother,  that  your  people  entirely  disregard 
and  despise  the  settlement  agreed  upon,  between  their 
superiors,  and  us  ;  for  we  find  that  they,  notwithstanding 
that  settlement,  have  come  up  in  vast  numbers  to  the 
Ohio,  and  gave  our  people  to  understand,  they  would 
settle  where  they  pleased.  If  this  is  the  case,  we  must 
look  upon  every  engagement  you  made  with  us,  as  void, 
and  of  no  effect;  but  we  hope  it  is  not  so ;  and  that  you 
will  restrain  your  peo])le,  over  whom  you  say  you  have 
authority;  and  make  them  lay  aside  their  ill  designs, 
and  encroachments,  as  it  has  already  occasioned  jealous- 
ies and  ill  blood,  and  may  be  productive  of  infinite  mis- 
chief, and  trouble  ;  and  we  must  beg,  that  if  you  insist 
upon  your  people  settling  so  near  ours,  they  may  be  sub- 
ject to  some  authority,  that  can  keep  them  in  order.  We 
entreat  you  will  make  known  this  our  request  to  his  Maj- 
esty, and  the  Governors  of  tjiese  unruly  people ;  until 
which  time,  and  until  the  return  of  Ivayaghshota,  from 
his  embassy  to  the  nations  on  the  Ohio,  we  promise  our- 
selves, as  well  as  on  behalf  of  our  liead  women,  who  have 
much  influence  with  our  young  men,  to  keep  them  quiet, 
they  being  much  affected  and  exasperated  at  the  cruel 
murders,  committed  by  these  lawless  people,  on  theii 
friends  and  relations.     Gave  a  belt. 


HPEH;0II  of  a  CAYUOA  OIIIEi'. 


189 


"  Brother,  you  recommended  to  us,  the  Six  Nations, 
hist  fall,  to  consider  the  distressed  situation  of  the  Mon- 
tauk  Indians,  who  being  surrounded  by  white  people  of 
Long  Island,  were  in  a  fair  way  of  being  dispossessed  of 
all  their  lands  by  them,  on  which  they  requested,  that 
we  would  afford  them  a  piece  of  land,  in  our  country,  to 
which  they  might  retire  and  live  peaceably  hereafter. 
We  have  taken  your  desire  into  consideration,  and  agree 
to  fix  them  at  Canaworaghere.*  We  are  glad  of  the" op- 
portunity of  serving  them  in  this  respect,  and  shall  with 
pleasure,  ,take  them  under  our  protection,  in  the  same 
manner  that  fond  parents  do  their  children,  and  hope 
they  may  prove  deserving  of  it.    Gave  a  belt. 

"  Then  a  Cayuga  war  chief  arose  and  addressed  Sir 
William  Johnson,  saying  that  he  must  inform  him  how 
disagreeable  it  was  to  their  Nation,  to  have  traders  con- 
tinually among  them,  who  sell  rum,  and  thereby  occasion 
much  mischief,  and  trouble,  and  requested  they  mit^ht 
for  the  future  be  prevented  to  go  there,  in  order  to  avoid 
accidents,  that  might  hapi^en  to  them ;  that  they  thought 
it  not  so  far,  if  they  had  any  thing  to  sell,  to  bring  it  to 
the  market,  on  the  Mohawk  river,  and  therefore  desired 
that  neither  the  white  people,  nor  the  Indians,  be  allowed 
to  come  to  Cayuga,  or  trade  for  the  future.  That  if  they 
choose  to  pass  through  their  towns  on  their  ;vay  to  the 
Seneca's  country,  they  had  no  objection,  but  only  desired 
they  would  not  dispose  of  any  thing  to  theh-  people. 
Gave  a  belt. 

"  P.  M.  Sii  William  Johnson  had  a  conference  with 
the  chiefs,  wherein  he  communicated  to  them,  the  partic- 
ulars of  the  account  he  had  received  from  the  southward, 

'Vernon,    tOneida  county. 


<l 


;'!lt 


'  J!'' 


4 


>'*     I 


Hi 

1  '    ' 

r^\ 

m 

1 

i   1 

! 

1 1 

J 

! 

J, 

1 

!■ 

' 

] 

Ib 

i^ 

ii 

,ii 

190 


iriSTOUY  OF  11UFFAT,0. 


respecting  tlio  Into  murders,  witli  the  steps  taken  by  his 
deputy  on  the  occasion;  after  wlilch,  lie  enlarged  on  the 
many  irregularities  committed  by  the  Indians,  about  the 
branches  of  the  Ohio,  and  Mississippi,  and  some  late 
murders  charged  against  them,  as  the  cause  of  the  late  il! 
behavior  of  Cressuj)  and  his  associates  ;  and  after  using 
many  arguments  to  convince  them  they  should  exert 
more  authority  over  their  allies,  and  keep  them  in  better 
order,  he  lastly,  gave  them  a  particular  account  of  the 
different  schemes  of  the  Shawnese,  and  their  friends,  for 
several  years  past,  to  cast  an  odium  on  the  Six  Nations, 
with  a  view  that  the  latter  might  lose  our  friendship,  and 
then  be  induced  to  join  in  their  evil  designs,  adding  that 
it  was  now  high  time  to  stop  these  doings,  and  that  char- 
ity for  these  weak  people,  induced  him  to  wish,  that  the 
Six  Nations  would  save  the  English  the  disagreeable 
trouble,  of  compelling  these  troublesome  people,  to  alter 
their  behavior.  He  likewise  fully  explained  to  them  the 
consequences,  should  the  Shawnese,  &c.,  continue  to  pros- 
ecute their  revenge  on  the  provinces  of  Pennsylvania  and 
Virginia,  without  waiting  to  obtain  regular  justice,  when- 
ever they  appeared  to  be  injured. 

"  Monday,  July  11,  1774,  Sir  William  addressed  the 
Indians  as  follows  : 

"  Brotueks  :  1  have  considered  your  speeches,  and  am 
always  glad  to  hear,  that  you  preserve  in  remembrance, 
your  engagenients,  which  I  trust  you  will  be  equally 
careful  to  fulfill.  You  now  all  see,  that  through  my  repre- 
sentations, and  the  tenderness  of  the  English  government, 
you  have  the  prisoner  restored  to  you.  I  hope  yon  will 
make  good  use  of  this,  and  every  other  act  of  kindness,, 
you  receive,  and  then  you  need  not  apprehend  that  you 


!l  f 


SIB  wiTj.iAM  Johnson's  last  si-kkcii. 


191 


are  in  any  wise  suspected,  or  fear  evil  reports,  to  which  I 
am  by  no  means  inclificd  to  give  ear. 

"  Brothers,  I  am  glad  you  have  ])reserved  tlie  great 
belt  1  delivered  to  you  at  Niagara  ;  and  I  hope  you  will 
keep  the  contents  of  it,  and  all  others  1  have  given,  in  re- 
meml)ranco  :  for  if  you  do,  you  cantiot  neglect  endeavor- 
ing, to  the  utmost,  to  keep  your  jieoplo  in  good  order ; 
and  i3revent  those  who  live  at  a  distance,  from  following 
evil  counsels,  wliich  draw  reflections  on  your  confeder^ 
acy.     Brothers,  I  told  you  long  since,  the  reasons  why 
the  aifairs  regarding  trade,  were  left  to  the  direction  of 
the  colonies.    Who,  it  was  imagined,  would  best  restrain 
their  own  people  ;  and  I  also  showed  you,  the  difliculty, 
and  time,  it  must  take,  to  make  regulations,  adapted  to 
their  respective  circumstances,  and  yours.     I  am  persua- 
ded the  colonies  have  it  still  at  heart,  but  I  cannot  think 
it  any  material  obstruction  to  the  withdrawing  your  peo- 
ple from  about  the  Ohio.    And  I  apprehend,  it  is  in  your 
power  to  redress  yourselves,  in  the  particular  you  com- 
plain of,  without  giving  offense.     For  wherever  you  find 
traders,  obtruding  themselves  upon  you,  with  liquor,  or 
following  your  parties  to  their  hunting  grounds,  you  may 
easily  tell  them  to  retire  to  more  convenient  places";  as 
you  will  not  allow  them  to  go  about  in  the  way  you  men- 
tion.   In  which  case,  1  have  great  reason  to  think,  that 
such  traders  will  withdraw,  and  give  you  no  trouble. 

"  Brothers,  I  am  sorry  to  hear  of  the  encroachments  of 
some  of  our  people,  (the  English,)  of  which  you  so  often 
complained.  This  you  may  be  assured,  is  without  the 
consent  or  knowledge,  of  the  government  ;  and  the  King 
will  take  measures  to  prevent  intrusion.  But,  it  does  not 
so  materially  affect  you,  as  it  affects  some  of  your  south- 


w 


n 


I'll 


■     '! 


192 


ItlHTOKV    OK    llirKKAIA). 


i^ 


f!f 


J       ' 


cm  (lepemleiitH  ;  isuvoml  of  whom,  Imvo  acted  Huch  u  jxirt 
of  late,  us  to  oiicourago  boiiio  of  our  i^'iionint  frontier  in 
hnbitantfl,  to  commit  irre<:jularitii's,  of  which  otherwise,  I 
Jianlly  think  they  wouKl  l)u  <i;uilty.     These  meti  will  be 
tiou<;ht  after,  and  i»unibhed. 

"  Jt  irt  your  business  to  enquire  into  the  conduct  of 
these  your  deiuMideiils,  and  to  puidsh  those,  who  by  their 
Jnisconduet,  aHord  enc.'o\u'a<;enient  to  others.  You  may 
easily  believe,  that  in  so  extensive  a  country,  and  among 
such  a  number  of  people,  it  is  a  matter  of  dilllculty,  to 
Jlnd  out,  and  i»imish,  the  authors  of  mischief;  although 
we  have  good,  and  suHlcient  laws  for  that  jjurpose. 

"IJut  none  (Jf  our  principal  men  are  concerned  inthcao 
acts,  whilst  nuuiy  chiefs  of  the  nations  to  the  southward 
arc  the  real  authors  of  the  misehiei's  done  by  the  Indians. 
1  woidd  therefore  advise  you,  to  j)ut  a  stop  to  such  evils 
in  time;  and  you  may  rest  assured,  that  1  will  lay  these 
matters  you  com[»lain  of,  before  his  nuvjesty,  and  the  gov- 
ernors concerned,  that  everything  shall  be  done  on  our 
part,  to  restore  peace,  and  ailbrd  you  satisfaction,  where 
you  have  a  claim  to  it.  At  the  same  time  I  mustgreativ 
ap{)rove  of  the  steps  of  my  dejnity,  on  the  late  unfortu- 
nate affair,  as  well  as  Kayaghshota,  and  the  Delawares. 
I  expect  you  will  strengthen  their  hands  on  this  occasion, 
and  that  I  shall  soon  receive  favorable  accounts  from  that 
ijuarter. 

"  Brothers  of  the  Cayugas,  1  have  heard  the  complaint 
you  have  nuule  of  the  traders  among  you,  and  I  apjirehend 
jfyou  pursue  the  advice  I  just  now  gave  to  the  rest  of  your 
confederacy,  it  will  have  the  desired  etfect.  However,  I 
shall  willingly  do  everything  in  my  power,  for  preventing 
their  giving  you  any  trouble  ;  and  I  expect  you  will  be 
satisfied  with  my  endeavors  for  that  ])urpose.'" 


m 


II  ii   lil.!^^ 


DKATIl  OFHIU    WIU.IAM    .[(iIlNSON. 


193 


Almost  imniodiiitely  iifior  doliveriii^'  tlii«  Hpoccli,  Sir 
William  onlorod  pipos  mid  tohiiccu,  mid  hoiuu  Vuiuov  for 
the  ludimis,  mid  mljouriied  with  u  (\vH\<fn  to  j,nv(!  thorn 
tirao  to  considor  the  i)riiicii)al  objects  ..ITho  coimcil.  JJiU 
havin-  been  vory  wouk,  In.m  his  Wn-um-  indisposition, 
tho  futi-uo  bn)u^'ht  on  him  a  relapsu,  wliicli  in  about  two 
honrs  threw  him  into  a  lit,  in  which  ho  suddenly  expired 
Immediately  .m  the  death  ofSir  William  Johnson,  the 
Indians  assembled  in  the  -roiitest  apparent  concern,  and 
contusion,  mid  prop.wed  sendin-  olV  their  runners,  with 
bolts  of  alarm,  to  all  their  nations. 

J3ut  Col.  Guy  Johnson,  tho  Deputy  of  Sir  William,  pre- 
vailed upon  them  t.>  wait  until  the  next  morninf,^,  assu- 
ring them  that  Sir  William  had  not  been  unmindful  of 
their  interests,  in  case  of  his  decease;  but  had  recommend- 
ed his,  (Col.  Johnson's)  appointment,  as  superintendent 
of  Indian  aflairs  ;  assuring  them,  that  he  should  early  in 
the  morning,  give  them  morcparticular  information,  upon 
which  they  returned  to  their  encampments. 

Tuesday,  July   12,  1774. 
"  Oji  this  day.  Col.  Guy  Johnson  assembled  tho  chiefs, 
and  addressed  them  as  follows  : 

"  EuoTiiBiis  :— As  it  is  not  conformable  to  your  customs, 
that  those  who  have  sullered  a  great  loss,  should  speak 
lirst,  I  should  have  declined  addressing  you,  till  after  the 
ceremony  of  condolence,  did  yon  not  express  so  strong  a 
desire  to  send  extraordinary  messages  through  the  naticms, 
with  the  news  of  the  late  melancholy  accident.  Upon  this 
occasion  I  am  necessiated  to  advise  you,  lest  it  might  oc- 
casion too  great  an  alarm,  that  the  worthy  Sir  William 
Johnson,  agreeable  to  the  desire  you  luive  often  signified, 
recommended  it  to  the  consideration  of  the  Kinff  that  I 
13 


"Mf" 

ill 


^  )i 


'■f 


)  1  'i, 


mii^ 


i 


194 


IIISTORT   OF   HUfFALO. 


should  bo  in  \m  stoiul.  His  Majesty's  answer  Ih  not  yet 
arrived  ;  l)ut  there  is  no  doubt,  that  from  his  esteem  for 
all  good  and  faitliful  Indians,  of  his  doing  what  ho  should 
think  best ;  and  In  the  mean  time,  you  may  acquaint  all 
the  nations,  that  though  I  feel  myself  at  present,  une(iual 
to  the  load,  when  I  reflect  on  the  conduct  and  character, 
of  the  great  and  good  man,  who  left  us  yesterday  ;  yot 
us  Ihave  long  lived  under  his  direction,  iind  trandi'.cted 
for  many  years  his  correspondences  rc'^pectlng  you,  I 
trust  the  Great  Spirit  will  give  me  sticngth,  and  wisdom. 
to  conduct  these  important  matti^rs,  in  some  measure, 
corresponding  with  his  great  example.  It  renuiins  fur 
you  Brethren,  to  be  strong,  and  steady,  in  your  engage- 
ments, all  which,  I  am  well  acquainted  with,  and  to 
show  your  friendship  to  the  English,  and  your  respect 
and  reverence  for  the  memory  of  your  great  and  good  ad- 
viser, by  supporting  me,  under  this  arduous  undertaking, 
which  if  you  do,  you  may  always  be  assured  of  my  sin- 
cere regard. 

"  Send  these  words  through  the  nations ;  assiiring  them 
that  the  fire  still  burns,  and  the  road  is  still  open  to  this 
place  ;  and  let  it  be  told  Kayagshota,  (who  was  sent  to 
the  Ohio,  on  a  mission  of  peace)  that  he  may  be  strong, 
and  continue  his  good  endeavors,  for  the  preservation  of 
peace,  and  the  security  of  yourselves  and  your  posterity, 
whose  interest  I  shall  be  ever  desirous  to  promote."'  A 
belt. 

After  which  tiie  IridiuiB  returno  1  thanks,  i.romising  tn 
forward  the  b<  r  ^-  '<iiei 'ed,  and  to  consider  on  the  cer 
emony  of  condolence  to  be  performed  after  Sir  William's 
interment,  requesting  likewise,  to  be  permitted  to  attend 
his  fimeral. 


a  VI 


ll'NIJKAL  OK  SIK   WH.I.IAM     .!«>|inhon. 


l'J5 


Thu  rur|)Ho  of  Sir  William  Johnson  WU8  curried  from 
.lohiiMon  Hull,  t(.  .lolinstuwii,  jukI  dopu^ited  in  the  liimily 
vuull,  in  till,  cluircli  which  ho  orected,  attended  by  np- 
wiirdsoftwo  thunsund  i)ers(,na,  iVom  the  neisbhorin^r 
county,  with  the  IndijuiH,  who  hehiivcd  with  tho  ^Toiitest 
decorum,  and  cxhihited  tho  moHt  lively  marks  of  sorrow. 
The  pall  was  supported  hy  his  excellency,  the  (iuvernor 
of  New  Jersey,  the  Jud^res  of  the  Suiwmo  Court  ofNew 
York,  and  other  persons  of  note,  who  liappened  to  he  at 
.luhnstown  at  that  time  ;  and  on  their  return  from  tho  fu- 
neral to  Johnson  Hall,  the  Indians  accpminted  Col.  John- 
^^un  that  they  would  perform  the  ceremony  of  condolence 
the  next  day. 

Thursday,  July  14th,  1774. 

The  chiefs  of  tho  Six  Nations,  assembled  early  in  the 
morning,  to  perform  the  ceremony  of  condolence  for  tho 
death  of  Sir  William  Johnson. 

ruBSENT— (^uy  Johnson,  Esq.,  Dep'ty.  Agent,  Daniel 
Clans,  Esq.,  Dep'ty.  for  Canada,  James  Duane,  E8(p,  G. 
W.  Bayard,  Esq.,  St.  John  DeLancy,  Esq.,  Col.  Daniel 
Campbell,  Mr.  Jessup,  Josci)h  Chew,  Es(|.,  and  John 
Duncan,  Esq. 

Conoghquieson,  Chief  of  Oneida,  with  three  strings 
cleared  the  sight,  &c. 

Then  with  a  double  belt,  covered  the  body. 

Then  with  a  belt  of  six  rows,  covered  the  grave,  and 
iiddressed  Col.  Johnson,  as  follows,  viz  : 

BitoTnEii  :^It  yields  us  vast  pleasure,  to  find  that  the 
tire,  which  was  in  danger  of  being  entirely  extinguished 
by  the  great  loss  we  have  sustained,  is  for  the  present 
rendered  bright  by  you.  The  good  words  which  you 
have  spoken  to  us  yesterday,  having  revived  us,  and  kept 


ii'"  I 


'  .  ,i:H 


,  \i\  1.1 


i  I  '< 


rt 


196 


HISTORY  OF   BUFFALO. 


our  young  men  within  reasonable  bounds,  who  would 
otherwise  lost  their  senses  ;  we  rejoice  at  it,  and  accoid- 
ingly  with  this  belt,  we  cause  the  fire  to  burn  clear  as 
usual  at  this  place,  an'i  a:  Onondaga  ;  which  are  our 
proper  fire  places,  and  we  hout  the  great  ]ving  will  ap- 
prove and  confivm  it.     A  belt  oi  7  rows. 

'•  {brother,  with  this  belt,  we  sweep  the  fire  place  clean. 
Eeniove  from  it  all  impure  and  dit  agreeable  objects,  so 
that  wo  may  set  round  it,  and  consult  together,  for  the 
public  good  as  usual.     A  belt  of  7  rows. 

"Brother,  with  this  belt,  that  when  our  ceremonies  are 
performed,  you  will  apply  your  attention  to  our  affairs, 
and  continue  to  give  gctod  advice  to  the  young  men,  as 
your  father  did.     A  bunch  of  strings. 

"  Brother,  we  know  that  you  must  be  loaded  with  grief 
on  this  melancholy  occasion,  we  therefore  cleanse  your 
body,  and  wash  your  inside,  with  clear  water,  so  that 
you  may  once  more  attend  to,  and  proceed  upon  business. 

"  Brother,  the  heavy  cloud  which  hung  over  you  and 
us,  has  prevented  us  from  seeing  the  sun.  It  is  therefore 
our  business  with  this  string,  to  clear  the  sky  which  was 
overcast,  and  we  likewise  with  this  string,  put  the  sun  in 
its  proper  course,  that  it  may  perform  the  same  as  before, 
so  that  yo  I  may  be  able  to  see  what  is  doing,  and  pur- 
sue the  good  works  of  peace.     A  belt  of  6  rows. 

Then  added :  "  Brother,  since  it  hath  pleased  the 
Great  Spirit  to  take  from  us  our  great  Brother  Warragh- 
igegy,  who  has  long  desired  at  our  request,  to  put  you  in 
his  place,  we  very  much  rejoice  to  find  you  ready  to  take 
this  charge  upon  you,  without  which  we  should  be  in 
darkness,  and  great  confusion.  We  are  now  once  more 
happj,  and  with  this  belt  we  expect  you  to  take  care  of 


SPEECH  or  A  MOHAWK    CHIEF. 


197 


our  affairs,  to  follow  his  footsteps,  and  as  you  very  well 
know  his  ways,  and  transactions  with  us,  "^tliat  you  will 
continue  to  imitate  them  for  the  public  good."  A  belt  of 
()  rows. 

Then  Tyerliansera,  chief  of  the  Mohawks,   spoke  as  fol- 
lows : 

Bkothek  :— The  business  being  so  iar  happily  set  on 
foot  again,  we  think  it  necessary  to  observe  to  you,   that 
this  is  a  very  critical  time,  and  that  our  Brother  having 
suddenly  died  at  a  time  when  great  troubles  are   begun 
to  the  southward,  it  is  incumbent  upon  yon,  to  be  strong, 
and  to  follow   closely  his  practices  in  all  things,  as  you 
knew  them.     Our  business  with  our  Brother  was   nearly 
brought  to  a  conclusion,  and  his  last  words  tons,  concern- 
ing the  great  troubles  in  Virginia,  to  withdraw  our  peo- 
ple, were  answered  by  ns  in  the  papers  lying  before  you. 
"  Brother,  we  must  tell  you  it  is  the  white  people  only, 
who  prevent  it ;  for  if  they   did   not   make  a  practice  of 
coming  in  great  numbers  with   rum,   into  that   country., 
our  people  would  be  wise,  and  come  to   our   lire  places  ; 
but  they  are  tempted  to  stay  there,  and  now  Brother,  we 
must  desire  you  to  l)e  strong,  and  to  use  all  your  endeav- 
ors to  put  a  stop  to  your  people,  and  fulfilling  his   i)rom- 
ise  to  us,  that  we  nuiy  be  enabled  to  bring  them  away, 
as  you  desire.     Another  thing  Brother,  we  have  to  say, 
is  to  remind  you,  that  at  the  Fort  Stanwix  Treaty  in  1768, 
we  gave  up  a  great  deal  of  land,  which  wo  did  not  ex- 
pect would  be  suddenly  overspread  with   white   people  ; 
but  we  now  see  with   concern,   that  they  do  not  confine 
themselves  witliin  their  limits,  which  must  end  in  troubles. 
■^Ve  therefore  beg  that  they  may  be  restrained  and  brought 
under  some  government.      These   things.   Brother,  and 


I  ''i'i 


iij^Jii 


II 


i/M 


198 


HISTOKY   OF  BUFFALO. 


particularly  the  imirders  and  robberies  that  your  people 
commit,  have  kindled  a  llanie,  wiiicli  is  yet  small,  but 
unless  quenched  in  time,  will  overspread  the  country,  so 
that  we  can't  stop  it ;  we  therefore  hope  for  your  vigor- 
ous endeavors  to  i)iit  it  out." 

Then  Conoglujuieson  stood  up  and  with  a  large  bhick 
belt,  said  : 

"Bkothek: — We  now  speak  in  the  name  of  our  whole 
confederacy,  and  dependents  ;  expressing  our  thanks, 
that  agreeable  to  our  former  requestto  Sir  William  John- 
son, we  now  see  you  taking  care  of  ouratiairs.  We  earn 
estly  expect  you  to  take  care  of  them  as  that  great  man 
did,  who  promised  vou  to  us  ;  and  wo  desire,  that  you 
will  send  these  our  words  to  the  great  King,  who  we  hope 
will  regard  our  desires,  and  approve  you,  as  the  only 
person  that  knows  us,  and  our  aft'airs  ;  that  business  may 
go  on  as  formerly  ;  otherwise  in  this  alarming  time  of 
trouble,  without  your  care  and  attention,  our  affairs  will 
tall  into  great  confusion,  and  all  our  good  works  will  be 
destroyed.  We  beg  therefore,  that  you  will  accept  our 
good  wishes,  and  that  you  will  continue  to  take  care  oi ' 
tlie  great  business  in  which  we  are  all  concerned."  A 
black  belt  ofO  rows. 

And  then  added  that  they  would  retiro  for  the  })resenl 
and  wait  for  Col.  Johnson's  answer,  which  he  told  them 
they  should  have  in  the  afternoon. 

P.  M.     Asseml)led  as  before  : 

rRES];NT,  His  Excellency,  Gov.  Franklin,  of  New 
Jersey,  Capt.  Chapman,  Mr.  Eayard,  Mr.  Duane. 

Col.  Johnson  addressed  them  as  follows  : 

"  I  am  extremely  happy,  that  by  your  condolence,  and 
our  mutual  performance  of  these  ceremonies,  occasioned 


COL.  Johnson's  address. 


199 


by  the  death  of  your  late  worthy  superintendent,  I  am 
now  able  to  lift  up  my  head,  and  proceed  upon  business 
of  public  concern ;  and  am  particularly  glad  that  you 
join  me,  so  heartily  in  making  up  the  fire,  which  was 
very  nigh  being  extinguished.  Be  assured  that  nothing 
i5hall  be  wanting  on  my  part  to  preserve  it.  Brothers, 
I  am  very  happy  to  find  that  my  acting  for  the  present, 
in  consequence  of  your  former  desires,  proves  so  agreea- 
ble to  you,  and  you  may  be  assured,  that  however  une- 
qual I  am,  to  follow  the  steps  of  so  great  and  experienced 
a  man,  I  shall  endeavor,  so  long  as  I  am  authorized,  to 
do  everything  in  my  power,  for  the  interest  of  the  public 
and  your  own.  But  I  expect  at  the  same  time,  that  your 
good  behavior  will  continue  as  an  encouragement  to  me, 
to  follow  his  example."  Col.  Johnson  then  answered 
Tyorhansera  as  follows  : 

••  Brother,  I  well  remember  tlie  wise  nuixims  that  gov- 
erned your  late  worthy  adviser,  in  the  business  on  which 
you  came  here  last ;  and  you  may  be  assured,  that  I  shall, 
to  the  utmost,  strive  to  put  his  last  words  and  pmmises 
into  execution,  by  a  faithful  representation  of  your  griev- 
ances, to  those  persons  in  authority,  whose  duty  it  is  to 
correct  the  abuses  of  which  you  complain.  But  I  can- 
not help  thinking,  that  it  is  in  your  power  to  bring  your 
peo])lo  from  among  those  tribes,  who,  by  their  daily  prac- 
tices, endeavor  to  bring  a  general  reflection  on  your  con- 
federacy, and  I  trust  that  you  will  join  heartily  with 
Kayagshota  in  this  good  work,  whereby  you  will  pay  a 
kind  tribute  to  the  memory  of  your  deceased  faithful 
Iriend,  and  show  your  influence  over  these  your  own  peo- 
ple. 

''Brothers,  of  tiie  Six  Nations  dei)endent,  I  have  heard 


?t 


m 


>  fr 


4     I 


if" 


200 


HISTOKY    (.)F   BUFFALO. 


yonr  words,  and  kindly  thank  you  for  the  regard  you  ex- 
press for  mo,  and  tlie  desire  you  show  for  my  conducting 
your  affairs.    Tliis  matter  has  already  been  laid  before 
Ilis  Majesty,  who  regards  all  faithful  Indians,  and  will 
act  therein  as  he  sees  most  fitting,  with  which  determina- 
tion it  is  your  business  to  acquiesce.     I  shall,  however, 
comply  with  your  request ;  at  the  same  time  it  is  my 
duty  to  communicate  your  transactions  to  the  General  of 
the  army,  who  is  newly  returned  to  this  country,  and  has 
long  known  and  regarded  you  ;  and  whose  authority  will 
enable  me  to  do  what-is  necessary  at  present,  and  1  earn- 
estly desire  that  you  shall  act  such  a  part  as  shall  entitle 
you  to  the  attention  of  government,  by  that  fast  hold  of 
the  chain,  and  giving  all  your  assistance  towards  restor- 
ing peace  in  the  country,  and  security  to  yourselves,  as 
the  only  means  of  convincing  Ilis  Majesty  of  your  fideli- 
ty ;  and  I  desire  that  these  my  words,  may  go  to  the 
setting  sun."    A  belt. 

"  Brothers,  the  purport  of  the  intelligence  that  camo 
from  the  Governor  of  Pennsylvania,  in  regard  to  the 
ravages  committed  by  the  Shawnees  and  others,  in  his 
Province,  ,a,re  of  such  a  nature,  that  I  expect  that  you 
will  enable  me  to  assure  him,  that  you  will  immediately 
discountenance,  and  put  an  end  to  all  such  cruelties — 
otherwise,  your  reputation  as  a  j)owerful  confederacy, 
will  greatly  suffer  in  the  eyes  of  the  English,  and  the 
resentment  of  that  Province  may  fall  heavy  on  that  de- 
luded people,  who  have  done  so  much  mischief,  without 
waiting  for  that  justice  which  2;overnment  was  willin<r  to 
afford  to  your  complaints." 

Conoghquieson  then  rose  and  said :   "  Brother,  you  all 
know  that  Kayagshota,  with  three  of  our  ])eople  of  the 


COL.  Johnson's  speech. 


201 


greatest  conseciueiico,  uro  at  present  employed  in  the 
good  work  yon  recommend.  But  further  to  promote  it, 
wo  Iiave  agreed  to  send  this  'belt'  forward,  through  the 
nations,  with  a  <leputation,  to  consist  of  two  or  three 
chiefs  from  each  of  our  nations,  to  enforce  it— and  we 
are  glad  that  the  Governor  of  New  Jersey  is  present,  to 
hear  what  wo  have  said,  as  he  may  assist  ni  making  our 
sentiments  and  grievances  known  to  the  neigliboring  Gov- 
ernors." 

To  which  Ilis  Excellency  answered  :  ''that  the  inhabi- 
tants of  New  Jersey  had  no  concern  in  any  of  the  dis- 
putes, but  were  well  disposed  towards  them,  and  that  the 
Indians  might  recollect,  that  three  men  were  formerly  ex- 
ecuted under  his  administration,  and  that,  through  his 
inclination  to  do  them  strict  justice.  But  that  neverthe- 
less, he  would  be  aiding  in  promoting  peace  and  harmony 
between  the  English  and  the  Indians." 

They  were  then  treated  with  pipes  and  tobacco,  as  i& 
usual,  after  which  they  adjourned. 

Friday,  July  15. 

Col.  Johnson  assembled  the  Indians,  and  spoke  as  fol- 
lows : 

"Bkotiiers: — It  pleases  me  much  to  find  you  unani- 
mous in  your  late  resolutions,  as  it  is  a  proof  of  your  sense 
and  fidelity  ;  at  the  same  time,  it  is  so  essential  to  your 
importance  and  happiness,  that  I  will  not  entertain  a 
doubt  of  your  determined  intentions,  to  check  the  incur- 
sions of  your  dependants,  who  run  about  like  drunken 
men,  and  ought  to  be  disarmed,  by  those  who  are  sober 
and  peaceable,  lest  the  English  should  have  to  raise  their 
powerful  arm  against  them,  which  might  have  dreadful 
consequences.     On  my  part,  you  may  be  assured,  I  shall 


, '.    'I 


iM 


;h 


f'f  f  '  ^ 


j 


f 


'^    '  i.i 


202 


UI8T0RY  OF   BUFFALO. 


communicate  your  grievances  respecting  the  aft'airs  at  the 
Southward,  to  tlie  Governors  interested,  wlio  will  do  their 
utmost  to  restore  order  and  tranquility." 

The  Indians  returned  thanks  for  this  speech,  and  shook 
hands,  purposing  to  return  home  the  day  following,  and 
in  the  afternoon  the  Colonel  had  a  private  interview  with 
Sayenquaraghta,*  and  some  other  principal  men,  to  whom 
he  pointed  out  the  danger  to  which  the  Ohio  Senecas 
would  ])e  exposed,  unless  the  present  disturbances  were 
accommodated  ;  and  concluded  with  advising  them,  hy 
all  means,  to  withdraw  their  ]>eoi)le  from  the  rest,  who 
were  endeavoring  to  alienate  them  from  their  own  con- 
federacy. 

Saturday,  July  16. 

^'  Col.  Johnson  gave  a  handsome  present  to  the  chiel's, 
and  to  th(jse  who  were  instrumental  in  apprehending  the 
murderers,  as  well  as  to  those  who  had  acted  a  good  part 
on  receiving  the  news  of  the  late  murders  on  the  Ohio, 
after  which,  they  took  their  leave,  with  many  ex])ressionb 
of  satisfaction,  having  first  presented  the  chiefs,  who 
were  to  go  to  the  Southward,  and  explain  the  pur[)ort  of 

their  embassy." 

November,  177-i. 

Literal  translation  of  the  message  of  the  Six  Nations  tu 
the  Shawneese,  etc.  : 

"  YouNOEK  Brothers  : — We  are  come  running  to  you 
from  the  great  fire  plac^.  Take  notice  of  what  I  have  to 
say,  as  I  am  the  older  brother.  It  happened  that  you 
came  lately  to  *he  iiiiddle  of  the  council  house  to  our 
fire  place  of  peace,  for  the  Six  Nation  Confederacy.  You 


"•Old  King,  tho  grund  father  of  Young  King,  who  subsequontly  I'csidoi) 
at  Buffalo  Crock. 


MK8SAOK  OF  THE    SIX     NATIONS. 


203 


there  spoke  to  us  on  a  subject  we  did  not  understand. 
We  would  not  give  car  to,  or  agree  to  it,  as  our  fire  place 
is  tor  peace  ;  and  we  tell  you,  wo  will  only  listen  to  af- 
fairs of  peace  there. 

"  Younger  Brothers,  we  are  now  here,  and  we  tell  you 
before  all  the  Nations,  who  observe  you,  and  see  allyoui- 
bad  works,  we  have  been  twice  here  to  advise  you  to 
peace  ;  but  you  have  not  attended,  and  in  compliance 
with  our  ancient  customs,  we  are  come  the  third  time,  to 
tell  you,  you  must  bo  at  peace.  This  is  the  third  time, 
and  the  last,  thot  you  shall  hear  from  us,  if  you  do  not 
iiearken  to  us.  We  charge  you  to  consider  the  case  oi' 
your  warriors,  your  women,  and  your  children.  And  we 
desire  you  sachems,  to  use  your  authority  over  your 
people,  tliat  they  may  mind  what  we  say.  Leave  the 
business  of  war.  Repent,  and  mind  peace,  alone,  and 
tlien  you  will  be  ])reservod.  Quarrelsome  people  are 
dangerous  ;  wo  advise  you  for  your  good,  for  we  pity 
you,  and  we  know  from  our  superintendent,  that  the 
King  is  inclined  to  desire  that  you  should- be  at  peace, 
and  has  sent  orders  to  Virginia  to  promote  it.  Mind 
our  words,  they  are  strong.  Tliey  are  the  words  of  the 
Six  Nations  ;  who  are  the  heads  of  the  confederacy.  All 
the  northern  nations  have  left  their  belts  in  our  hands, 
and  referred  themselves  to  our  government,  and  deter- 
mination. They  have  joined  their  words  to  us,  wlio  are 
the  head  of  the  whole ;  and  you  now  see  them  all  in  us, 
liere  present ;  who  are  now  sent  with  authority  to  charge 
you  to  follow  our  advice.'"  A  very  large  belt  is  then 
iriven. 


i!|-ig 


,!   .'  j 


^1P 


■>     >i\ 


c  11  A  r  T  E  n  X I V. 


Tlio  death  of  Sir  William  Jolinsoii,  was  a  great  calam- 
ity to  tlie  Indians.  They  liad  for  nearly  forty  years 
loolced  Tip  to  him,  as  to  a  father.  They  had  entire  confi- 
dence, not  only  in  liis  wisdom,  but  in  his  friendship. 
Hence  his  unbounded  influence  over  them.  Tliey  had 
observed  for  years,  his  increasino;  infirmities,  and  did  not 
conceal  from  him  their  own  anxiety  in  regard  to  it ;  and 
it  had  been  in  view  of  these  often  exi)ressed  fears,  of  his 
sudden  dissolution,  that  ho  had  recommended  the  ap- 
pointment of  liis  son-in-law,  Col.  Guy  Jolmsoii,  to  be  his 
successor  as  general  superintendent  of  Indian  afiairs. 
Col.  Guy  Jolmson  accordingly  succeeded  to  his  office, 
but  not  to  his  influence  over  the  Indians. 

Having  long  been  deputy  superintendent  under  his  lath- 
er-in-law,  he  was  entirely  familiar  with  the  duties  of  the 
oflice,  which  he  was  called  to  fill ;  but  he  does  not  seem 
to  have  possessed  that  wisdom  and  discretion,  which  so 
eminently  characterized  his  illustrious  predecessor. 

The  political  troubles  which  for  some  time,  had  agita- 
ted the  public  mind,  among  the  whites,  grew  more  vio- 
lent, and  soon  culminated  in  open  rebellion  against  the 
King. 

There  tire  other  versions  of  the  death  of  Sir  William 
Johnson,  differing  somewliat  in  their  details,  but  lacking 


DEATH  OF  SIR   WILLIAM    JOHNSON. 


205 


the  authenticity  of  tliat  just  related.  The  time,  and  cir- 
cumstances of  his  death,  were  sucii  as  to  favor  the  idea 
that  it  was  premeditated;  and  tiie  idea  is  still  prevalent  to 
a  considerable  extent,  among  the  common  i)eople  in  the  vi- 
cinity of  liis  former  residence,  that  lie  preferred  death,  to 
meeting  the  crisis  which  he  saw  was  inevitable,  of  deciding 
between  disloyalty  to  his  King,  or  separation  from  the 
people  he  loved,  and  by  whom  he  was  beloved,  and  re- 
spected. The  tradition  is  (says  Stone  in  his  life  of  Brant) 
that  on  the  day  of  his  decease  he  had  received  dispatches 
from  England  which  were  handed  him  while  sitting  in 
Court,  and  with  which,  he  immediately  left  the  Court 
House,  and  walked  to  his  own  house.  These  dispatches 
it  was  afterwards  reported,  contained  instructions  to  him, 
to  use  his  influence  with  the  Indians,  in  behalf  of  the 
Crown,  in  the  event  of  hostilities. 

Another  version  of  the  tradition  is  that  on  the  day  in 
question,  he  had  received  dispatches  from  Boston,  the 
complexion  of  which  in  his  own  mind,  indicated,  that  a 
civil  war  was  near  and  inevitable.  In  such  an  event,  he 
saw  that  he  must  either  prove  recreant  to  liis  principles, 
or  take  part  against  the  Crown  ;  and  to  avoid  either  al- 
ternative, it  has  been  extensively  believed  that  he  put  an 
4  end  to  his  own  lite.  But  there  is  no  just  ground  for  this 
uncharitable  conclusion.  It  is  true,  he  had  on  the  eve- 
ning of  the  24th,  received  dispatches  from  Massachusetts, 
the  tenor  of  which,  by  excitement  may  have  hastened 
the  malady,  to  which  his  system  was  predisposed.  It  was 
a  busy  day  at  Johnstown  ;  the  Circuit  Court  was  in  ses- 
sion, at  which  however.  Sir  William  was  not  present,  be- 
ing engaged  in  holding  a  treaty  with  some  of  the  Six  Na- 
tions.   In  the  course  of  bis  speech  to  the  Indians  on  that 


I    ^    f 

•1^ 


rP:^ 


?"■ 

! 
J' 

i 

\m 


1    t^-* 


1 1 


20« 


HISTORY  OF  UUFTALO. 


occasion,  he  alliuleil  to  the  dispatches  lie  had  received, 
and  stated  to  them,  that  troubles  were  browing  between 
the  Americans  and  their  King,  advising  them  not  to 
abandon  the  cause  of  the  latter,  who  had  always  been  be- 
nevolent, and  kind  to  them.  "  "Whatever  may  hap])en,'" 
saiil  the  Baronet,  "  you  must  not  be  shaken  out  of  your 
shoes.'" 

In  the  afternoon  of  that  day  he  was  taken  with  a  fit ; 
Col.  Johnson  his  son,  was  absent  at  the  old  Fort,  distant 
nine  miles  ;  an  express  was  sent  for  him.  and  mounting 
a  fleet  English  blood  horse,  he  rode  for  the  Hall,  in  all 
possible  haste  ;  his  horse  fell  dead  when  within  three 
(Quarters  of  a  mile  of  the  house,  having  run  upwards  of 
eight  miles  in  fifteen  minutes.  The  Colonel  hired  the 
horse  of  some  one  standing  by,  and  pushed  forward  to 
the  Hall  ;  on  entering  the  room,  he  found  his  father  in 
the  arms  of  a  faithful  domestic,  who  attended  upon  his 
person.  He  spoke  to  liis  parent,  but  received  no  answer, 
and  in  a  few  minutes  afterward  the  l^aronet  expired,  of 
apoplexy,  beyond  a  doubt.  This  was  early  in  the  eve- 
ning, while  the  Judges  of  the  Court  were  at  supper  in  the 
village,  one  mile  distant.  A  young  Mohawk  Indian  en- 
tered their  apartment,  and  announced  the  event. 

The  history  of  the  private  life  of  Sir  William  Johnson 
remains  somewhat  in  obscurity.  It  has  been  said  that 
his  wife  who  bore  the  title  of  Lady  Johnson,  was  a  Ger- 
man Emigrant,  who  with  her  family  were  sold  for  their 
passage,  (as  was  custonuiry  then,  in  alltlie  colonies,)  she 
was  purchased  by  Sir  William,  and  became  his  lawful 
wife,  else  his  son  by  her  could  not  have  inherited  his 
father's  title  and  estate,  wliich  it  is  admitted  he  did.  Af- 
ter the  death  of  Lady  Johnson,  Miss  Molly  Erant  (as  she 


t*l3j;i 


•MOLLY    HUANT, 


207 


\vu8  callud)  W118  received  into  his  family,  ns  lias  been  al- 
ready stated.    She  seems  to  have  home  herself  with  pro- 
])ri8ty,  and  it  is  said  was  greatly  Ijeloved   and   respected 
during  the  life  of  Sir   William,  for   her   many   amiable 
(qualities.      She   was  undoubtedly  a  woman  of  superior 
abilities,  as  she  seems  to  have  exerted  a  wide   inlluenco, 
particularly  over  her  own  people,  which  was  of  great  ser- 
vice to  Sir  William,      ifo   must   have   lunl   seven   half- 
breed  children  ;  three  sons  and  four  daughters,  as   it  ap- 
l)ears  from  the  public  records  that  he  partitioned  the  tract 
of  land  called  "  the  Royal  grant,"  equally  among  them. 
The  rebellion  which  broke  out  in  Boston,  soon  began 
to  show  itself  in  the  valley  of  the  Mohawk.     The  cele- 
brated  "Boston  Port  Biir'  had  gone  into  operation  only 
a  month  before  Sir  William  Johnson's  death  ;  very  soon 
after,  a  public  meeting  was  held  in  the  Palatine  District, 
at  which  strong  resolutions  were  passed,  seconding  the 
proposition  for  a  general  Congress,  for  mutual  consulta- 
tion in  regard  to  the  existing  state  of  political  afftvirs  in 
all  the  colonies. 

The  Congress  met  in  Sei)tember,  1774,  and  adopted  a 
declaration  of  rights,  and  agreed  upon  an  address  to  the 
King.  The  papers  put  forth  by  that  assembly,  were  char- 
acterised by  marked  ability,  and  had  a  powerful  effect 
upon  the  public  mind.  The  Provincial  Assembly  of 
N"ew  York,  was  the  only  legislature  in  the  colonies  that 
withheld  its  approbation  from  the  proceedings  of  the  con- 
gress. The  Johnsons,  and  their  adherents  in  the  valley 
of  the  Mohawk,  were  particularly  active  in  counteracting 
the  revolutionary  spirit,  which  began  to  manifest  itself. 
At  this  juncture,  the  influential  loyalists  of  Tryon  county, 
made  a  demonstration  against  the  proceedings  of  the  con- 


m 


\l 


mid 


!' 


I, 


1; 


208 


III8T0UY   OF    lUICKALO, 


i^ress  of  the  prcccdiiiij;  uutiiinn.  A  declaration  in  oppo- 
sition to  those  proceeding's,  probably  drawn  up  by  the 
Johnsons,  received  the  nignature  ol"  a  majority  of  the 
grand  jurors,  and  a  ;j;rcat  portion  of  tlio  magistrates  of 
the  county.  Tins  created  great  cxcitemont  among  the 
whigs,  who  were  in  attendance  at  the  court  in  Johnstown, 
and  led  to  public  meetings,  and  the  ai»i)ointment  of  com- 
mittees, in  almost  every  district  of  the  county.  One  of 
these  meetiiiffs  was  intorruoted  bv  the  Johnsons,  Col. 
Clans,  Col.  John  Butler,  and  a  large  number  of  their  re- 
tainers, armed  with  swords  and  pistols,  (ruy  Johnson 
inounted  a  high  stoop,  and  harangued  the  people  at  length, 
and  with  great  vehemence  ;  at  length,  becoming  so  abu- 
sive that  ho  was  interrupted  in  liis  speech,  by  a  whig  of 
the  name  of  Sainmons,  who  pronounced  him  a  liar.  John- 
son seized  Sammons  by  the  throat,  a  scutHe  ensued,  in 
which  others  became  engaged,  and  clubs,  whips,  swords, 
and  pistols  were  used,  but  no  one  seriously  hurt. 

This  proceeding  on  the  part  of  the  Johnsons,  greatly 
exasperated  the  whigs  of  Try  on  county,  and  a  meeting 
was  held  at  Cherry  Valley,  and  strong  counter  declara- 
tions were  passed,  condemning  the  proceedings  of  the 
loyalists  at  Johnstown,  and  approving  in  the  most  une. 
quivocal  terms,  of  the  proceedings  of  the  congress. 

Strong  suspicions  began  to  be  entertained  that  the  John- 
sons, Bntlers,  (father  and  son,)  and  Col.  Clans,  were  en- 
deavoring to  alienate  the  Indians  from  the  colonists,  and 
prepare  their  minds  in  the  event  of  open  hostilities,  to 
take  up  the  hatchet  against  them.  This  led  to  the  neces- 
sity, on  the  part  of  the  colonists,  to  use  corresponding 
measures  to  counteract  these  influences,  and  cultivate  a 
friendly  interest  among  the  Indians  of  the  Six  Nations ;  or 


IJKV.    Mr.    KtltKLANns'   LKTTEW.  200 

at  least  to  Hocuro  thoir  nontmlity.     To  this  end  a  corres- 
pondcnco  WU8  oponod  with   then  throu^d,  the  Kev.  Mr 
Iv.rkhi.Kl,  H  Missionary  an.onj,.  them,  by  the  ,,rovinoial 
oon^^ross  ot  Mnnsachusetts.    An  add.esB  was  forwarded  to 
10  Six  Nations,  to  bo  presented  to  the  Chief  Sachem  of 
.0  MohawI<s,  a.Hl  by  him  con.municated  to  all  the  re«t  of 
the  fe.x  Nations.     The  congress  was  not  n.istaken  in   ml- 
*Irossmgthei>atriotisnw.f  Mr.   Kirkhvnd,  who,  althouHi 
one  of  the  most  amial,le,  and   spiritnal   min.led  of  n.cm 
liad,  It  wouhl  seem,  already  incnrre.l  the  displeasure  or 
at  east   excite.)  the  suspicion  of  Col.  Johnson;  as'the 
i;    'Win,,  letter,  which  he  wrote  ''to  the  conunittee  of 
Albany,"  will  disclose: 

"  ^''«»"''.V  Vallov,  .Ian.  i),  1775. 

I  a.n  much  embarrassed  at  present.     You  have  doubt- 
less heard  that  Col.  Johnson  has  orders  from  i,^overnment 
to  remove  the  dissenting  missionaries  from  the  Six  Na- 
tions, till  the  diflicUties  between  Great  Britain  and  the 
colonies  are  settled.     In  consequence  of  which,  he  has 
iorb.dden  my  return  to  my  people  at  Oneida.     lie  has 
since  given  encouragement  that  I  may  re-visit  them  after 
the  congress  is  closed,  but  to  be  plain,  I  have  no  depend- 
ence at  all  on  his  promises  of  this  kind.     Jle  ai)pcars  ini- 
reasonably  jealous  of  me,  and  hasforbidd.M  my  si)eakin.. 
H  word  to  the  Indians,  and  threatened  me  with  confine"^ 
ment,  If  I  transgress.     All  he  has  against  me,  I  suppose 
to  be,  a  suspicion  that  I  hnve  interpreted,  to  the  Indians 
the  domgs  of  the  continental  congress,  which  has  unde- 
ceived them,  and  too  much  opened  their  eyes,  for  Col 
Johnson's  i)urpose.    I  confess  to  you,  gentlemen,  that  I 
liave  been  guilty  of  this,  if  it  be  a  transgression. 
U 


M 


m 


M-^i 


li 


Jl 


llii 


210 


HISTOKY  OF  BUFFALO. 


<iv.  The  Indians  found  out  that  I  had  received  the  abstracts 
of  said  congress,  and  insisted  upon  knowing  the  contents. 
I  could  not  deny  them,  notwithstanding  my  cloth,  thougli 
ill  all  other  respects  X  have  been  extremely  cautious  not 
to  meddle  in  matters  of  a  political  nature.  I  apprehend 
that  my  interpreting  the  doings  of  the  congress  to  a  num- 
ber of  their  Sachems,  has  done  more  real  good  to  the 
cause  of  the  country,  or  to  the  cause  of  truth  and  justice, 
than,  five  hundred  pounds  in  presents  would  have  ef- 
-focted." 

Mr.  Kirkland  undoubtedly  spoke  the  honest  truth  in 
this  letter.  His  influence,  particularly  among  the  Onei- 
das,  was  great,  and  deservedly  so.  "  Had  he  (says  Col- 
Stone,)  undertaken  the  task,  ho  might,  beyond  all  doubt, 
and  easily,  have  persuaded  the  Indians  to  espouse  the 
■cause  of  the  Colonies.  But  iio  did  no  such  thing ;  or  at 
least  he  avoided  the  exertion  of  his  influence  any  further 
than  to  persuade  them  to  the  adoption  of  a  mutual  course 
of  policy.  This  determination  was  an  act  of  their  own 
volition,  after  listening  to  the  interjiretation  of  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  Congress." 

The  following  notice  of  this  eminent  man  is  from  a 
note  by  the  editor  of  the  Colonial  Documentary  History. 
A  copy  of  his  manuscript  journal,  of  his  first  visit  to  the 
Senecas  in  1764-5,  has  been  preserved,  and  is  deposited 
with  the  Buft'alo  Historical  Society,  and  exhibits  a  degree 
of  self-sacrificing  devotion  to  the  work  he  had  underta- 
ken, very  rare  in  one  so  young,  and  which  his  whole  life 
was  a  most  striking  illustration.  This  journal  is  inter- 
esting on  several  accounts,  and  serves  not  only  to  exhibit 
the  character  of  the  missionary,  but  it  also  exhibits  the 
Indian  character,  and  the  social  and  political  condition 
Q^  the  Senecas,  at  the  time  he  first  visited  them. 


Ir 


KEV.    SAMUEL   KIRKLAND. 


211 


''Rev.  Samuel  Kirkland,  a  distinguished  missionary 
among  tlie  New  York  Indians,  was  born  at  Norwich, 
Connecticut,  in  1742;  was  sent  to  the  Mohawk  Indians 
to  learn  their  language.    Ho  entered  Princeton  College 
in  1762.    In  1764  he  returned  to  tiie  Mohawk  country  U. 
teach  school,  and  perfect  himself  in  tliat  language,  and 
received  his  collegiate  degree  in  1 765.     lie  M-as  employed  . 
among  the  Senecas  in  1765  and  1766.     On  the  19th  of 
June  of  the  latter  year,  he  was  ordained  at  Lebanon,  as  a 
missionary  to  the  Indians,  and  in  July  following,  took  up 
his  residence  at  Oneida  castle.     He  continued"  to  labor 
among  that  tribe  for  forty  years.    During  the  revolution- 
ary war,  he  was  in  the  pay  of  the  United  States,  and  in 
1779,  was  brigade  chaplain  in  Gen.  Sullivan's  campaign 
against  the  Indians   of  western  New  York.     After  the 
peace,  he  remained  among  the  Oneidas,  and  in  1788,  as- 
sisted at  the  great  Indian  council  for  the  extinction  of 
their  title  to  the  Genesee  country.    So  sensible  was  the 
State  government  of  the  value  of  his  services,  that  in  the 
year  1789,  it  granted  him  a  tract  of  land  two  miles  square, 
in  the  present  town  of  Kirkland,  whither  he  immediately 
removed.    In   1792,   he  made   a  liberal  endowment  of 
land,  for  the  purpose  of  founding  a  school,  which  was 
originally  called  the  'Hamilton  Oneida  Academy,'  and 
has  since  been  incorporated  under  the  name  of  '  Hamil- 
ton College.'     After  a  life  of  much  public  usefulness,  he 
died  on  the  38th  of  February,  1808.     His  remains  were 
carried  to  the  church,  in  Clinton,  Oneida  county,  and  in- 
terred near  his  house.     A  noble  man,  the  friend  of  his 
race,  both  red  and  white ;  a  long  line  of  good  deeds  pro- 
claim his  zeal  and  liberality,  in  promoting  the  interests 
of  religion  and  learning." 


f :  )• ' 


s. 


,f'i;n  I'-'' 


•1  ■;      )i 


■  ,'f*'y 


■    il'M 


212  HISTORY  OF  BUFFALO. 

1764.      JOURNAL  OF  REV.  8AMUEI.  KIRKLANI>. 

Nov.  16th.  Arrived  at  Johnson  Hall ;  kindly  and  po- 
litely received  by  Sir  William,  who  expressed  his  appro- 
bation of  my  design,  and  wished  me  siiccess  ;  when  I  re- 
turned from  Onohaghkwage,  would  have  me  come  to  his 
house  and  make  it  my  home,  till  I  proceeded  to  the 
westward. 

2-ith.  Set  out  from  Johnson  Hall,  accompanied  by 
Joseph  Woolley,  wiiom  1  was  to  introduce  to  Onohaghk- 
wage,  in  the  capacity  of  a  school  master,  to  instruct  their 
children,  and  learn  their  language.  The  second  night, 
lodged  at  Cherry  Yalley ;  treated  very  kindly  by  Capt. 
Wells.  The  next  day  engaged  Col.  Harper,  who, had 
considerable  knowledge  (as  I  was  informed,)  of  the  Indi- 
an language,  to  go  with  me  as  a  pilot  and  interpreter. 

27th.  Reached  a  small  village  a  few  miles  on  this  side 
Onohaghkwage,  the  residence  of  Good  Peter,  (commonly 
so  called  from  his  religious  character  ;)  were  obliged  to 
wait  for  nearly  an  hour  on  the  banks  of  the  river,  and 
late  in  the  evening,  before  we  could  make  the  Indians 
hear  and  come  with  a  canoe  to  carry  ns  over  the  river. 

28th.  My  arrival  was  welcomed  by  Good  Peter,  with 
great  cordiality,  and  they  were  glad  I  had  brough.t  a  per- 
son to  teach  their  children,  and  learn  their  language,  ac- 
(piiring  the  knowledge  of  which,  would  render  him  of 
great  service  to  their  nation,  and  they  would  adopt  him 
into  their  tribe.  They  promised  to  take  the  best  care  of 
him  they  could.  Joseph  Woolley  expressed  his  thank- 
to  them.  Good  Peter  then  made  some  remarks  upon  my 
mission  to  the  Senecas.  He  apprehended  it  was  too  soon^ 
that  their  minds  were  not  yet  calmed  after  the  tunmlt? 


kikkland's  jouknal. 


218 


and  troubles  of  the  late  war.    However,  Le  knew  some 
very  influential  characters  among  them,  who  were  great 
friends  to  Sir  William,  and  had  always  been  friendly  to 
the  Americans.     He  then  mentioned  the  names  of  a  num- 
ber,^and  further  observed  that  notwithstanding  there  were 
some  friendly  Indians  among  them,  he  considered  it  a 
very  bold,  if  not  a  hazardous  enterprise,  but  if  my  heart 
was  bent  upon  it,  God  was  Almighty,  and  everywhere 
present ;  he  could  preserve  me  there  as  well  as  anywhere 
else,  and  from  his  very  heart  he  wished  God  the  Father, 
and  his  son  Jesus  Christ,  to  be  with  me  and  protect  me', 
as  I  was  professedly  going  to  piiblish  the  good  news  of  His 
gospel.     We  tarried  here  one  day  to  rest  and   refresh 
ourselves,   and   the   next  morning   took  an  affectionate 
leave.    Poor  Joseph  WooUey  could  not  refrai  ti  shedding  a 
tear  at  my  departure  ;  1  tried  to  console  him,  so  also  did 
Good  Peter.    Eeturned  to  Sir  William  Johnson's,  afler 
stopping  a  short  time  at  Cherry  Yalley,  and  making  some 
consideration  to  my  pilot  and  interpreter,  who  had  been 
very  kind  to  me.     I  tarried  at  Sir  AVilliani  Johnson's  until 
the  iTth  of  January,  1765,  for  want  of  convoy.    There 
was  a  Seneca  Indian,  for  part  of  the  time,  at  Sir  AVill- 
iani's,  but  he  did  not  choose  to  venture  me  with  him  alone 
I  occasionally  visited  a  Mr.  Wemple,  at  Caghwage,  (about 
live   miles   from  Johnson   Hall,  as  he  had  considerable 
knowledge  of  the  Seneca  language,  though  ratlier  a  bad 
pronunciation.    I  found  I  could  pick  up  a'little  from  him, 
and  I  wished  to  improve  every  opportunity  to  progress 
in  the  Seneca  language.     At  length  arrived  a  company 
of  Senecas,  two  of  which  were  distinguished  for  their  hu- 
manity, and  obliging  dispositions.    Sir  William  told  me 
he  would  trust  me  in  the  care  of  these  two  Indians,  and 


n 


i  ! 


214 


HISTORY    OK   BUFFALO. 


in  a  lew  days  he  would  make  the  necessary  preparations, 
if  I  chose  It,  and  would  venture  to  set  out  in  such  severe 
weather,  witii  such  a  body  of  snow  upon  the  ground.  1 
returned  my  thanks  to  liiin,  for  his  extraordinary  atten- 
tions to  me,  and  told  him  I  chose  to  imdertake  the  jour- 
ney at  all  hazards,  as  I  trusted  I  was  in  a  good  cause, 
and  hoped  I  was  sincere  in  imdertaking  it.  He  advised 
me  at  the  same  time,  to  cultivate  an  acquaintance  with 
these  two  Indians,  whom  1)8  had  chosen  for  my  convoy. 

I  derived  great  advantage,  both  for  my  journey 
and  mission,  while  at  Johnson  Hall,  from  the  descrii^tion 
Sir  William  gave  me  of  their  situation,  their  manners 
and  customs,  their  orderly  and  decent  behavior  in  their 
public  councils,  and  the  general  character  of  almost  every 
chief  man  in  the  Six  Nations  ;  their  talents,  and  prevail- 
ing dispositions.  He  gave  me  a  very  good  accoimt  of 
Sagwayeangwlaghton,  with  whom  he  expected  1  should 
take  U])  my  residence  ;  also,  the  venerable  old  chief  of 
Onondaga,  called  by  the  white  people  "  Bimt,"  in  Indian 
Tfeinryoyota,  i.  e.  the  sinew.  Sir  "William  considered  him 
as  one  of  the  first  sachems  in  the  Six  Nations,  for  good 
sense,  humanity,  and  integrity  ;  and  he  had  a  grave  and 
dignified  appearance  ;  a  very  large  and  well  bidlt  man, 
inclining  to  be  very  gross,  and  corpulent.  He  was  treated 
with  very  great  respect,  and  veneration,  by  all  the  Five 
Nations,  a  few  Senecas  excejited.  Sir  William  likewise 
told  mo  that  if  I  was  cordially  received  by  the  Senecas,  I 
should,  in  a  week  or  two,  be  adopted  into  some  one  of 
their  principal  families,  and  that  I  must  pay  particular 
attention  to  my  new  relations,  and  it  Avould  give  me  the 
liberty  of  applying  to  them  for  anything  I  wanted.  Prob- 
ably I  might  receive  this  adoption  into  the  head  sachem's- 


kirkland's  journal. 


215 


family.  It  is  usually  i)erfonned  with  some  ceremony,  a 
short  speech  made  on  the  occasion.  lie  further  advises 
me  not  to  ridicule  any  of  the  traditions  of  their  fathers, 
till  I  was  master  of  their  language,  and  then  I  might  take 
them  up  gently  and  on  mitional  grounds. 

Jan'y  16.     He  called   these  two  Indians   into  the  sit- 
ting room,  and  delivered  to  them  a  speech,  of  consider- 
able length  ;  and  then  handed  them  a  large  belt  of  wam- 
pum, in  confirmation  of  what  he  had   spoken  on  the  oc- 
casion, and  told  them  to  deliver  it  to  the  Seneca  chiefs  in 
full  council,   and  the   purport  of  his  speech   which   they 
had  heard  from  his  own  mouth.      They  rei)lied  that  he 
might  keep  his   mind   quiet,   they   should  bo  faithful  to 
their  trust,  and  they  believed  he  never  knew  them  other- 
wise, although  there  are  many  bad  Indians  in  their  na- 
tion ;  and  if  any  evil  should  befall  thislyonng  white  broth- 
er by  the  way,  they   would   share   with  him,  or  both  fall 
by  his  side.     But  they  apprehended  no  danger  from  any 
quarter.      He  then   told   them  that  he  had  made  up  a 
small  bundle  for  each  of  them,  and  with  such  articles  of 
clothing  as  they  would  find  very  comfortable  at  this  cold 
season.    He  also  told  them,  that  1  was   very   anxious  to 
see  their  country,  and  learn  their  language,  and  by  and 
by  be  able  tell  to  them  some  good  news.  They  must  have- 
their  packs  ready  to  swing  up  in  the  n^orninrr. 

Sir  William  then  gave  me  just  a  sketch  of  what  he  had 
comnnmicated  to  them,  and  said  it  was  unnecessary  to. 
give  a  minute  detail,  as  he  had  some  days  ago  given  me 
the  purport  of  what  liis  address  to  the  Seneca  chiefs  would 
be,  and  he  was  very  much  hurried  in  answering  some 
letters  of  importance  lately  come  to  hand,  and  'that  he 
would  have  as  much  bean  bread  and  hard   buiscuit,  pnl. 


'  't  •   ' 


I'  :  ii 


1. 


-i  ([' 


216 


HISTOUy   OF   BUFFALO. 


Up,  as  I  tlioiight  1  could  carry,  my  convoy  would  not  car- 
ry much  for  me,  as  he  had  loaded  them  pretty  well  him- 
self, but  lie  should  tell  them  if  any  store  failed  before  our 
arrival,  I  must  share  with  them. 

Jan'y  17.     This  morning  after  breakl'ast,  took  (juito  au 
•.*  -tl-jnate  leave  of  Sir  William,  and  set  out  for  the  Sen- 
ountry.     The  snow  was  very   deep,  and  dry,  sup- 
posed to  be  lour  feet.     After  we  had  passed  the  German 
Flatts,  was  obliged  to  put  on  my  snow  shoes.      I  carried 
my  \)[\ek  of  provisions,   with  a  few   articles  of  clothina', 
and  a  few  books,  the  whole  not  weighing  more  than  forty 
|)ounds.      My  convoy   was  so  kind  as  to  carry   my   two 
blankets.     Tiio  first  night,  we  lodged  in  a  log  hut  on  the 
north  .<ide  of  the  Mohawk  river.     The  next  night,  we  en- 
camped in  the  woods,  about  twenty  miles  from   Oneida. 
My  convoy  unslung  their  packs,  and  were  very  active  in 
making  the   necessary   preparations    for   a  comfortable 
night's  repose.    One  of  them  went  with  his   little  axe  to 
cutting  wood  for  a  fire,   the   other   shoveline:   awav  the 
snow,  and  then   gathering  an   armful  of  boughs  of  hem- 
lock for  my  bed.     I  was  forbid  to  do  anything  but  set  on 
a  log  that  was  near  by,  and  rest  myself.      He  went  now 
to  the  assistance  of  his  comrade  in  packing  wood  ;  after 
the  fire  was  kindled,  he  ran  and  brought  another  armfull 
of  hemlock  boughs. 

By  half  an  hour  after  sunset,  we  had  a  fine  fiiv,  which 
soon  dried  and  warmed  the  hemlock  boughs,  tli^^ir  aro- 
matic flavor  seemed  to  perfunie  the  air,  and  made  it  ex- 
ceedingly agreeable,  and  pleasant.  The  one  who  went 
to  cut  fire  wood  and  back  (it)  to  the  hut,  came  in  tlie  last 
time  all  of  a  dripping  sweat.  By  this  time,  we  were  well 
pleased  to  relish  a  good  supper.     After  they  had   rested 


kirkland's  journal. 


217 


and  smoked  a  pipe,  I  told  them  I  would  take   somcthinr; 
out  ot  my  pack  for  suj^per,   excepting  bread,  and   asked 
one  of  them  to  take  his  small  kettle,  wash  it  out  clean  at 
the  brook,  and  bring  it  back  full  of  water.      A  wooden 
trammel  was  made  and  two   crotches   were  put  up  in  a 
short  time.     I  then  took  a  ham  out  of  my   pack,  (to  tell 
the  honest  truth  1  wish  to  have  it  lightened)  and   cut   off 
a  number  of  slices  which  I  wished  to  have  broiled.  They 
soon  cut  some  sticks  about  two  and  a  half  feet  long,  sharp- 
ened one  end,  and  split  tlie  other,  part  of  the  way  down  ; 
they  put  two  or  three  slices  of  the  ham  into  one  of  these 
sticks,  and  tied  the  top  with  a  strip  of  bark,  to  prevent 
their  falling  out,  then  stuck  the   sharpened   end  into  the 
ground,  the  top  lean-'ag  towards  the  lire,  a  bark  put  under 
to  catch  the  drippings.      These   were  new  scenes  to  me, 
but  highly  gratifying.      I  again  opened   my   pack,   and 
took  out  a  large  drinking  of  tea,  which  I  procured  last. 
I  could  not  immediately  get  weaned  from  it.    The  kettle 
boiled,  and  I  flung  in  the  tea,  and   gave  it  a  handsome 
boiling.    The  ham  by  this  time  was   done  ;  my  convoy 
provided  bread.    The  ham  (was)   put  upon  clean  bark, 
took  the  tea  kettle  off ;  1  asked   for  wooden   spoons  ;  we 
sat  round  our  disii  and  ate  like   brethren ;  and  a  better 
supper  I  have  seldom  made.      Could  I  have   conversed 
freclj  with  them,  wo  should  have  had  a  sociable  evenina'. 
One  ot  my  convoy  was  a  sensible  man,  very  conversible, 
and  of  a  good  disposition. 

The  next  day  we  reached  Kruonwalohule,  the  princi- 
pal town  of  the  Oneidas.  There  we  lodged,  and  were 
kindly  entertained.  After  being  made  acquainted  with 
my  mission,  they  expressed  some  concern  for  me,  and 
proposed  my  tarrying  with  them  till  the  spring,  or  for  a 


M 


I  ; 


i 


218 


IIISTOKY    OF   HUFFALO. 


year,  and  then  visit  tlie  Senecas.     I  tlianked  them,  hut 
told  them  that  I  could  not  relinquish  my  design,  tillpr-iv- 
idence  stopped  up  my  path,  or  hedged  up  my  way.    We 
proceeded  on  our  journey  next  morning,  and  it  took  us 
two  days  pretty  diligent  and  smart  traveling  on  snow 
shoes,  to  reach  Onondaga,  some  time   in  the  evenin<r. 
Several  of  their  sachems  were  convened  at  the  great  coun- 
cil house,  which  was  nearly  eighty  feet  long,  and  con- 
tained four  fires.     They  proposed  ray  going  to  rest,  as  I 
appeared  to  them  to  be  much  fatigued,  and  observed  to 
me,'that  it  was  not  their  custom  to  receive  a  message  of 
peace  in  the  darkness  of  the  night,  but  in  the  light  of  day. 
To-morrow  morning  (said  they,)  we  will  assemble,  and 
hear  what  you  have  to  say.    I  acknowledged  I  was  pretty 
much  fatigued  with  the  last  two  days  march,  my  ankles 
were  swelled,  not  being  much  accustomed  to  travel  on 
snow  shoes.     My  convoy   were  very   kind  to  help  me 
along,  by  going  before,  and  making  a  track  for  mo.    TIms 
was  of  considerable  relief  to  me  ;  but  if  I  made  a  misstep 
or  blundcr-d  over  a  log  and  fell,  three  or  four  rods  in  the 
rear,  they  \s     '1  look  back  and  stop  till  1  came  up.    I 
commonly  ke],        ithin  two  yards  of  the  hindmost.    I 
presently  observec.      -'t  the  second,  took  the  place  of  the 
first,  every  three  or  l.        ailes.    I  offered  to  take  my  turn. 
"  No,  no,"  said  they,   '•        are  to  make  a  path  for  you, 
and  not  you  to  make  a  pati,    or  us.   Sir  William  Johnson 
would  be  very  angry  if  he  knew  we  let  you  do  so." 

The  next  morning  about  ten  o'clock,  they  assembled  in 
crowds  at  this  great  council  house,  the  mansion  of  their 
chief  sachem.  When  they  were  all  seated,  and  their  pipes 
lighted,  the  chief  sachem  made  declaration,  with  an  audi- 
ble voice,  that  they  were  ready  to  hear  whatever  message 


.M 


Mi 


X    I! 


11 


KIKKLANl)  W   .IOUKNAX-. 


21U 


and 


1  had  to  deliver.  Sir  William  had  directed  tlie  one  who 
liad  charge  of  the  belt,  to  coininunicate  his  speech,  or 
message,  to  the  Senecas,  at  Onoiulaga,  as  they  wera  the 
central  council  fire,  of  all  the  Six  Nations,  and  it  was  a 
piece  of  respect,  tho.y  claimed  as  due  to  them,  from  time 
immemorial.  With  this  he  introduced  the  subject  of  his 
message.  One  of  my  convoy  arose,  taking  the  belt  of 
wampum  in  his  left  band,  that  his  right  hand  might  be 
at  liberty  for  action,  when  necessary  to  give  emphasis. 
He  delivered  the  purport  of  Sir  William's  speech,  with  a 
good  grace,  and  by  additions,  and  explanations,  spoke 
nearly  three  quarters  of  an  hour.  At  the  end  of  every 
sentence,  they  exjiress  their  assent,  if  pleasing  to  them, 
by  crying  out  one  after  another,  or  twenty,  all  at  once, 
at-hoetogus-ke,  (nat-hootogus-keh,)  i.  e.,  it  is  so,  very  true. 
When  my  convoy  had  finished  his  address,  the  venerable 
old  chief  replied,  and  spoke  like  a  Demonsthenes,  for 
more  than  half  an  hour.  But  I  lost  all  the  good  of  it,  for 
want  of  an  interpreter.  I  found  one  who  understood  the 
Onondaga  language  pretty  well,  but  spoke  English  very 
poorly.  So  soon  as  the  speech  making  was  over,  this 
venera])le  old  chief  rose  and  was  coming  towards  me.  I 
instantly  rose  and  met  him  half  way.  lie  took  me  by 
the  hand,  and  embraced  me,  kissed  one  cheek,  and  then 
the  other.  1  supposed  I  must  return  the  compliment;  I 
accordingly  kissed  his  red  cheeks,  not  disgusted  at  all 
with  the  remains  of  the  paint,  and  grease,  with  which 
they  had  lately  been  besmeared,  lie  gave  me  many 
blessings,  while  he  held  me  by  the  hand.  Then  carao 
one  after  another,  to  shake  liands  with  me,  perhaps  nearly 
one  hundred.  The  board  of  sachems  all  gave  me  their 
benediction,  in  different  Avays  ;  or  the  modes  of  cxpress- 


N, 


1^ 


■!     : 


]-U>i 


i  n 


320 


UI»TOKY    OV  UUFFALO. 


ion  vivricil,  by  almost  every  one.  The  young  men  said 
little,  only  gave  mo  their  hands ;  Rome  of  the  chietk  con- 
gratulated me  also. 

Alter  the  council  had  broke  up,  1  found  1  couhl  get  a 
great  deal  more  out  of  him  avIio  spoke  poor  English,  in 
the  way  of  familiar  conversation,  lie  tried  to  give  me 
some  account  of  the  old  chief's  re])ly,  to  the  Seneca  who 
])rodnccd  the  belt  of  wampum  Irom  Sir  "William,  but  it 
was  delivered  in  such  high  language,  he  could  not  him- 
self understand  it  all.  He  tjiought  it  was  the  most  cx- 
traordimiry  speech  he  ever  heai'd. 

In  the  afternoon  we  took  leave,  and  proceeded  on  our 
journey  ;  encamped  about  eight  miks  beyond  the  town. 
We  rose  early  and  took  some  refreshment,  (but  it  was  not 
equal  to  our  su})i)er  the  iirst  night  we  encamped  in  the 
woods,)  and  the  next  night  we  encamped  near  the  outlet 
of  the  Nascon  lake,  a  very  severe  days'  march. 

We  then  went  on  as  we  could  hold  it,  my  fellow  travel- 
ers or  convoy,  were  very  kind  and  attentive  to  me,  and 
would  have  me  \valk  fast  or  slow,  and  rise  early,  and  en- 
camp early,  just  as  I  pleased.  The  next  night  after  we 
had  encamped,  and  1  had  jmllcd  oft*  my  Indian  leggins, 
or  stockings,  one  of  them  observed  that  my  ankles  were 
very  much  swelled,  ile  said  I  must  go  with  him  to  a 
small  run  of  water,  just  at  hand,  and  he  would  bathe  and 
rub  them,  and  if  they  were  not  better  by  the  next  night, 
he  should  scarify  them.  This,  said  he,  is  our  Indian  prac- 
tice, and  it  always  gives  relief.  The  next  day  we  rose 
early,  took  some  refreshment,  and  proceeded  on  our  jour- 
ney. 1  found  my  ankles  much  moj'o  limber  and  pliable, 
than  they  were  yesterday,  which  I  think  I  must  ascribe 
to  the  bathing. 


!!l^'f!t^ 


KIRKLANbS   JOURNAL. 


221 


Feb'y.  7tli,     Arrived  at  Ivaiuulasegoa,  their  principal 
town,  tliiH  Hido  Genesee.     According  to  Indian  custom, 
wo  Jialted  at  tlio  skirts  of  the  town,  sat  down  upon  a  log, 
to  rest,  and  lighted  our  pipes.     Presentlj,  a  runner  was 
dispatched  from  the  town,  and  came  in  full  speed  to  us, 
and  asked  wlienco  we  came,  and  where  we  were  goin--, 
and  wliat  was  our  desire.     One  of  the  convoy  answered  : 
we  are  only  bound  to  this  place,  and  wish  to  bo  conducted 
to  the  house  of  the  chief  sachem.     lie  then  told  us  to  fol- 
low iiim,  and  we  soon  entered  the  chief  sachem's  house, 
and  were  cordially  received.     The  speaker,  one  of  my 
convoy,  just  informed  the  chief,  that  ho  had  a  message 
from   Sir    William   Johnson,   to   comnumicate   to   their 
chiefs,  so  soon  as  they  could  conveniently  assemble.    JIo 
immediately  replied,  you  must  rest  yourselves,  and  take 
some  refreshments.    To  morrow,  1  will  have  the  sachems 
and  head  warriors,  collected  in  the  council  house,  and  we 
will  hear  what  you  have  to  say.     Possess  your  minds  in 
peace,  this  night ;  1  am  glad  to  see  you.     We  had  a  great 
deal  of  conversation  in  the  evening,  in  respect  to  foreign 
news,,  and  the  state  of  the  colonies.    The  chief  sachem 
inrpiired  if  they  Avcre  all  in  peace.    The  speaker  of  my 
convoy  entertained  the  sachems,  very  agreeably,  for  some 
hours  in  the  evening.     But  I  ])  -etty  soon  lay  down  to  rest 
me,  one  of  my  convoy  brought  mo  my  blankets,  and  the 
sachem's  good  lady  spread  them  on  a  bunk,  one  side  of 
the  room,  and  told  me  I  shoukl  sleep  there,  and  loaned 
me  a  new  blanket  to  keep  ino  warm. 

Feb'y.  8th.  The  Indians  convened  a  little  before  noon, 
when  we  were  invited  to  the  council  house,  and  fortu- 
nately forme,  a  Dutch  trader, who  had  lived  many  years 
among  tlie  Senecas,  had  just  arrived  on  his  way  to  Ki- 


^  'IP 

;ll  i    1 

4 

."n\ 

l 

■    "J 

'1 

•i 

!* 

:t; 


1 1' 


222 


mSTORV   OF   nUKFALO. 


II 


l!l 


agaru,  who  Imil  a  tolerablo  undcrstaiuliiiti;  of  their  Ian- 
guap;e,  especially  for  conMuoii  conversation.  He  k])(iI<c 
English  intelligibly,  though  very  incorrectly.  Sir  William 
.Johnson's  address  to  them  was  delivered.  It  was  received 
with  great  ai)i»lauso,  except  by  a  small  minority,  whom 
I  observed  wore  silent  on  the  occasion,  and  1  did  nut 
quite  like  their  appearance.  The  head  sachem,  Sakay- 
cngwalaghton,  (old  king,)  made  a  very  handsome,  and 
animated  reply.  Thanked  Sir  William  lor  his  introdu- 
cing this  young  white  brother;  thanked  the  minister  from 
Teyorhens,  that  is,  from  the  east,  for  sending  this  younp 
brother  to  teach  them  good  things,  and  thanked  me,  that 
I  had  so  much  love  for  Indians,  as  to  undertake  this  long 
journey,  and  at  such  a  season  of  the  year,  with  an  unu- 
sual depth  of  snow  on  the  ground.  He  saluted  my  con- 
voy, and  thanked  them  for  their  care  of  me,  through  the 
long  and  tedious  journey  ;  then  handed  the  belt  of  wam- 
pum to  the  sachem  who  sat  next  to  him,  and  it  passed 
round  the  whole  circle ;  some  would  strike  it  up  and 
down  with  the  hand,  and  perhaps  make  some  remarks; 
others  would  look  upon  it,  apjiarently  with  the  intenseness 
of  thought,  and  not  o])en  their  lips,  and  then  pass  it  to 
the  next.  This  ceremony  took  up  more  than  twenty 
minutes  by  my  watch,  as  I  was  determined  to  notice  all 
their  movements  on  the  occasion.  I  was  invited  to  con- 
tinue with  the  head  sachem,  until  some  more  convenient 
place  could  be  provided  for  me.  In  the  course  of  a  week, 
while  this  Dutchman  tarried ,  with  me,  I  had  frequent  op- 
portunities of  conversing  with  them,  though  by  a  poor 
interpreter,  and  they  were  continually  visiting  me,  and 
some  of  them  would  ask  me  who  put  it  into  my  mind, 
and  influenced  me  to  leave  my  father's  house,  and  my 


^ti 


kujki-and's  JOL'KNAJ,. 


aaa 


li', 


country,  to  come  ho  innny  hundred  miles,  to  kco  IndiiiiiH. 
and  live  anion^'  them.  1  answered  thoni  in  yeneral,  1 
boliovo  to  tlioir  satistaction. 

Tlio  bcnri lining  of  the  second  week,  after  mv  arrival, 
tho  head  Sachem  (convened  a  number  of  the  ♦chiefs,  and 
requested  me  to  walk  into  tho  council  house,  and  I  soon 
obaorved  that  most  of  his  family  were  present,  and  were 
sitting  by  thcmselvon.  In  a  bliort  time  one  of  their  chiefs, 
who  was  a  good  speaker,  called  lor  their  attention.  JIc' 
had  a  few  words  to  say  to  them. 

"  BuoTMEiw  :— Open  your  ears,  and  your  eyes,  you  see 
here  our  white  brother,  who  has  c.ome  from  a  great  dis- 
tance, and  (is)  recommended  to  us  by  our  great  chief.  Sir 
William  Johnson,  who  has  enjoined  it  upon  us,  to  be 
kind  to  him,  and  nuiko  him  comfortable,  and  protect  him 
to  the  utmost  of  our  power.     He  comes  to  do  us  good. 

"  Brothers :— This  young  brother  of  ours  has  left  his 
father's  house,  his  mother,  and  all  his  relations  ;  wo  must 
now  provide  for  him  a  home.  I  am  appointed  to  make 
this  declaration  to  you,  that  our  head  Sachem  adopts  him 
into  his  family.  He  will  bo  a  father  to  him  and  hio  wife, 
a  mother,  and  his  sons  and  daughter,  his  brothers  and 
sisters,  and  conduct  towards  him  agreeable  to  that  rela- 
tion." 

I  then  rose  and  took  the  head  Sachem  by  the  hand, 
and  thanked  him,  and  said,  I  wished  the  Great  Spirit 
would  make  me  a  blessing  to  his  family.  I  then  shook 
hands  with  his  wife  and  children,  and  with  the  whole 
who  were  convened  on  the  occasion,  both  chiefs  and  head 
warriors,  and  some  of  the  head  women  were  present.  A 
smile  of  cheerfulness  sat  on  every  countenance,  and  I 
could  not  refrain  from  dropping  a  tear  of  joy  and  grati- 


**i 


I  ,'^ 


i  M 


im 


iii 


mi 


224 


HISTOKY  OF  BUFFALO. 


tude,  for  the  kind  providence,  which  had  protected  nio 
through  my  long  journey ;  brought  me  to  the  pLace  of 
my  desire,  and  given  nie  so  kind  a  reception,  among 
these  poor  savage  Indians.  After  some  days,  my  newly 
adopted  father,  Sakayencjwalaghton,  took  mo  to  a  small 
council,  consisting  of  his  chief  men,  (and)  a  few  warriors. 
They  informed  mo  that  Sir  William  Johnson  liad  given 
them  a  strict  charge  to  treat  me  kindly,  and  to  provide 
the  best  house  in  the  village  for  my  stated  residence,  and 
make  me  comfortable  as  they  possibly  could,  in  their 
present  circumstances.  We  have  concluded  (said  they,) 
that  neither  the  council  house,  nor  your  father's  house, 
would  be  agreeable,  as  they  are  continually  exposed  to 
company.  Rore  is  a  small  house,  just  at  liand  in  full 
view  oi"  both  the  former,  occupied  by  a  small  family,  the 
man  with  liis  wife,  with  a  niece  of  theirs,  and  tlie  man  is 
one  of  the  best  in  all  the  town.  He  is  what  we  call  a 
good  man,  a  sober,  and  temperate  man,  and  honest;  he 
tells  no  lies ;  he  is  likewise  very  industrious,  always  at 
work,  doing  something,  and  a  man  of  few  words.  We 
have  agreed  with  him  to  take  you  into  his  house.  To- 
morrow you  will  move,  and  change  your  present  unset- 
tled condition,  for  a  stated  residence,  and  (one)  much 
more  convenient. 

I  thanked  them  loartily,  and  most  sincerely ;  and  I 
endeavored  to  tell  them,  in  my  broken  style,  that  I 
always  had  hoped  in  God,  the  Great  Spirit,  that  he  would 
protect  and  preserve  me,  and  if  I  might  do  any  good  to 
the  poor  Senecas,  he  would  give  me  a  kind  reception 
among  them,  and  give  them  a  disposition  to  hear  God's 
Word,  from  the  Holy  Book,  so  soon  as  I  miglit  acquire  a 
knowledge  of  their  language.    That  their  kind  treatment 


i  I: 


kirkland's  journal. 


225 


of  me,  suicc  my  arriva],  far  surpassed  my  expectations, 
liie  next  day  I  moved,  accompanied  by  my  adopted  fa- 
ther ;  found  everything  agreeable.    A  bnnk  was  ready 
made  for  my  lodging  place,  in  one  corner  of  the  room 
and  near  enough  to  the  lire.     Here,  I  applied  myself  dil- 
igently to  learn  their  language,  though  I  had  already  ac- 
quired the  knowledge  of  the  names  of  things,  with  some 
verbs.    By  the  help  of  these  two  words,  tointashchnay- 
ate,  1.  e.,  speak  it  again,  and  otkayason,  i.  e.,  what  do  you 
call  this  ■(  1  daily  progressed.    But  alas  !  how  soon  the 
scene  is  changed,  and  my  bright  prospects  are  beclouded 
and  overspread  with  an  impenetrable  gloom.   The  fourth' 
night  after  I  had  taken  up  my  lodging  with  my  new  land- 
lord, I  was  waked  up  out  of  my  sleep  about  three  o'clock 
m  the  morning,  by  the  noise  of  a  dismal  sobbing.     I  in- 
stantly inquired  in  Indian,  "  what  has  happened  r    She 
(the  wife  of  the  landlord,)  replied,  hawaayou,  i.e..  "  he  is 
dead."    I  went  to  the  bed,  and  felt  of  his  pulse,  but  there 
was  not  the  least  motion,  also  at  the  jugular  vein,  no  sign 
ot  hie,  or  I  would  have  bled  him.     I  asked  if  he  com- 
plained yesterday  of  being  sick.     Oh,  no,  said  she,  never 
sick.     I  tried  to  speak  a  word  of  consolation  to  her,  but  I 
was  so  overwhelmed  by  this  awful  and  sudden  event  I 
could  scarcely  speak  for  a  few  minutes,  and  returned  to 
my  bed-side,  my  thoughts  would  fly  backwards  and  for- 
Avards,  foreboding  evil  to  come.     I  felt  the  need  of  imme- 
diate Divine  aid  and  sn])port ;  my  heart  was  full.     J 
could  not  help  crying  out,  oh  my  God,  and  my  Savior,  1 
have  sinned  times  and  ways  without  number,  vet  I  am 
permitted  by  tliy  word  to  inquire  of  thee  concernino-  thy 
judgments.     What  can  be  thy  design  in  this  dark  and 
mysterious  providence,  by  the  sudden  and  altogethei-  un 
16 


hi 


I  iP 


I- 


226 


HISTOKY   OF   BUFFALO. 


i. 


expected  death  of  the  man  with  whom  I  had  so  lately 
come  to  reside,  for  my  comfort,  and  usefulness.  Thy 
ways  are  a  mighty  deep  !  Thy  judgments  past  finding 
out,  I  cannot  fathom  them.  But  I  know  thou  art  holy, 
and  wise.  Oh  my  God,  dost  thou  not  approve  of  my 
mission.  Ilast  thou  not  prospered,  and  comforted  me 
through  all  my  journey  to  the  place  of  my  desire  ?  and 
can  it  be  that  thou  liast  brought  me  here  to  slay  mo  by 
the  hands  of  savages.  That  my  life  must  atone,  in  their 
view,  for  the  life  of  this  man,  who  hath  died  so  suddenly. 
and  mysteriously.  Oh  my  God,  it  cannot  be  ;  thou  art 
holy,  and  thine  infinite  wisdom,  kuoweth  not  to  err.  Oh 
most  merciful  and  gracious  God,  give  me  a  heart  to  sub- 
mit to  thy  decrees,  to  adore  thy  providence,  and  forever 
praise  thee  for  redeeming  love..  Oh  most  gracious  God, 
comfort  and  support  this  aftlicted  family.  How  long  I 
prayed,  1  could  not  tell.  I  several  times  thought  the 
sobbing  and  crying  ceased,  while  I  spoke  with  an  audi- 
ble voice.  What  ardent  desire  I  had  of  understanding 
their  language,  or  having  a  good  interpreter,  on  this  truly 
afflicting  and  melanchoUy^  occasion. 

In  the  morning  my  father  came  in,  and  addressed  the 
bereaved  widow.  Then  turned  to  me  and  said,  it  was  a 
•dark  morning;  wished  me  to  compose  my  mind,  and 
possess  myself  in  peace,  and  it  may  be  we  shall  see  good 
by  and  by.  You  must  know,  my  son,  as  you  understand 
the  word  of  God,  that  God  in  very  deed,  nmst  do  as  He 
pleases.  I  told  him  that  since  the  morning,  God  had 
given  me  great  composure  of  mind,  and  I  could  rejoice  in 
God,  and  I  myself,  as  well  as  others,  were  in  his  hands, 
and  that  He  would  do  what  M'as  right. 

"When  the  Indians  came  in  to  lay  out  the  body,  1 


kibkland's  journal. 


227 


thought  it  proper  for  me  to  withdraw,  and  visit  my  fa- 
ther, the  head  sachem,  and  try  to  have  a  little  conversa- 
tion with  him.     I  was  presently  given  to  understand-that 
runners  were  dispatched  to  announce  the  sorrowful  ti- 
dings to  six  or  seven  villages,  and  that  the  funeral  would 
not  be  attended  till  the  clan,  or  tribe,,  of  the  deceased, 
should  have  notice,  and  give  their  attenchmce  ;  perhaps' 
they  would  generally  be  here  by  to-morrow  noon,  and 
some  at   a  greater  distance,  by  next  day  morning.    I 
called  in  at  the  aftticted  house,  severalTtimes  during  the 
day,  but  did  not  tarry  long ;  the  house  was  full  of  mourn- 
ers.   1  took  a  look  at  the  corpse,  whenever  I  went  in  •  I 
perceived  that,  attracted  their  attention,  and  they  seemed 
pleased   with   it ;  and  I  believe  they  con«kIered  me  a 
hearty  mourner.     I  tried  to  get  in  the  woods  privately, 
for  a  little  retirement,  but  soon  relinquished  my  purpose 
from  the  depth  of  the  snow.  And  the  Indians  were  contin- 
ually traveling  backwards  and  forwards  in  the  beaten 
paths. 

The  next  day  by  noon,  there  was  a  considerable  collec- 
tion of  the  friends  of  the  deceased,  and  they  began  to 
counsel.  I  soon  found  by  prudent  inquiry,  that  the  cir- 
cumstances of  this  man's  death,  had  given  a  general 
alarm  ;  and  that  there  was  a  party  rather  unfriendly  to 
me,  who  intended  to  charge  it  upon  me.  I  went  into  the 
council  house,  and  sat  down  at  one  end  ft)r  some  time, 
but  the  countenances  of  many  of  them,  were  very  forbid- 
ding. I  soon  determined  that  was  no  place  for  me.  My 
adopted  father  came  out  before  night,  and  observed  to  me 
that  it  was  good  that  I  went  into  the  council  house,  and 
it  was  good  that  I  did  not  stay  long  before  1  came  out. 
He  again  wished  me  to  possess  my  mind  in  peace,  that 


ijli' 


li. 


)  I 


,. 


m 


,»  r^r-  I  I ' 


u '  -n 


!     > 


i    !  r 


litt 


228 


HISTORY  OF   BUFFALO. 


lie  should  not  quit  the  council  house,  till  all  was  settled, 
and  done  well.    Ho  smiled,  and  appeared  cheerful,  or  at 
least  tried  to,  but  I  plainly  saw  he  had  a  weight  upon  his 
mind.    The  next  day  by  noon,  the  council  house  was 
crowded,  though  nearly  eighty  feet  long.    I  once  peeped 
in,  to  take  a  view  of  them,  about  sun  an  hour  high ;  the 
corpse  was  ink;rred.   Perhaps  a  hundred  and  fifty  women 
and  girls  attended  ;  no  male,  besides  myself,  exce])t  the 
grave  digger,  accompanied  the  corpse  to  the  grave.    I 
saw  the  corpse  just  before  the  lid  was  fastened,  or  even 
put  on.     He  was  neatly  dressed  with  a  clean  white  shirt. 
black  shroud  blanket,  scarlet  leggins,  a  pair  of  new  moc- 
casins, and  curiously  painted  ;  his  pipe,  tomahawk,  to- 
bacco pouch,  flint  steel,  and  punk,   were  put  into  the 
coffin,  and  placed  on  both  sides  of  his  head.     I  was  care- 
ful at  the  time  to  make  no  remarks,  nor  ask  any  (pies- 
tions.  4 

When  they  left  the  house,  and  were  carrying  the  corpse 
to  the  grave,  they  sung  the  most  mournful  ditty  I  ever 
heard  ;  a  small  number  of  them  seemed  to  keep  the  time 
and  rise  and  fall  pretty  much  together  ;  others  followed, 
and  some  screamed  and  yelled  like  dogs.  Such  a  scene 
I  never  beheld  before.  It  produced  a  variety  of  feelin<is 
in  my  breast ;  finally,  a  feeling  of  tender  pity  and  com- 
passion toward  them  prevailed,  considering  their  ignor- 
ance, and  superstition.'  I  was  advised  to  sleep  this  even- 
ing at  the  house  of  my  elder  brother.  They  accordingly 
brought  over  my  bedding  and  a  knajisack,  containing  my 
books  and  clothes.  This  brother,  called  Tekanadic.  lived 
in  an  old  block  house,  built  by  the  direction  of  Sir  "Wil- 
liam Jolmson,  in  the  year  17.54-5,  with  a  view  to  prevent 
the  French  influence  among  tliem.     He  intended  to  have 


!f  r  !^i 


"laiHIHil^k 


kirkland's  journal. 


229 


a  captain's  company  stationed  there,  and  occupy  this 
block  house,  with  two  or  three  small  field  pieces.  No 
sooner  was  tlie  house  built,  than  they  sent  a  delegation 
with  full  powers  from  their  nation,  to  inform  Sir  William 
that  he  need  not  be  at  the  trouble  of  sending  any  of  his 
troops  there,  that  they  were  abundantly  sufficient  to  man 
It  themselves.  A  very  decent  way,  of  forbidding  him 
sending  his  troops. 

My  eldest  brother  only  occupied  the  lower  part  of  this 
building,  except  in  warm  weather.    The  upper  story  was 
rather  difficult  of  access.    He  told  me  I  might  stay  there, 
in  peace  and  quietness,  and  no  one  know  where  I  was! 
He  loaned  me  a  bear's  skin  and  blanket,  to  keep  me 
warm.    My  sister  gave  me  a  small  bit  of  venison,  and  a 
dish  of  samp  pottage,  just  before  I  went  to  bed.    This 
was  very    acceptable,  as  I  had  been  fasting  for  nearly 
thirty-six  hours.    I  plainly  discovered  by  this  time,  that 
some  of  my   family,   and  others  who  had  expressed  a 
friendship  for  me,  were  anxious  for  my  safety.    But  by 
some  means  or  other,  which  I  believe  could  be  no  other 
than  divine  aid,  the  gracious  spiritual  presence  of  my 
Maker,  God  Almighty,  I  enjoyed  a  degree  of  composure 
and  tranquility  of  mind,  beyond  what  I  ever  expected. 
I  was  not  stupid  or  insensible,  but  rather  filled  with  life 
and  self  control.     I  slept  sweetly  for  a  few  hours,  but  it 
was  rather  a  night  of  reflection,  meditation,    and   self 
examination.  *  *      I„  the  morning  I  was  informed  that 
they  had  sat  in  council  a  great  part  of  the  night,  that  they 
had  sent  to  Oswego  for  a  keg  of  rum,  to  give  a  relish  to 
the  funeral  or  burial  feast,  which  was  to  be  celebrated 
this  evening.     I  could  not  get  sight  of  my  lather,  he  stuck 
close  to   the   council     In   the   afternoon,   my  younger 


' '  i! , 


ill 

i;'        -h] 


i        • 

■      H 

h 

1  1 

! 

ft         ' 

230 


HISTORY   OF   BUFFALO, 


brotlier,   very  pleasantly,   and  with  apparent  afiection, 
IDVoposed  we  should  take  our  guns,  and  go  out  a  mile  or 
two  into  the  woods  and  kill  partridges  or  squirrels.    1 
readily  complied.     Wo  traveled  first  one  way,  and  then 
another,  a  kind  of  circuitous  route ;  a  little  before  sun 
setting,  we  came  to  a  commodious  sugar  hut    Here  lie 
projiosed  kindling  a  fire,  and  resting  ourselves.    I  should 
suppose  this  cabin,  or  hut,   might,  be  about  two  miles 
Jiorthwest  of  the  village.     After  we  had  sit  down  to  rest, 
and  lit  our  pipes,  my  younger  brother  tells  me,  that  his 
father  said,  it  would  be  good  for  me  to  sleep  in  the  woods 
this  night,  as  they  expected  rum  would  soon  be  brought 
into  town,  and  some  might  drink  too  much,' and  then  be 
looking  after  me.     I  thanked  him  for  the  good  will  lie 
had  expressed  for  me,  and  that  I  thought  the  great  spirit 
had  put  it  into  his  heart  to  be  kind  to  me.    He  replied, 
Kangoendou,  i.  e.,  it  may  be  taken  for  granted.     About 
ten  o'clock  in  the  evening,  my  sister  came  to  our  lonely 
cabin,  accompanied  by  her  little  nephew,  a  little  lad, and 
brought  with  her  my  blankets,  tucked  into  a  large  basket, 
so  as  not  to  be  discovered  ;  a  kettle  of  corn  soup,  a  little 
salt  in  a  bark.     I  made  as  good  a  supper  as  existing  cir- 
cumstances would  admit.    My  sister  would  try  to  encour- 
age mo,  and  tell  mc  not  to  be  afraid,  my  father  was  con- 
stantly in  the  council  house,  and  the}^  would  take  care  of 
me.     After  supper,  I  proposed  singing  a  psalm,  or  words 
out  of  the  Holy  Book,  if  they  liad  no  objection.     Oh  no. 
said  they,  we  heard  you  sing  a  great  many  times,  and 
love  to  hear  it,  we  only  wish  you  would  not  sing  so  loud, 
as  to  make  a  great  noise,  we  dont  want  any  one  should 
know  where  wo   are   to-night.     I  sang  with  a  soft  voice, 
perhajis  ten  or  a  dozen  hynms   and  psalms,  having  no 


kirkland's  journal. 


231 


inclination  to  sleep.  My  sister  and  the  boy  left  us  about 
day  light  in  the  morning.  ^^  *  -^  Spent  the  day  in  our 
cabin,  except  walking  once,  about  an  hour,  with  my 
younger  brother,  to  shoot  a  squirrel  or  two.  In  the  dusk 
of  the  evening,  my  elder  sister  came  again,  with  a  kettle 
of  soup;  told  me  her  heart  began  to  be  glad.  She  be- 
lieved the  council  would  break  up,  and  bo  dispersed  by 
to-morrow  morning,  or  before  noon;  said  she  heard  it 
went  hard  in  the  council.  They  spoke  strong  words. 
They  had  examined  the  widow  of  her  late  deceased  hus- 
l)and  ;  she  spoke  well  of  me,  said  I  never  did  anything 
I)ad  while  I  lived  there,  but  was  cheerful,  and  agreeable 
and  (my)  her  husband  began  to  love  him  much ;  a-ain 
(was)  asked  if  I  never  came  to  his  bed-side,  and  whispered 
in  his  ear,  or  puffed  in  his  face.  No,  never ,  he  always 
sat,  or  lay  down  on  his  own  bed,  and  in  the  evening  after 
we  were  in  bed,  I  could  see  him  get  down  on  his  knees, 
and  talk  with  a  low  \oice  ;  I  suppose  he  was  praying  to 
the  Great  Spirit.  They  incpiired  for  my  knapsack,^  ex- 
pecting to  find  some  magic  powder.  1  suspect  that  they 
robbed  me  of  some  of  my  papers  at  th  .  time. 

The  next  day  about  noon,  returned  to  the  town,  and  I 
took  up  my  lodgings  with  my  elder  brother,  in  the  old 
block  house.  The  whole  family  showed  marks  of  joy 
upon  my  peaceable  return,  and  a  number  of  my  friends 
came  in  to  see  me  before  night,  and  told  me  "all  is  now 
only  peace."  The  remaining  part  of  this  week  nothing  ma- 
terial took  place.  I  was  pretty  diligent  in  my  endeavors  to 
learn  their  language,  and  cordially  received  my  friendly  vis- 
itors ;  others  kept  themselves  at  a  distance. " When  it  was 
not  very  cold,  I  would  retire  into  the  n])per  lofl,  and  spend 
my  time  in  writing.     I  did  not  yet  begin  to  visit  much. 


11 


!!H 


f'^nii 


!'■  m 


I  I  1   <''f*  'si 

1 


'.',    1 


l^ 


1 1 


1  i 


282 


msTouy  OF  uuffalo. 


neither  dare  to  make  many  inquiries  of  my  father,  or  el- 
der brother,  or  urge  them  to  divulge  what  tcjok  place  in 
the  late  councils.  1  thought  it  best  some  of  the  rest 
should  be  the  iirst  movers.  I  endeavored  to  appear  be- 
fore them  with  a  degree  of  cheerfulness,  yet  sedate.  For 
a  number  of  days,  1  felt  a  3olicitude,  and  almost  an  un- 
conquerable desire  to  find  out  what  passed  in  their  sever- 
al days'  consulting.  I  suspected  they  had  enjoined  se- 
cresy,  lest  I  might  make  such  communications  to  Sir  Wil- 
liam, as  to  produce  a  remonstrance  or  rei)rimand. 

My  father  told  me  one  day,  that  some  of  the  Indians 
were  afraid  of  writing,  or  letters,  which  would  speak  for 
a  great  many  yeai-s  afterwards.    It  would  therefore  bo 
good  for  me,  whenever  I  wrote  to  Sir  William,  or  to  the 
ministers,  Tegorkunskie,  towards  the  rising  of  the  sun, 
to  call  several  of  their  chiefs  together,  and  interpret  their 
contents  (letters,)  to  them.    It  would  please  them  very 
much,  and  make  tlieir  hearts  glad.     I  replied  that  I 
should  follow  his  advice  very  cheerfully,  and  with  great 
pimctuality.     LIq  again  observed  that  I  might  write  a 
great  book,  if  I  pleased,  in  learning  their  language,  be- 
cause I  frequently  read  them  some  parts  of  it  over,  for 
their  correction,  and  that  they  were  sometimes  so  divert- 
ed to  hear  me  give  the  true  Indian  pronunciation  to  some 
words  in  their  language,  which  were  difficult  for  a  white 
man  to  pronounce,  that  they  could  not  help  expressing 
their  admiration  with  a  hearty  laugh,  and  some  of  them 
would  say,  that  our  wliite  English  brother  would  become 
a  true  Indian,  in  the  course  of  a  year  or  two. 

We  now  lived  in  great  harmony,  friendship,  and  socia- 
bility. I  suppressed  my  solicitude  of  prying  into  their 
secret  councils.     I  thought  if  I  pressed  on  inquiring  be 


kikkland'h  journal. 


233 


toru  u  proper  time,  and  should  show  great  anxiety,  they 
might  suspect  my  confidence  in  their  professed  friend- 
ship, and  want  of  exertion  for  my  safety.  I  presently 
found  I  had  enough  to  do  to  recognize  the  goodness  of 
God,  the  kind  interpositions  of  his  providence,  for  ray 
preservation  thus  fur,  and  raising  up  friends  in  almost 
every  village,  as  instruments  in  his  hands  of  doing  me 
good,  and  it  may  be,  of  rescuing  my  life  from  the  Imnds 
of  cruel  savajres.     *    *        * 

March  1.5th,  1705.    Provisions  are  exceeding  scarce ; 
the  wild  game  they  killed  in  the  winter  is  nearly  con- 
sumed, but  little  corn  is  in  the  whole  town.    Some  fami- 
lies entirely  destitute  ;  some  have  been  to  Cayogou  (Cay- 
uga,) to  purchase  corn,  could  get  but  little,  and  that  by 
giving  an  enormous  price.    They  planted  but  sparingly 
tlie  last  year,  and  that  very  late  in  the  season,  which  was 
greatly  injured  by  a  severe  and  early  frost.    Indeed,  they 
have  but  just  began  to  till  the  ground  since  they  left  Ni- 
agara, where  most  of  them  had  been  encamped  in  the 
vicinity  of  Niagara,  during  a  great  part  of  the  late  French 
war,  and  were  victualed  from  the  King's  stores,  till  the 
garrison  was  subdued  and  taken  by  Sir  William  John- 
son. The  appearance  of  things  at  present,  seems  to  threat- 
en a  famine  among  the  Indians  the  ensuing  season. 
Boating  from  the  Mohawk  river  will  be  very  difficult  till 
some  time  in  the  month  of  May,  on  condition  (supposing) 
Sir  William  should  be  disposed  and  think  himself  justi- 
fied in  relieving  their  necessities,  especially  that  part  of 
the  nation,  who  have  so  lately  been  hostile  to  the  colonies. 
16th.    Informed  by  some  Indians  from  the  westward, 
that  a  Mr.  Wemp  would  probably  leave  Niagara  in  the 
course  of  ten  or  twelve  days,  and  tarry  with  me  here  a 


it 

. 

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ll 


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234 


HISTORY    OF   BUFFALO. 


few  dftys  to  rc8t  liimBclf.  I  may  have  mentioned  this 
man  before.  lie  was  in  years  past  employed  as  a  black- 
smith for  the  Indians  in  this  principal  town  of  the  Sene- 
cas,  [called  Kanadasigea,  and  sometimes  traded  among 
them.  He  understands  their  language  pretty  well,  for 
common  conversation,  but  can  but  poorly  comprehend  a 
public  speech,  delivered  in  an  oratorical  style,  and  dress. 
Being  of  Dutch  extraction,  he  speaks  rather  broken  and 
incorrect  English,  and  in  general,  a  bad  pronunciation  of 
the  Seneca.  But  being  a  humane,  peaceable,  and  honest 
man,  I  find  the  Indians  set  a  great  deal  by  him.  I  shall 
endeavor  to  detain  him  when  he  arrives,  as  long  as  will 
be  consistent  with  his  business,  and  we  find  anything  for 
him  to  eat. 

March  20th.  I  this  day  received  a  letter  from  Sir  Wil- 
liam, which  I  will  here  transcribe. 

Johnson  Hall,  March  3d,  1765. 

"  SiE :  I  received  yours,  wrote  on  the  way  going  up. 
I  hope  {this  will  find  you  safe  arrived  at  the  Senecas, 
where  I  shall  be  glad  to  hear  you  meet  with  a  kind  re- 
ception, and  everything  agreeable  to  you.  The  enclosed 
came  here  under  cover  to  me,  with  another  for  Woolley, 
which  I  send  to  him.  Peter,  of  Oghcpiage,  and  wife,  arc 
gone  to  Mr.  Whelocks,  about  ten  days  ago,  by  whom  I 
wrote.  *  *  The  Delaware  deputies  from  Ohigo 
are  here,  these  eight  days  past,  waiting  for  Squash  Cutter 
and  Long  Coat,  without  whom  and  all  the  prisoners  in 
your  parts,  I  will  not  treat  with  them,  though  they  seem 
very  well  inclined.  When  you  have  a  good  opportunity 
write  me — by  Wemp  will  be  a  good  opportunity.  I  wisli 
you  heartily  well,  and  am 

Your  Humble  Servant, 

Mk.  Kirkland,  WILLIAM  JOHNSON."" 


ill 


IvIUKLAND's  juuknal. 


Tliis  letter  1  interpreted  to  the  eliiefa,  for  which   they 
appeared  mucli  plensed,   and  tn  be  very   tliankfnl.    The 
Sqnasli  Cutter  mentioned  in  the  foreg'«ing  letter,  is  a  no- 
ted head  warrior  of  the  Delaware  nation.      He  has  done 
a  deal  of  mischief  in  the  ])ack  parts  of  New   Jersey   antf 
the  Susqnehaima  ;  scalped  many,   and  taken  many  pris- 
oners.    He  had  connnonly  no  more  than  twenty  or  thirty 
men  under  his  command,   includin*,'  his  petty  officers. 
His  exi)loits  depend  mnch  upon  stratagem,  and  surprise. 
He  was  acknowledged  by  iho  Indians  to  be  bold,  and  en- 
terprising, but  very  cruel.      He   was   about  six  feet  two 
inclies  high,  lean  and   raw-boned,   but  all   nerve,  and  a 
most  piercing  eye,  rather  of  a  serpentine  cast.      He  has 
been  harbored  here  in  this  town  for  some   months,  being- 
afraid  to  return  to  his  nation,  lest  some   of  their  chiefs- 
who  are  great  friends  to  the   whitr  people,  should  seize 
him,  and  carry  him  a  prisoner  to  Sir  William  ;  upon  my 
first  acquaintance  with  liim,  he  appeared  to  be  jealous  of 
me  ;  after  some  time  lie  became  quite  familiar,   and  was 
very  fond  of  conversing  with  me.     He  was  very  sensible, 
and  would  speak  broken  English  pretty  well,  and  under- 
stood the  Seneca. 

There  are  no  white  prisoners  in  this  village,  but  there 
are  two  cliildren  twins  in  a  village  about  seven  miles 
south  of  this,  on  the  west  side  of  Seneca  lake,  called  Gagh- 
conghwa  i.  e.,  in  English,  the  limb  has  fallen.  One°of 
these  children  I  went  to  see  a  few  days  since,  but  tlie  lit- 
tle girl  perhaps  six  or  seven  years  old,  would  neither 
come  to  me,  nor  speak  to  me,  but  clung  fast  around  the 
neck  of  her  adopted  grandmother.  She  had  been  lost  in 
the  woods  fourteen  days,  strayed  from  a  hunting  cabin, 
but  found  her  way  back  to  it,  after  some  days,  and  there 


iA 


I  j 


II. I 


23« 


IIWTOBY  OF    IIUFKALO. 


i 


found  some  deorrt  loj^s  which  had  been  llun^  out  ;  tho 
gnawing  ancfsuckiiig  oi  tliesu,  witli  white  oak  acorns  and 
winter  greens,  ke]>t  her  alive  till  found,  by  which  time 
alio  was  nearly  exhausted.  Tliere  were  i)erhaps  eight  oi- 
ten  prisoners  at  (leneseo  and  its  vicinity.  *    *    * 

April  2d.  I  am  fret[Uontly  visited  by  several  of  thoir 
young  men  w1k»  1  am  told  by  my  elder  brother  are  some 
of  tho  best  characters  in  the  town.  They  are  disposed  to 
be  very  sociable,  and  aj)pear  to  be  friendly.  This  I  can- 
not but  consider  as  a  favorable  circumstance,  and  enables 
me  to  make  greater  progress  in  learning  their  language, 
and  I  request  them  whenever  they  hear  mo  give  a  bad 
]»ronunciation  to  any  word  to  correct  me,  and  to  repeat 
the  correction  or  amendment  till  1  give  the  true  Indian 
pronunoiation.  When  I  have  been  alone,  or  walked 
with  but  one  of  them  at  a  time,  he  would  disclose  some 
of  the  secret  council,  and  i)articularly  of  Capt.  Onongwa- 
dekha  and  some  of  his  violent  speeches,  and  would  al- 
ways enjoin  secrecy,  and  not  divulge  a  word  to  any  of  the 
sachems.  1  begin  to  think  I  have  discovered  all  the  prin- 
cipal transactions  of  this  two  or  three  days  counseling 
upon  the  death  of  my  Indian  landlord  and  its  attending 
circumstances.   • 

April  4th,  Mr.  "Wcmp  returns  from  Niagara,  made 
very  welcome,  particularly  by  my  family  and  many  oth- 
ers. I  expressed  my  earnest  desire,  and  hoped  that  he 
would  tarry  a  week,  or  at  least  several  days  with  us,  to 
rest  himself  properly.  Had  but  little  conversation  with 
him  this  evening,  and  that  principally  upon  connnon  af- 
fairs, and  the  distressed  situation  of  the  town,  from  the 
great  scarcity  of  corn.  I  also  considered  that  it  would  be 
expected  by  the  chiefs  to  have  the  lirst  talk  with   him, 


lU 


KIKKLAND'h  .luUKNAL. 


287 


and  make  all  tlio  eiKitiirics  tlioy    wished,   relative  to  the 
western  Indians,  and  the  news  hoard  at  Nia<,^ara.     In  the 
moanrune,  I  thought  it  best  to  absent  myself  and  nut  ap- 
pear too  forward,  of  pressing  myself  into   their   eouncils. 
But  they  were  very  civil,  and  to  numifest  their  conHdence 
in  me,  they  very  soon   sent  for   me  to  come  into  their 
council.     A  great   many   things   were  related  by  piece- 
meal, and  in  a  broken  style,  but   they  were  su  well  aug- 
mented with  his  dialect  and  mode  of  si)eaking,  that  they 
could  understand  him.     They  thanked  liim  for  all  the  in- 
fornuition  ho  had  given  them,  though   they   found   there 
was  very  little  in  it  which  had  anylmmediate  concern  in 
the  welfare  of  theirnation;  however  they   were   always 
glad  to  hear  news. 

I  took  the  earliest  o])purtunity  to  take   iiim   aside  and 
relate  to  him  what  a  tlistressing  situation  I  had   been  in. 
on  account  of  the  sutlden  death  of  my  first  Indian   land- 
lord.    He  presently  replied  that  he  "had   heard  nuich  of 
it  at  Genesee  on  his  way  down,  and  was  much   alarmed. 
I  told   him  I  believed   the   unfortunate  and   mysterious 
event  had  been  pretty  generally   settled   among  the  In- 
dians, and  they  appeared  to  be  satisHed,  and   reconciled 
except  Capt.   Onongwadekha,  who  remained   obstinate 
and   revengeful.      I  now   wished   him  to  befriend  me  so 
far  as  to  enquire  of  some  judicious    Indian,  of  the  argu- 
ments urged  against  me,  and  those  who  pleaded  for  me, 
as  being  perfectly  innocent  respecting  that   man's  death! 
I  thought  from  his  long  acquaintance,   and  the  great  ap- 
])arent  friendship  which  had  subsisted   betwixt  him  and 
my  adopted  father,  the  head  chief,  he   might  easily  get 
from  him,  the   leading  traits  or  general   transactions °of 
that  council.    I  told  him  I  thought  it  was  probable   that 


i  ■'■ 


!• 


'^1' '  ''I 


I. 


■1.  i 


■'•    i  i  .i-  !  i 


I  :'  1 


$ 


238 


HISTORY   OF  BUFFALO. 


it  would  be  enjoined  on  him,  to  disclose  nothing  to  Sir 
William,  only  if  he  asked,  to  tell  him  all  was  peace  now. 
Mr.  Wemp  replied  that  he  would  attempt  it,  and  did  not 
doubt  but  he  could  bring  it  about  either  with  my  father 
or  brother-in-law  Tekanade,  and  was  willing  to  set  up  all 
night  for  that  purpose.  I  humbly  observed  that  it  might 
frustrate  my  object  and  disappoint  my  expectations  of  any 
aid  from  Mr.  Wemp  to  be  too  frequently  with  him,  and 
express  a  greater  attachment  to  him,  and  fondness  for 
his  company,  than  I  manifested  to  the  good  Indians,  and 
most  of  their  chiefs,  who  had  been  friendly  to  me  from 
my  first  arrival.  I  suggested  the  idea  to  Mr.  Wemp  ;  he 
replied  it  was  the  very  thing  he  had  thought  of,  and  said 
then  when  we  meet  together  in  the  day-time,  let  it  only 
be,  how  do  you  do,  and  how  do  you  do,  and  so  pass  by. 
In  the  mean  time,  I  improved  a  leisure  hour  or  two 
when  I  could  be  retired,  for  writing  and  making  minutes. 
I  wrote  to  Sir  William,  informing  him  of  the  extreme 
scarcity  of  bread,  corn  and  very  little  hunting  at  this  sea- 
son, and  that  I  did  not  think  i  could  subsist  through  the 
ensuing  summer,  unless  I  coidd  procure  provisions  and 
some  more  certain  and  substantial  food  than  can  be  ob- 
tained among  the  Indians.  I  had  sold  a  shirt  for  four 
loaves  or  Indian  cakes  baked  in  the  ashes  ;  at  first  sight 
I  thought  I  could  devour  them  all  at  one  meal,  but 
I  immediately  concluded  on  the  score  of  prudence,  to 
be  sparing,  and  to  save  some  of  them  against  a  greater 
time  of  need.  I  have  eaten  but  one,  and  my  stomach 
was  so  debilitated,  it  recoiled  and  emitted  the  greatest 
part  of  it.  I  kept  some  part  of  tlic  remaining  three  until 
they  began  to  mould,  and  gave  them  to  the  children  who 
devoured  them  instantly. 


kikkland's  journal. 


239 


I  had  it  in  contemplation  to  go  down  the  latter  part  of 
this  month,  or  the  beginning  of  next.  I  supposed  by  this 
time  Col.  Butler  might  have  orders  from  Mr.  Wheelock, 
to  furnish  me  with  such  articles  as  I  stood  in  absolute 
need  of. 

April  7th,  1765.  Mr.  Wemp  told  me  he  had  an  oppor- 
tunity of  a  long  conversation  with  my  father  and  brother- 
in-law,  separately,  upon  the  subject  I  had  so  earnestly 
requested  his  aid  for  investigation.  We  then  laid  a  plan 
for  being  together  part  of  the  day  and  evening  ensuing. 

April  8th.  Mr.  Wemp  has  given  me  a  long  narration 
of  the  transactions  in  the  afore-mentioned  council-some- 
times  connected  and  sometimes  detached  sentences,  with 
curious  anecdotes,  and  added  that  my  father  bore  down 
everything  in  his  last  speech.  He  spoke  but  little  for  the 
first  and  second  days,  except  his  introductory  address,  at 
the  opening  of  the  council." 

The  whole  of  this  manuscript  is  interesting,  but  as  it  is 
not  strictly  connected  with  the  object  of  our  history,  must 
be  omitted. 


Ijll 


•  'h 


If  i 


'4 


1       I     ;i 


!  :  ■'  ■;  f 


CHAPTER    XV 


Several  councils  were  bekl  with  the  Six  Nations  during 
the  year  1775^  both  by  Col.  Johnson  in  behalf  of  tlie 
English,  and  the  Commissioners  of  Indian  afl'airs  ap- 
pointed by  the  Colonies.  Both  parties  seemed  desirous 
only  to  secure  the  neutrality  of  the  Six  Nations,  and  at 
the  same  time,  to  conciliate  their  friendship. 

At  a  council  held  in  Albany  by  the  Colonial  Commis- 
sioners, with  the  Six  Nations,  in  August,  1775,  one  of  tlic 
Oneida  chiefs  spoke  thus  of  Mr.  Kirkland,  their  Mission- 
ary : 

"  Our  father,  the  minister,  who  stands  here,  we  love, 
we  love  him  exceedingly.  Perliaps  in  a  little  time,  he 
may  be  wrested  from  us,  carried  oft'  like  a  prisoner.  Our 
hearts  tremble  for  liiili.  We  tremble  greatly.  lie  has 
been  threatened,  and  sliould  he  be  taken,  it  might  over- 
throw the  whole  Five  Nations. 

"  Our  brothers,  the  white  people,  would  perhaps  say 
that  the  Oneida  Nation  had  given  up  their  minister  ;  and 
that  the  Six  Nations  did  not  regard  their  missionaries. 
But  truly,  we  regard  our  father  the  minister  and  mission- 
aries. Therefore,  we  propose  for  your  consideration, 
whether  it  be  not  wise,  that  the  missionaries  retire  for  a 
little  while,  particularly   our  father,   the  minister,  Mr. 


SPEECH  OF  AN  ONEIDA  CUIEF. 


241 


Kirkland,  should  reside  for  u  short  space  with  his  family 
as  we  hope  this  quarrel  cannot  subsist  long,  because  you 
are  brothers,  both  of  one  nation  and  blood,  and  we  hope 
It  will  soon  be  settled,  and  when  a  reconciliation  takes 
Face,  let  our  missionaries  immediately  return  to  us." 
The  commissioners  were  at  great  pains  to  explain  to  the 
Indians  the  nature  and  causes  of  the  quarrel  between  the 
king  and  the  colonies.     The  Indians  could  not  compre- 
hend  how  it  was   that  "  people   of  one   blood"  should 
quarrel.     They  had  never  known  any  thing  like  it  in  all 
their  experience.    The  Indians  pledged  themselves  in  the 
strongest  manner,  to  observe  a  line  of  strict  neutrality 
and  to  take  no  part  on  either  side,  but  "  to  sit  still  and 
see  you  fight  it  out,"   as  they  expressed  it.     But  they 
^dded  :     «  Brothers :  we  thank  you  for  opening  the  road. 
You  inform  us  likewise,  that  you  were  determined  to 
drive  away,  destroy,  and  kill,  all  who  appear  in   arras 
against  the  peace  of  the  twelve  united  colonies." 

"  Brothers,  attend:  we  beg  of  you  take  care  what  you 
do !  you  have  just  now  made  a  good  path,  do  not  so  soon 
defile  It  with  blood.  There  are  many  round  us,  Cauch- 
nawagas,  who  are  friends  to  the  king.  Our  path  of  pea^ce 
reaches  quite  to  them.  We  beg,  all  that  distance  may 
not  be  defiled  with  blood.  As  for  your  quarrels  to  the 
eastward,  along  the  coast,  do  as  you  please.  But  it  would 
hurt  us,  to  see  those  brought  up  in  our  own  bosoms,  ill 
used.  In  particular,  we  would  mention  the  son  of  Sir 
William  Johnson.  He  is  born  among  us,  and  is  of  Dutch 
extraction,  by  his  mother.  He  minds  his  own  afifairs, 
and  does  not  intermeddle  in  public  disputes.  We  would 
also  mention  our  father,  the  minister,*  who  resides  among 


«■  ^1 


^.i,m.M 


*Rov.  Mr.  Stewart. 


16 


J 


242 


HISTORY   OF  BUFFALO. 


the  Mohawks,  and  was  sent  there  by  the  king.  He  does 
not  meddle  in  civil  affairs,  but  instructs  them  in  the  way 
to  Iieaven.  lie  absolutely  refuses  to  attend  to  any  political 
matters,  and  eays,  they  do  not  belong  to  him.  They  beg, 
that  he  may  continue  in  peace  among  them.  Tiie  Mo- 
hawks are  frequently  alarmed  with  reports,  that  their 
minister  "s  to  be  torn  away  from  them.  It  would  occa- 
sion great  disturbance,  were  he  to  be  taken  away.  The 
king  sent  liim  to  them,  and  they  would  look  upon  it  aa 
taking  away  one  of  their  own  body  ;  therefore,  they 
again  request,  that  he  may  continue  to  live  in  peace 
amonj;  them." 

Col.  Guy  Johnson  had  already  removed  with  a  consid- 
erable body  of  his  retainers,  and  some  Indians,  uj)  the 
valley  of  the  Mohawk,  to  Fort  Stanwix  ;  where  it  was 
rumored,  he  was  collecting  a  force  of  loyalists  and  Indi- 
ans, to  make  a  descent  upon  the  colonists  in  the  Palatine 
district.  But  the  active  measures  of  the  colonists  soon 
convinced  Col.  Johnson,  that  he  and  his  armed  retinue 
would  not  be  permitted  to  remain  at  Fort  Stanwix;  he 
therefore  pushed  further  interior,  and  made  a  stand  in 
the  Senecas' country  ;  but  still  apprehending  pursuit,  ha 
moved  to  Ontario,  but  being  unable  to  procure  convey- 
ance across  the  lake,  for  all  the  Indians,  he  arrived  with 
his  rangers  and  a  few  Indians,  at  Montreal,  on  the  17tli 
day  of  September,  1775,  where  lie  held  anttther  couiicil 
with  the  Indians,  at  which  ho  said,  they  numbered  '"HOO 
or  upwards." 

In  his  report,  to  the  Earl  of  Dartmonth,  dated  Mon- 
treal, October  12,  1775,  Col.  Johnson  assigns,  as  the  rea- 
son (if  his  fligiit  from  the  valley  of  the  Muhawk,  "  that 
all  necessaries  for  the  Indians,  were  stopped,  by  ord:r  of 


Jlii'  .fl'. 


COL.  GUY  Johnson's  eeport. 


243 


the  committee  ;  and  mysolt;  threatened,  with  an  attack 
from  a  considerable  armed  force,  "and  intimates,  that  he 
had  secret  orders  from  Gen.  Gage,  instructing  him  to 
that  effect. 

"  Extracts  from  the  records  of  Indian  transactions,  un- 
der the  superintendancy  of  Col.  Guy  Johnson,  during  the 
year  1775."  ° 

"  Col.  Johnson  having  early  perceived  that  the  differ- 
ent colonies  were  about  to  follow  the  example  of  Massa- 
chusetts Bay,   and  finding  that  thg   various   measures 
taken  by  New  England  missionaries,  and  others,  to  alien- 
ate  the  affections  of  the  Indians,  and  spirit  them  uo  to 
bad   purposes;    he   communicated    the   same   to   Lord 
Dartmouth,  in  March',  and  soon  after  sent  messengers  to 
call  the  Six  Ncttions  to  a  general  congress.    The  14th  of 
May  he  received  by  express,  an  account  that  a  party  of 
New  Englanders  were  on    their  way  to  make  him  pris- 
oner;  on  which  he  fortified  his  house,  and  kept  a  large 
guard  at  considerable   expense.     A  few  days  after,  he 
found  that  his  express  to  the  Indians  had  been  stopped, 
and  the  purport  of  his  inessages  altered ;  and  that  the 
provisions,   &,c.,   that   his  agent  had  provided  at  New 
York,  had  been  stopped,  together  with  the  ammunition  and 
goods,  he  was  providing  for  the  intended  congress.  Find- 
ing this  (to  be  the  ease,)  and  that  his  communication  with 
the  Indians  would   be  totally  obstructed,  he  resolved  to 
proceed  to  the  westward,  (with  such  presenis,  &c.,  as  he 
then  had,)  and  meet  them  in  their  own  country,   while  it 
remained   practicable ;  and   dnriiig   liis   preparation  for 
this,  he  secretly   received  a   dispatch   from   Gen.  Gage, 
containing  instructions.     He  then,  with  such  of  the  Mo- 
hawks as  were  at  home,  and  a  body  of  armed  white  men,, 


1*1 


a ,  i. 


Ik'if 


<  r« 


I  I 


it    ;  I 


^llfl* 


J 


244 


HISTORY  OF  BUFFALO. 


making  together  about  250,  marched  to  the  upper  settle- 
ments, under  ever}'  circumstance  of  difficulty,  and  leav- 
ing all  his  property  at  the  discretion  of  the  misguided 
populace.  From  thence  he  preceded  to  Fort  Stanwix, 
where  he  met  260  Oneidas  and  Oughquagas,  with  whom 
he  held  a  conference,  but  was  obliged  to  take  leave  of 
them,  for  want  of  provisions  ;  the  whole  country  being 
then  in  urms  behind  him,  and  no  possibility  of  obtaining 
supplies  from  thence.  He  accordingly  wrote  to  the  com- 
manding officer  at  Niagara,  and  Oswegatchie,  for  vessels, 
and  provisions,  and  on  the  17th  of  June,  he  arrived  at 
Ontario,  to  which  place  he  had  directed  them  to  be  sent, 
where  one  small  sloop  sliortly  after  arrived,  with  ninety 
barrels,  which,  though  all  that  could  be  sjiared  from  Nia- 
gara, was  very  unequal  to  supplying  the  Indians,  who 
assembled  there,  in  a  few  days,  to  the  number  of  one 
thousand  four  hundred  and  fifty-eight,  with  about  one 
hundred  white  men,  including  the  officers  of  the  depart- 
ment. 

"  From  the  state  of  the  country  and  the  villainous  sto- 
ries propagated,  it  required  some  time,  with  great  skill 
and  influence,  to  remove  false  reports,  and  fix  the  Indians 
heartily  in  the  interests  of  the  crown.  He  however,  had 
the  good  fortune  at  length  to  bring  them  to  resolve  to  co- 
operate with  his  Majesty's  troops,  in  the  defense  of  the 
communication  and  waters  emptying  into  the  St.  Law- 
rence river,  and  in  the  annoyance  of  the  enemy,  and  also 
to  send  their  band  of  warriors  .present  with  him,  to  Mon- 
treal to  inspire  their  dependents  there,  with  the  same  res- 
olutions. He  also  procured  the  like  engagement  from  the 
Huron  chiefs  of  Detroit,  who  attended  the  Congress  ; 
which  they  very  faithfully  observed,   and   thereby    pre- 


COL.  ouv  Johnson's  report. 


245 


vented  the  design  of  the  Virginians,  against  tliat  country, 
as  the  papers  in  his  hands  will  show.  After  which  he 
delivered  them  a  handsome  present,  and  a  parcel  of  new 
arms,  &c.,  and  his  provisions  being  nearly  exhausted, 
prepared  to  proceed  to  Montreal.  Bat  the  Indians  hav- 
ing few  canoes,  and  those  unfit  for  crossing  the  lake,  he 
was  obliged  to  set  out,  July  11th,  with  the  sloop,  and 
four  or  five  small  boats,  currying  together  two  hundred 
and  twenty  white  men  and  Indians.  The  remainder  of 
the  hxtter,  being  necessiatcd  to  return  home,  for  want  of 
craft  to  transport  them,  after  giving  him  assurances  of 
their  readiness  to  follow  when  called  upon. 

"  Col.  Johnson,  on  liis  landing  at  Montreal,  July  17th, 
with  two  hundred  and  twenty  Indians  from  Ontario,  had 
immediately  an  interview  with  General  Carleton,  to  whom 
he  communicated  his  instructions,  and  design,  to'  assem- 
ble the  Indians  in  that  country,  to  join  those  that  had  ac- 
companied him.    He  olso  acquainted  him   with  the  ac- 
counts he  had  received  of  the  preparations   being  made, 
by  the  New  Englanders,  at  Ticonderoga,  and  that  they 
considered  Canada  as  an  essential  object,  adding  that  it 
would  be   extremely  necessary  to   put  the  Indians  in 
motion   as  soon  as    possible,  as    they   were  unused  to 
remain  long  idle.    Tlie  General  observed,  that  he  had  but 
a  slender   force  of  regular  troops,  that  the  province  of 
Quebec    mostly  depended  upon  the  Canadian  militia, 
that  he  had  hopes,  in  some  little  time,  of  assembling  a 
good  body  of  them,  and  that  in  the  mean  time  the  Indi- 
ans nmst  be  amused  in  the  best  manner  that  could  be 
found,  as  he  did   not   think  it  prudent  to  let  them  go 
beyond  the  45th  degree  of  latitude,  or  over  the  province 
hne.    Col.  Johnson  had  proposed  to  hold  his  conference 


!!■: 


'if 
?    1 


11 


II  !i! 


246 


HIBTOBY    OF   BUFFALO. 


with  tlie  Indians  at  La  Cliine,  to  prevent  the  intemper- 
ance to  which  they  must  be  exposed  at  Montreal,  and  the 
Indians  were  so  sensible  of  this,  that  they  were  prevailed 
■on  with  difficulty  to  come  into  town  to  oblige  Gen.  Carle- 
ton,  who  wanted  to  see  them  there. 

"  On  the  26th  of  July,  the  Indians  all  assembled,  pur- 
suant to  Col.  Johnson's  summons,  and  finished  their  busi- 
ness on  the  last  of  that  month,  when  their  number  amount- 
ed to  sixteen  hundred  and  sixty-four,  who  readily  agreed 
to  the  same  measures  engaged  by  the  Six  Nations.  Af- 
ter receiving  a  valuable  present,  (they)  were  disposed  of, 
in  different  camps,  on  the  Island  of  Montreal.  An  Indi- 
an officer,  and  thirty  men,  were  also  sent  to  St.  Johns,  to 
remain  there,  at  the  desire  of  Gen.  Carleton. 

"  On  the  5th  of  August,  the  Indian  officer  at  St.  Jolins, 
informed  Col.  Johnson  of  his  having  discovered  a  large 
body  of  the  enemy,  near  Fort  Aufer,  (above  St.  Johns, 
•on  lake  Champlain,)  who  fired  on  his  party,  and  of  the 
eagerness  manifested  by  the  Indians  to  form  a  large  body, 
and  go  against  them.  Col.  Johnson  immediately  com- 
municated this  to  Brigadier  Prescott,  who  commanded 
on  Gen.  Carleton's  departure  for  Quebec  He  also  told 
Gen.  Frescott,  that  the  warriors  of  the  several  Nations, 
were  to  assemble  that  day,  when  he  would  give  them  the 
war  belts,  as  they  appeared  very  spirited  ;  and  in  conse- 
quence of  the  rebels  approach,  would  gladly  go  and  dis- 
possess them  of  any  post,  they  had  upon  lake  Cliauiplain ; 
and  that  he  should  be  glad  to  have  his  sentiments  upon 
it.  The  General  answered  that  if  any  parties  ^\  ere  sent 
out  to  gain  intelligence,  aud  sco  what  the  enemy  were 
doing,  it  might  be  well.  But  at  ]>resent,  he  did  not  in- 
tend acting  out  of  the  line  of  the   Province.     On  Col, 


COL.  GUY  Johnson's  report. 


247 


Johnson's  remarking-  that  Indians  could  not  be  managed 
as  other  people,  it  being  necessary  at  times  to  keep"up 
their  spirits,  and  encourage  them,  and  therefore  he  should 
be  glad  to  know,  what  to  say  fur  their  satisfaction  on  that 
subject.     The  General  replied  that  arguments  were  use- 
less on  this  occasion,  his  orders  being  such,  as  not  to  act 
out  of  the  line  of  the  Province.     Col.  Johnson  observed 
that  this  did  not  appear  to  correspond  with  his  instruc- 
tions from  Gen.  Gage,  and  that  it  would  be  a  very  diffi- 
cult matter  to  manage  Indians  under  such  circumstances, 
and  limitations,  on  which  the  Gejieral  concluded  with 
saying,  that  all  in  the  Provinces,  must  be  subject  to  Gen. 
Carleton's  orders,  and  Col.  Johnson  must  act  in  the  best 
manner  he  could,  without  going  out  of  the  colony.     How- 
ever, the  Indians  being  assembled,  Col.  Johnson  delivered 
each   Nation  a  war  belt,  to  be  held  ready  for  service, 
which   the  Indians   cheerfully   accepted,  but  said  they 
were  afraid  the  ax  would  cut  them,  if  they  kept  it  long 
without  using  it. 

"  Several  of  the  Six  Nations,  Oughquagus,  &c.,  having 
waited  till  the  12th  of  August,  in  hopes  of  some  opera- 
tions, returned  with  their  war  belt,  to  Onondaga,  after 
assuring  Col.  Johnson  that  they  would  be  ready  to  re- 
turn, whenever  there  was  a  prospect  of  vigorous  measures. 

"Col.  Johnson  continued  to  relieve  the  party  at  St. 
Johns,  by  detachments  from  the  diiferent  Indian  encamp- 
ments, and  endeavored  by  all  the  means  in  his  power,  to 
render  them  contented  with  their  situation.  The  party  at 
St.  Johns,  continued  to  scout  on  lake  Champlain,  (within 
the  limits  prescribed,)  and  on  the  22d  of  August,  four  In- 
dians, detached  from  a  larger  party,  seized  a  new  barge, 
■with  which  the  rebels  were  reconnoitering,  which  brouo-ht 


'. 

1  m 

■Pl 

il 

..   :  It 

Rl 

'       ^    m 

i 

t  :  '13' 


m 


'  ■  ;iiiJ 


•!   ^    I 


in)]r 


|;ft*i 


^± 


248 


JII8T0RY  OF  BUFFALO. 


on  a  Bkinnish,  wherein  dipt.  Baker,  u  uotod  rebel,  was 
killed,  whoso  head,  together  with  his  instructions,  plans, 
&c.,  tliey  brought  into  St.  Johns.  In  this  aftiiir  three  In- 
dians were  wounded. 

"For  some  time  past,  notwithstanding  all  the  cares  to 
prevent  it,  some  of  the  inhabitants  etc.,  contiii  lod  to  sell 
liquor  to  the  Indians,  and  to  strip  them  of  their  clothino- 
propagating  also  iriany  dangerous  rejjorts  among  theni, 
and  telling  them  that  they  approved  of  the  rebels  coming, 
as  it  w  as  for  the  interest  of  the  colony. 

"  The  Indians  complained  much  of  all  this,  and  as  they 
had  already  waited,  inactive,  far  beyond  what  they  had 
ever  done  betbi-c.  Col.  Johnson  wrote  to  Gen.  Carlcton, 
representing  tiicir  urgency  to  go  against  the  rebels,  or 
attack  their  communications,  witli  his  opinion  that  it 
M'ould  answer  groat  purpose,  whilst  restraining  men,  un- 
accustomed to  inactivity,  would  abate  their  ardor,  and 
miglit  occasion  their  di^afleotion.  To  which,  the  General 
answered  that  no  one  thing  had  yet  happened  to  make 
him  alter  his  ojiinion,  in  regard  to  the  keeping  the  sava- 
ges within  the  line;  Col.  Johnson  therefore  took  all  pos- 
sible pains  to  amuse  them,  and  satisfy  them  on  that  head. 

"  On  the  3d  of  September,  in  conse(pience  of  reports 
brought  by  the  Indians,  that  the  enemy  were  advancing, 
Col.  Johnson  augmented  the  party  at  St.  Johns,  to  four 
officers,  and  one  hundred  and  twenty-one  Indians ;  and 
on  the  afternoon  of  the  4th,  Gen.  Prescott,  desired  him  to 
stop  sending  any  more  parties,  but  keep  them  about  the 
town,  lest  the  rebels  might  make  an  attempt  upon  the 
city  of  Montreal,  by  crossing  the  country.  The  next  day 
an  express  arrived  from  one  of  Col.  Johnson's  officers  at 
St.  Johns,  informing  that  a  scouting  party  of  Indians  had 


ll  i 


COL.   GUY   .IUHNSOn'h   KEI'()RT. 


241) 


li 


trii 


(liHcovercd  the  rebel  army  mx  Lslcau  Noix,  (sixteen  miles 
from  St.  Johna,)  and  that  a  soconti  scout  had  fallen  in 
with  some  of  theirs,  and  exchanged  a  few  shots,  by  one 
of  which  an  Indian  was  wounded.  ^JM.e  General  immedi- 
ately ordered  the  walls  of  Montrcd  to  be  repaired,  and 
summoned  the  inhabitants  to  appear  armed  on  the  parade 
that  evening,  and  Col.  Johnson  sent  off  an  officer  and  a 
party  of  Indians,  to  cover  the  Kings  magazines  near  La 
Chine.  A  body  of  oighty-six  Caru-sadaga  warriors  also 
came  in  and  joined  Col.  Johnson,  who  told  them  that  the 
General  re(iuested  that  they  sli,,idd  remain  in  readiness 
to  march,  when  their  service  was  most  wanted. 

"  The  next  day  the  rebel  army  came  before  St.  Johns, 
and  on  the  7th  at  daylight,  two  Indians  arrived  with  let- 
ters, giving  an  account  that  the  day  before,  the  first  divis- 
ion, being  about  one  thousand  men,  under  a  General 
Montgomery,  covered  with  vessels,  row  galleys,  &c.,  be- 
gan to  land  about  a  mile  from  St.  Johns,  when  the  Indi- 
ans  sallic  i  out,  and  engaged  them  with  so  much  success, 
that  they  obliged  them  to  retire  twice,  and  that  they  had 
at  length  n-ossed  the  lake,  and  afterwards  retreated  to 
Isle  au  Noix.  The  loss  of  the  rebels,  according  to  the 
best  accounts,  was  one  field  officer,  two  captains,  two 
lieutenants,  and  thirty  men  killed,  and  the  wounded  were 
since  found  to  be  double  that  number.  On  our  side 
Capt.  Tice,  one  of  Col.  Johnson's  officers,  was  shot  through 
the  thigh  ;  Capt.  Daniel,  a  faithiul  Mohawk,  one  Cana- 
joharrie,  with  two  Caughnawagas  killed,  and  several 
wounded,  of  which  three  died  soon  after. 

"The  Indians  complained  much  that  there  was  no 
troops  to  support  them,  and  in  the  evening  a  detachment 
of  sixteen  of  the  twenty-sixth  regiment,  with  some  of  the 


M 


'i'  } 


II 


250 


IIIBTORY    OK    MnFKALO. 


recruits  nnd  voluiiteors,  were  ordered  out,  witli  whom  Col. 
.Johnson  sent  two  ofllcers  and  neventy  Indijins. 

"On  the  10th  of  Septeniher,  on  the  report  that  somo 
Canadians  liud  assured  the  Ca»i;j;hnawagas  tluittho  rchels 
wouUl  dc-.struy  their  town,  Daniel  Clans,  Ksq.,  deputy 
agent,  was  sent  there  to  remove  any  fears  on  that  head, 
to  whom  the  Indiana  complained  that  they  had  lately 
been  much  traduced  by  some  of  the  French  gentlemen, 
who  were  too  apt  to  bo  busy  about  them,  and  resented 
that  the  Indians  woidd  not  attend  to  them,  observing  that 
at  the  reduction  of  Canada,  they  had  been  assured  that 
such  i)crson9  should  no  longer  interfere  with  them. 

"'J'iicy  added  that  their  cause  was  very  hard,  as  they 
were  threatened  with  ruin  by  the  rebels,  assured  by  the 
Canadians  that  they  would  not  oi)po8c  them,  and  that 
there  appeared  no  prospect  of  relief  from  any  other  (piar- 
ter.  From  all  which.  Col.  Johnson  perceived  that  these 
people  were  so  circumstanced  that  they  could  no  longer 
be  depended  on.  And  tiiis  day  Major  Campbell  arrived, 
being  appointed  agent  for  Indian  affairs  for  the  Province 
of  Quebec. 

"The  next  day  a  party  of  Indians  reconnoitering,  were 
fired  on  by  a  considerable  body  of  the  enemy,  and  Per- 
thus,  an  interpreter,  with  an  Indian,  surprised  and  killed, 
at  a  house  on  lake  Champlain.  On  the  12tli,  Col.  John- 
son held  a  conference  with  the  Caughuawagas,  to  remove 
their  apprehensions,  and  on  the  l3th,  another  was  held 
in  presence  of  Gen.  Carleton,  (then  returned  from  Que- 
bec,) in  consequence  of  intelligence  given  Col.  Johnson, 
by  the  Six  Nations,  that  the  rebels  had  employed  agents 
to  negotiate  a  neutrality  with  the  Caughuawagas. 

"  This  day  Gen.  Carleton  gave  his  thanks  to  the  Indi- 
ans in  general  orders,  in  the  words  following: 


?!|''i)4til 


COL.  GUY  JOIINHuN'h  KKl'OKT. 


261 


"Tho  General  givos  his  tluiaks  to  the  Indian  Cl.iefB  imd 
warrioi-s  who  huhaveU  8o  gulluntly  in  thu  action  of  the 
sixth  instant,  near  St  Johns,  and  dcsiren  tiuit  tho  nuino 
may  bo  co.nniunicated  to  them  and  their  nations,  by  Col. 
Johnson,  thoir siipoiintendant, 

FKAN'S  LeMMSTRE, 

Maj'r  JJrigade. 
Montreal,  Sept.  13,  1775, 

"Col.  Jolinson  continued  his  endeavors,  notwithstanding 
the  general  discouragement  an.ong  tho  Indians,  that  they 
might  bo  in  readiness,  in  case  the  General  could  raise  any 
force  to  go  against  tho  enemy.     On  tho  20th,  one  of  Col 
Johnson's  officers,  with  his  party  of  Indians,  wa8obIi..ed 
to  retire   from  tho   prario,  us  did  the  Indians  from  St. 
Johns,  which  was  now  completely  invested,  and  accounts 
received,  that  a  certain  Col.  Livingston,  with  the  inhabi- 
tants  of  Sorelle,  had  joined   the  rebels  ;  on   which   tho 
General,  &c.,  put  their  papers  and  baggage  on  board  of 
vessels  in  the  river.    Tho  rebels  had  now  overran  all  the 
country,  and  were  in  many  places  joined  by  the  perfidi- 
ous Canadians.    The  Indians,  thus  without  prospect  of 
aid,  began  to  provide  for  their  own  security,  after  com- 
plaining bitterly  of  the  disappointment  of  their  hopes  of 
succors ;  and  on  tho  25th,  Col.  Eathen  Allen,  crossed  to 
the  Island  of  Montreal,  and  with  a  partv  of  about  one 
hundred  and  forty,  partly  Canadians,  began  his  march 
for  that  city,  where  he  was  opposed  by  a  small  party  of 
the  2Gth  regiment,  some  volunteei-s,  and  thirty  officers, 
rangers,    and  Indians   of  the  Indian   department.     The 
latter  of  whom,  fortunately  falling  on  the  flank  where 
Alien  was,  he  delivered  up  his  sword,  and  surrendered  to 
one  of  Col.  Johnson's  officers,  who,  with  his  j^arty,  took 


'^11 


I-  m 


I,;; 


252 


HISTORY  OF  BUFFALO. 


the  most  of  those  made  prisoners.  On  the  27th,  Col. 
Johnson  renewed  his  application  to  General  Carleton 
for  moving  a  body  of  men,  in  which  case  he  could  still 
get  many  of  the  neighboring  Indians  to  co-operate ;  to 
which  the  General  answered  verbally,  (by  the  secretary 
of  Indian  aflliirs,)  that  lie  hoped  aflairs  were  takinf>-  a 
more  flivorable  turn,  and  that  he  ■  should  very  soon  be 
able  to  form  a  better  judgment." 

'•  From  this  time  to  Octobei-  12th,  every  art  and  means 
was  used  to  assemble  the  Canadians,  and  several  came 
in,  were  clothed  and  armed,  and  afterwards  joined  the 
enemy.  Finding,  therefore,  tlie  season  so  far  advanced, 
the  Indians  almost  all  withdrew  discontended,  unwillino- 
to  credit  any  further  ])romise3  of  aid.  That  those  that 
remained,  earnestly  solicited  for  troops  to  be  sent  out,  and 
that  Col.  Johnson  should  procure  them  the  redress  of 
sundry  grievances,  they  had  often  represented,  and  also, 
at  the  same  time,  having  received  dispatches  from  the 
secretary  of  state,  directing  that  their  several  grievances 
should  be  immediately  laid  before  the  king;  finding 
likewise,  that  Major  Campbell's  powers,  as  agent  for 
Canada,  must  occasion  some  difficulties,  that  would  ';ffect- 
nally  obstruct  the  service,  Col.  Johnson  signilled  his 
intention  to  go  to  England,  and  get  these  points  in  some 
measure  adjusted  before  the  Indians,  from  their  respective 
nations  could  take  the  field  next  year.  In  wliich  resolu- 
tion, he  was  confirmed  by  the  Indians,  who  deputed  a 
faithful  young  chief  to  accompany  him,*  and  having 
posted  his  officers  at  such  places  as  they  might  be  most 
useful  to  preserve  the  fidelity  of  the  Indians,  Avith  proper 


•Joseph  Biant. 


!       ! 


COL.  GUY  JOHNSOk's  REPORT. 


253 


iustructions,  he  proceeded  for  Quebec,  from  whence  he 
sailed  for  England,  the  11th  of  November." 

"The  foregoing  is  a  brief  abstract  from  the  minutes  of 
Indian  affairs,  and  may  serve  to  give  a  general  sketch  of 
his  conduct  and  success,  the  last  campaign,  though  labor- 
ing imder  every  circumstance  of  disadvantage  ;  but  the 
points  necessary  to  be  enquired  into,  and  regulated,  on 
which  the  future  good  conduct  of  tliose  hitherto  faithful 
people  must  depend,  and  the  reasonableness  and  pvopriety 
of  Col.  Johnson's  proceedings,  will  appear  from  the 
annexed  statement,  which  is  honestly  and  impartially 
submitted. 

A  true  copy  of  extracts  from  the  Indian  records. 

JOSEPH  CHEW, 

Sec'y  of  Indian  affairs." 
London,  June  26,  1776. 


i;'t 


■i'"i.i 


;;    I 


Ah 


%\i'i  : 


CHAPTER     XVI. 


■f  ; 

IS,  .k 


Col.  Gny  Johnson,  us  intiinated  in  liis  report  just 
referred  to,  sailed  for  England,  where  he  arrived  in  Jan- 
uary, 1776.  He  was  accompanied  by  Joseph  Erant,  and 
a  Mohawk  war  chief,  named  Oteroughyanento.  The  ar- 
rival of  Maj.  Campbell,  as  agent  for  Indian  affairs  in 
Canada,  whoso  authority  seemed  to  conflict  with  that  of 
Col.  Johnson,  perhaps  led  to  this  determination  of  Col. 
Johnson,  to  visit  England  at  this  time.  He  had  endeavor- 
ed to  employ  his  Indian  wariiors,  mostly  Mohawks,  who 
accompanied  him  to  Canada;  and  from  the  names  inci- 
dentally mentioned,  at  least  two  sons  of  Sir  William 
Johnson,  Peter  and  William,  w't-re  emj)loyed  as  officers 
in  the  Indian  force  against  the  colonists  at  this  time,  in 
the  vicinity  of  Montreal,  and  took  part  in  the  repulse, 
"and  capture  of  Col.  Eatlian  Allen,  after  his  detachment 
was  routed  near  Montreal.'' 

Brant,  during  his  visit  in  England,  made  a  speech  to 
Lord  George  Germain,  one  of  his  Majesty's  |)riiici])al 
Secretaries  of  State ;  setting  ibrth  the  grievances  of  the 
Six  Nations  in  general,  and  of  the  Mohawks,  his  own  Na- 
tion, in  particular.  To  which  Lord  Germain  made  a 
brief  reply,  promising  attention  to  the  subject  of  their 
complaints,   which   were  as   usual,  in   relation   to  their 


i>l  III 


COL.  ouy  Johnson's  visit  to  kngland.  255 

lands.  This  speech  of  Brant,  which  appears  to  have  been 
dehyered  in  London,  March,  1770,  exhibits  nothin.  re- 
markable but  in  all  respects  shows  a  mediocre  order  of 
talent  It  was  followed  by  another,  in  reply,  eras  an- 
swer from  Capt.  Erant,  as  he  is  styled,  on  the  7th  of  May 
m6,m  which  he  says:  "  We  are  not  afraid  Brother  or 
have  we  the  least  doubt  but  our  brethren,  the  Six  Na- 
jons,  will  continue  firm  to  their  engagements  with  the 
Xing,  their  father." 

The  sojourn  <,f  Col.  Johnson  with  his  Indian  deputies 
|n  England,  was  brief,  as  we  fi.ul  a  letter  of  his  addressed 
to  Lord  Gernuiin,  dated  Staten  Island,  August  9th,  1776 
;n  winch  he  acquaints  his  Lordship  that  he  "arrived  in 
the  harbor  of  New  York,  on  the  29th  ult.,  alter  a  lone, 
passage  and  much  molestation  from  rel.el  cruisers,  ore 
of  winch  attacked  us,  near  Bermudas,  but  was,  after  a 
pre  ty  close  engagement  of  an  hour  and  a  half,  beat  off, 
^v^th  much  loss,  though  she  damaged  our  n.asts,  and  rin- 
ging so  nuich,  that  we  could  not  pursue  her."    *    *    ife 
adds :  "This  moment,  an  iuhabita.it  of  the  Mohawk  river 
as  Cund  means  to  reach  our  camp,  ami  informs  that  he' 
had  heard  that  Sir  John  Johnson  had  reached  Gen    Bur- 
go.ne.     That  a  Col.  Dayton,  with  six  hundred  men,  was 
repaning  fort    Stanwix,   and   that   Gen.   Schuyler  had 
opened  a  Congress  at  the  Ger.nan  Flatts,  but  that  only 
Bou.e  ot  the  Oneidas  and  Ougluiuagys  attended  it,  and 
<ld,s   hat    the  rebels  had  carried  off  n,y  negroes,  &c.,and 
(ie.no  , shed  everything  on  n.y  estate.'     The  I.ulians  that 
attended  Schuyler,  have  long  been  under  the  influence  of 
JNow  Lngiand  missionaries,  and  I  found  some  dilHeultv 
With  them  last  year," 

Tl.is  allusion  is  undoubtedly  to  the  Oneidas,  and  the 


"V. 


\''Al 


m 


i 


I 


256 


IIISTOKY   OF  BUFFALO. 


New  England  missionary,  Mr.  Kirkland,  who  we  have 
ah'eady  seen,  had  exerted  his  influence  to  induce  the  In- 
dians to  take  no  part  in  the  war.  The  person  alluded  to 
above,  by  Col.  Johnson,  as  having  arrived  from  the  Mo- 
}iawk  river,  was  undoubtedly  the  person  described  in  the 
following  declaration,  which  was  reduced  to  writing,  in 
presence  of  several  persons,  one  of  whom  it  will  be  ob- 
served, signs  himself  "Joseph,  Indian  Chief." 

DECLARATION  OF  DEPUTY  COJMMISSIONER  GUMKliSALL. 

"  That  he  left  the  Mohawk  river  about  the  beginning 
of  June  of  the  j^resent  year,  and  been  for  several  weeks 
in  that  country,  where  he  was  acquainted.  That  Sir  John 
Johnson,  through  intelligence  he  had  received,  partly  by 
means  of  (Tumersall,  found  it  necessary  to  leave  his 
home,  and  withdraw  to  Canada.  To  effect  which,  he 
procured  three  Indians  from  the  neighboring  village,  as 
guides  through  the  woods,  and  was  accompanied  by  about 
one  hundred  and  thirty  Highlanders,  and  near  one  hun- 
dred and  twenty  other  inhabitants  of  the  country,  attached 
to  government,  with  whom  he  proceeded  from  the  house 
of  Mr.  McDonnell,  called  Collaghy,  on  or  about  the  13th 
of  May  last,  for  Oswegacliy,  in  Canada.  That  the  said 
Gumcrsall,  whu  M'as  instrumental  to  him  on  this  occa- 
sion, accompanied  him  a  few  miles  further  on  his  route, 
and  then  took  his  leave.  After  which,  and  with  much 
difficulty,  after  secreting  himself,  and  marching  by  night, 
after  about  five  weeks,  he  arrived  at  Staten  Island.  *  * 
Mr.  Gumersall  further  declares  that  lie  was  credibly  in- 
formed, that  John  I>utler,  Esq.,  who  was  left  at  Niagara 
by  Col.  Johnson,  superintendent  of  Indian  affairs,  with 


m 


|;9»  i«!t 


i«<ia ! 


gumersall's  declaration.  257 

other  officers,  to  encourage  the  Indians  to  join  his  Majes- 
ty s  troops  this  season,  received  several  letters  from  Mr 
Schnyler,  a  rebel  General,  inviting  hin.  down,  and  prom- 
ising lum  protection,  but  at  the  san.e  time,  employed  the 
messenger,    an  Indian,)  i„  case  he  refused,  to  brLg  his 

dollais.     Iha    about  three  days  after  Sir  John's  depar- 
ture. Lady  Johnson  received  a  letter  from  John  Butler, 
Esq.,  addressed  to  Sir  John,  acquainting  him  that  he  had 
according  to  Col.  Johnson's   instructions,   assembled  a' 
considerable  body  of  Indians,  ready  to  go  on  service,  and 
only  waited  to  receive  news  from  Col.  .lohnson,  or  orders 
to  proceed.     And  Mr.Gumersall  believes,and  has  heard, 
hat  the  Indians  had  proceeded!  agreeable  thereto,  and 
that  Lieut  Gray,  late  of  the  forty-second,  and  Mr.  Gum- 
ersall,   helped   to  raise  the   men,  who  accompanied  Sir 
John,  and  Mr.  Gumersall  advanced  them  money  on  that 
occasion  TIIOS.  GUMERSALL. 

Signed  on  Staten  Island,  August,  1776,  in  presence  of 
Jonn  Deas,  Gilbert  Tice,  and  Joseph,  Indian  Chief." 

The  following  correspondence  will  show  the  position  of^ 
fe.r  Jo Im  Johnson  at  this  ti.ue.  a.  it  appears  he  had  re- 
mained at  Johnstown  with  his  family,  surrounded  by  his 
tenants  and  other  loyalists. 


■  'lir 


GEN.  SCHUYLER  TO  SIR  JOHN  JOHNSON. 

Schenectady,  Jan.  16,  1776. 
feiii :  Information  having  been  received  that  dosio-ns  of 
the  most  dangerous  tendency  to  the  rights,  libertieCprop- 
erty,  and  even  the  lives  of  those  of  liis  Majesty's  faithful 


k 


i        ■.! 


4  1   I 


258 


IIISTOltY   OK    Bl'FKAI.O. 


subjects  in  America,  who  arc  {)])pose(l  to  the  unconstitu' 
tional  measures  of  his  ministry,  have  been  formed  in  a 
part  of  the  county  of  Tryon.  I  am  ordered  to  march  a 
body  of  men  into  that  county,  to  .carry  into  execution  cer- 
tain resolutions  of  my  superiors,  and  to  contravene  those 
dangerous  designs.  Influenced  sir,  by  motives  of  human- 
ity, I  wish  to  comply  with  m}--  orders,  in  the  manner 
most  peaceable,  that  no  blood  may  be  shed.  I  recpiest 
therefore,  that  you  be  pleased,  to  meet  me  to-morrow,  at 
any  place  on  my  way  to  Johnstown,  to  which  1  proj)osc 
then  to  march.  For  which  purpose,  I  do  hereby  give 
you  my  word  of  honor,  that  you,  and  such  i)ersons  as  you 
may  choose  to  attend  you,  sliall  pass  safe,  and  unmolest- 
ed, to  the  place  where  you  "may  meet  me,  and  from  thence, 
back  to  your  place  of  abode.  Rutgers  Bleecker  and  Hen- 
ry Glen,  Esqs.,  are  the  bearers  hereof;  gentlemen  who 
are  entitled  to  your  best  attention,  which  I  dare  say  tliev 
will  experience,  and  by  whom,  I  expect,  you  will  favor 
me  with  an  answer  to  this  letter.  You  will  ])lease  to  as- 
sure Lady  Johnson,  that  whatever  may  be  the  residt  of 
wliat  is  now  in  agitation,  she  may  rest  perfectly  satisfied, 
that  no  indignity  M-ill  be  offered  her. 

I  am  Sir,  Your  Humble  Servant, 

PII.  SCHUYLER. 
To  Sir  Joun  Johnson,  Baronet. 


jSlfr*  i| 


Tiie  next  morning  after  the  dispatch  of  the  above  let- 
ter. Gen.  Schuyler  resumed  his  march  for  Johnstown. 
He  was  met,  during  the  day,  upon  the  road,  by  Sir  Joim, 
and  a  few  of  his  friends.  The  result  of  the  interview,  was 
the  offer  by  Gen.  Schuyler  to  Sir  John,  and  others,  that 
in  consideration  of  their  delivering  up  all  arms,  amnuuii- 


OEN.  SOHUYLEK  TO  SIR  .roiIN  JOHNSON.  259 

tion,  and  military  stores  of  every  kind,  except  that  Sir 
John  was  to  retain  his  own  personal  equip.nents  ;  that 
Sir  John  should  give  his  parole  of  honor,  not  to  leave  the 
county  or  the  neighborhood  of  his  residence.     That  on 
the  faithful  perlonnanee  of  these  stipulations  on  the  part 
of  Sir  John  and  h>s  adherents,  they  should  be  protected, 
in  the  qu.et  enjoyment  of  their  proj.erty.     Gen.  Schuyle; 
required  that  hostages  should  be  delivered  up,  as  a  pleie 
orthe  la.thful  perforn.ance  of  these  stipldations,  am^ 
then-  future  good  conduct.    Sir  John  asked  until  the  eve- 
ning of  the  next  day,  to  consider  the  matter,  which  was 
granted. 

On  the  next  day,  the  18th,  Gen.  Schuyler  resumed  his 
march  to  Caughnawaga,  where  he  was  joined  by  Col 
Ilerknner,  and  the  Tryon  county  militia,   "sir  John's  .n' 
swer  was  not  satisfactory,  as  will  appear  by  the  follow 
mg  letter  of  Gen.  Schuyler  in  reply. 

Om.  8CHITYLEE  TO  SIR  .TO,m  .OUNSON,  BAb't.,  AND  OTHERS. 

Caughnawaga,  Jan.  18,  1776 
(xENTs  :  Messrs,  Adams  and  McDonell  have  delivered 
me  your  answer   to   my  proposals  of  yesterday's  date. 
Ihe    east  attention  to  the  articles  I  offered,  when  com- 
pared with  yours,  must  convince  you,  that  you  omitted 
replies  to  several  of  them,  and  consequently  that  what 
you  have  sent  me  is  very  imperfect,  and  unsatisfactory 
1  Nvaive  pointing  out  some  of  the  inconsistences  in  your 
proposals,  as  the  whole  are  exceptionable,   except  the 
last.  ^  I  must  therefore  obey  my  orders,  and  again  rej>eat 
^hat  m  the  execution  of  them,  I  shall  strictly  abide  by 
the  laws  of  humanity.     At  the  same  time  assuring  vou^ 


^mi 


260 


IIISTOKY    OP   JIUKKALO. 


that  if  tlio  least  rcsistatico  is  made,  1  will  not  answer  for 
the  consequences,  which  inay  be  of  a  nature  the  most 
dreadful.  If  Lady  Johnson  is  at  Johnson  Hall,  I  wish 
she  would  retire,  (and  therefore  enclose  a  passport,)  as  I 
shall  march  my  troops  to  that  place,  without  delay. 

Yofl  niay,  however,  still  have  time  to  reconsider  the 
matter,  and  for  that  purpose  1  give  you  until  twelve 
o'clock  this  night,  after  which,  I  shall  receive  no  propo- 
sals, and  1  have  sent  you  Mr.  Robert  Yates,  Mr.  Glen, 
and  Mr.  Duer,  to  receive  the  ultimate  proposals  you  have 
to  make.  This  condescension  I  make  from  no  other  mo- 
tive than  to  prevent  the  effusion  of  blood,  so  far  as  it  can 
be  effected  without  risking  the  safety  of  the  county,  or 
being  guilty  of  a  breach  of  the  positive  orders  1  have  re- 
ceived from  the  Honorable  Continental  Congress. 
I  am,  Gentlemen,  with  due  respect, 

Your  Humble  Servant, 

PE.  SCHUYLER. 
To  Sib  John  Johnson  and  Mr.  Allan  McDonkll. 


U':    < 


In  the  interview  between  Gen.  Schuyler  and  Sir  John 
Johnson,  the  latter  had  informed  the  General,  that  the 
Indians  were  assembled  at  his  house,  and  would  defend 
him.  Gen.  Schuyler  replied  that  he  should  execute  his 
orders,  and  if  opposed  by  force,  would  not  be  answerable 
for  consetpiences  While  the  General  was  waiting  for 
the  reply  of  Sir  John,  two  chiei's  of  the  Mohawks  ar- 
rived, and  assured  the  General  that  the  Indians  would 
interfere  in  no  other  way  tlnin  as  mediators. 

Soon  after  the  preceding  letter  had  been  dispatched  to 
Johnson  Hall,  the  Mohawk  saclieins,  with  all  their  wax- 
riors,  together  with  several  from  the  upper  Mohawk  cas- 


INDIAN  DKPUTATION  TO  OKN.  HmVYhKU.  261 

tie,  visited  Cleii.  Scbi.jler  on  a  mission  of  peace.     They 
nitonncd   Gon.   Schuyler,   that  Sir  John  had  related  to 
them  the  terms  offered  by  him  for  the  surrender  of  Sir 
John  and  his  party  ;  they  assured  the  General  that  Sir 
John  had  told  them  that  ho  only  desired  protection  for 
himselt  and  family,  and  friends  ;  and  protested  that  he 
had  no  unfriendly  Intentions,  against  the  comitry.     The 
Indians,  therefore,  Legged  the  General  to  accept  the  terms 
Sir  John  had  offered.     He  told  the  chiefs  that  he  could 
not  accept  of  those  terms,  and  pointed  out  the  objections. 
He  also  recapitulated  to  them,  the  terms  he  had  just  sent 
to  the  Hall.     The  Indians  expressed  themselves 'satisfied 
with  the  reasons  assigned  by  the  General,  and  with  the 
course  adopted  ;  but  requested  that  more  time  should  be 
given  for  Sir  John's  reply,  that  they  might  have  time  to 
go  and  "shake  his  head,"  as  they  expressed  it,  and  brin- 
him  to  his  senses.     They  also  desired,  as  a  particular  fa- 
vor, that  Sir  John  might  not  be  removed  out  of  the  coun- 
try.    They  apologized  for  the  threats  of  their  own  war- 
riors,  saying  that  it  was  because  they  were  not  present  at 
the  treaty  of  Albany;  and  again  repeated  the  assurance, 
that  they  would  never  take  up  arms  against  the  colonies. 
In  reply,  Gen.  Schuyler  informed  them,  that  ho  should 
accede  to  their  request,  although  the  conduct  of  Sir  John 
had  been  such,  that  he  would  bo  justified  in  holding  him 
a  prisoner.     Before  the  Indians  had  left  the  quart;r8  of 
Clen.  Schuyler,  (at   Caughnawaga,)  a   dispatch  was  re- 
ceived from  Sir  John  Johnson,  accepting  in  substance, 
the  terms  dictated  by  Gen.  Schuyler,  at  which  the  Indi- 
ans expressed  great  satisfaction,  and  retired,  with  warm 
expressions  of  gratification. 
The  following  were  the  terras  of  capitulation  prescribed 


u 


i  a 


262 


HISTORY    OK   UUFFALO. 


■  aiii 


I 


by  Gen.  Schuyler,  and  in  substiinco  agreed  to  by  Sir 
John  Johnson. 

"Terms   of  capitulation   agreed   upon  between  Gen.. 
Schuyler  and  Sir  John  Johnson,  Jan.  19,  1776  : 

"  Gen.  Schuyler's  feelings  as  a  gentleman,  induce  him 
to  consent  that  Sir  John  Johnson  retain  the  few  favorite 
family  arms,  he  making  a  list  of  them.  The  General 
will  also  consent  that  Sir  John  Johnson,  may  go  as  far  to 
the  westward,  as  to  the  German  Flatts,  and  Kingsland 
districts,  in  this  county,  and  to  every  other  part  of  this 
colony,  to  the  southward  and  eastward  of  said  districts, 
provided  he  does  not  go  into  any  seaport  town.  The 
General,  however,  believes  that  if  Sir  John's  private  busi- 
ness should  require  his  going  to  any  other  of  the  ancient 
English  colonies,  he  will  be  permitted  the  indulgence,  by 
applying  to  Congress  for  leave. 

"  The  General  will  take  six  Scotch  inhabitants  prison- 
ers, since  they  prefer  it  to  going  as  hostages.  It  has  been 
the  invariable  rule  of  Congress,  and  that  of  all  its  offi- 
cers, to  treat  prisoners  with  the  greatest  humanity,  and 
to  pay  all  due  deference  to  rank.  He  cannot  ascertain 
the  places,  to  which  Congress  may  please  to  send  them. 
For  the  present,  they  will  go  to  Reading,  or  Lancaster,  in 
Pennsylvania.  Nor  can  he  make  any  promises,  with  re- 
spect to  the  maintenance  of  the  women  and  children. 
His  humanity  will  certainly  induce  him  to  recommend 
to  Congress,  an  attention  to  what  has  been  requested  on 
that  head.  Gen.  Schuyler  expects  that  all  the  Scotch  in- 
habitants, of  whatever  rank,  who  are  not  confined  to  their 
beds  by  illness,  will  attend  with  their  arms,  and  deliver 
them  on  Saturday,  at  twelve  o'clock.  If  this  condition 
be  not  faithfully  performed,  he  will  consider  himself  as 


CAPITULATION  OF  SIR  .JOHN  JOHNSON. 


263 


disengaged   from  nny   engngenierits   entered   into  with 
tliom. 

"Gen.  Schuyler  never  refused  a  gentleman,  his  side 
arms. 

"The  prisoners  that  may  be  taken,  must  bo  removed  to 
Albany  immediately,  where  the  General  will  permit  them 
to  remain  a  reasonable  time  to  settle  their  family  affairs. 

"If  the  terms  Gen.  Schuyler  offered  on  the  17th  inst, 
are  accepted,  with  the  above  qualifications,  fair  copies 
will  bo  made  out,  and  signed  by  the  parties,  one  of  which 
will  be  delivered  to  Sir  John  and  Mr.  McDonell,  signed 
by  the  General.  To  prevent  a  waste  of  time,  the  Gener- 
al wishes  Sir  John  and  Mr.  McDonell  immediately  to 
send  an  answer. 

He  remains  with  due  respect, 
Sir  John's  and  Mr.  McDonell's  Humble  Serv't-, 

PH.  SCHUYLER." 

These  terms  were  acceeded  to  by  Sir  John,  and  on  the 
same  day.  Gen.  Schuyler  marched  to  Johnstown.  Sir 
John  delivered  up  all  the  arms  and  ammunition  in  his  pos- 
session, both  being  much  less  than  had  been  represented. 
The  next  day,  20th,  Gen.  Schuyler  paraded  his  troops  and 
received  the  surrender  of  between  two  and  three  hundred 
Scotch  Highlanders,  who  marched  out  in  front,  and 
grounded  their  arms  ;  and  they  were  dismissed  with  an 
exhortation  to  remain  peaceable,  with  an  assurance  of 
protection  if  they  did  so. 

The  energy  and  success  with  which  Gen.  Schuyler 
executed  this  expediton,  received  the  approbation  of  the 
congress,  and  a  resolution  of  thanks  was  passed  "  for  his 
fidelity,  prudence,   and  expedition  with  which  he  had 


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264 


HISTORY   OF   BUFFALO. 


performed  such  a  meritorious  service."  President  Han- 
cock, in  his  letter  transmiting  the  resolutions  of  congress, 
says:  "It  is  with  the  greatest  pleasure  I  inform  you,  that 
the  prudent  zeal  and  temper,  manifested  in  your  late 
expedition,  met  with  the  warmest  approbation  of  con- 
gress," 

Notwithstanding  the  obligations  by  which  Sir  John 
had  bound  himself  to  remain  a  quasi  prisoner  of  war, 
information  was  received  by  Geu.  Schuyler,  that  Sir  John 
was  in  secret  correspondence  with  the  Indians,  instiga- 
ting them  to  hostilities,  and  it  was  thought  advisable  by 
Gen.  Schuyler,  to  put  Sir  John  under  a  stricter  surveil- 
lance. 

For  the  purpose  of  securing  the  person  of  Sir  John,  and 
quelling  the  rising  turbulent  spirit  of  the  Highlanders,  a 
force,  under  Col.  Dayton,  was  dispatched  to  Johnstown, 
in  May  1776.  Sir  John  received  notice  of  this  intention^ 
through  sympathising  friends  in  Albany,  in  time  to  anti- 
cipate Col.  Dayton's  arrival,  and  with  a  large  body  of  his 
tenants  who  adhered  to  the  cause  of  the  crown,  took  to 
the  woods,  not  daring  to  take  the  usual  travelled  route, 
and  after  a  most  fatiguing  march  of  nineteen  days', 
through  the  wilderness,  having  suffered  greatly  from 
want  of  provisions,  they  arrived  at  Montreal,  considera- 
bly diminished  in  numbers. 

In  the  suddenness  of  his  flight,  Sir  John  loft  all  his 
property  and  his  family  behind.  Col.  Stone,  in  his  "life 
of  Brant,"  in  a  note  relates  the  following :  '•  After  the. 
confiscation  of  the  property  of  Sir  John,  the  furniture  of 
the  hall  was  sold  by  auction  at  Fort  Hunter.  The  late 
Lieut.  Governor  Taylor  purchased  several  articles  of  fur- 
niture, and  among  otiier  things,  the  family  bible.    Per- 


BE3T0EATI0N   OF   THE   FAMILY   BUiLJi.  265 

ceiving  that  it  contained  the  family  record,  which  might 
be  of  great  value  to  Sir  John,  Mr.  Taylor  wrote  a  civil 
note  to  Sir  John,  offering  its  restoration.  Sometime  after 
H  messenger  from  Sir  John  called  for  the  bible,  whose 
conduct  was  so  rude  as  to  give  offence.  "I  have  come 
for  Sir  William's  bible,"  said  he,  "  and  there  are  the  four 
guii^as  which  it  cost."  The  bible  was  delivered,  and 
the  runner  was  asked  what  message  Sir  John  had  sent. 
Ihe  reply  was,  »  Pay  four  guineas  and  take  the  book." 

Lady  Johnson   was   removed   to  Albany,  where  she 
remained  as  a  kind  of  hostage  for  the  peaceable  conduct 
of  her  husband.    She  subsequently  wrote  to  Gen.  Wash- 
ington, complaining  of  the  detention,  asking  him  to  inter- 
pose for  her  release.    But  the  Commander  in  Chief  left 
the  matter  with  Gen.  Schuyler  and  the  Albany  committee, 
bir  John   was  immediately  commissioned  a  Colonel,  in 
the  British  service,  and  raised  two  battallions,  composed 
ot  those  who  accompanied  him  in  his  flight,  and  other 
American  loyalists,  who    subsequently  followed    their 
example.    They  were  called  the  "  Royal  Greens." 

There  have  been  some  doubts  entertained  as  to  where 
the  responsibility  of  engaging  the  Six  Nations  in  the 
controversy,  between  the  king  and  the  colonies,  should 
rest.  Thefollowing letter  places  that  responsibility  where 
It  belongs,  which,  although  written  in  1775,  will  be  inser- 
ted  here : 

GOV.  TRYON  TO  THE  EARL  OF  DARTMOUTH. 

"Ship  Dutchess  of  Gordon,  off  New  York, 

7th  February,  1775. 
My  Lord  : 

The  loyal  inhabitants  of  this  province  have  experienced 


i'lli 


266 


HISTORY  OF  BUFFALO. 


a  variety  ofinjimes  and  insults  since  iny  dispatch  of  the 
5th  of  January.    The  latter  end  of  last  month,  twelve 
hundred  men  from  New  Jersey,  under  the  command  of 
Col.  Hard,  went  over  to  Long  Island,  and  after  ten  days 
marauding,  disarmed  upwards  of  six  hundred  inhabitants 
of  Queens   county  and  took  seventeen  of  the  principal 
gentlemen  prisoners,  who  have  since  been  marched,  un- 
der guard,  to  Philadelphia.    The  same  manouvre  has 
been  practised   by  Gen.  Schuyler,  at  the  head  of  near 
four  thousand  armed  mob ;  he  marched  to  Johnson's  hall, 
the  14th  of  last  month,  where  Sir  John  had  mustered  near 
six  hundred  men  from  his  tenants  and  neighbors,  the  ma- 
jority highlanderb.  After  disarming  them,  and  taking  four 
pieces   of  artillery,  ammunition,   and   many  prisoners, 
with  three  hundred  and  sixty  guineas  from  Sir  John's 
desk,   they  compelled  h'm  to  enter  into  a  bond   in  one 
thousand  six  hundred   pounds   sterling,  not  to  aid  the 
king's  service,  or  to  remove  within  a  limited  distance 
from  his  house.    Such,  my  Lord,  is  the  degrading  situa- 
tion of  His  Majesty's  faithful  subjects  in  this   colony. 
The  rebels  have  been  active  in  disarming  other  parts  of 
the  colony,  and  this  plan  was  grounded  upon  the  recom- 
mendation of  the  provincial  congress  here  to  the  conti- 
nental congress,  to  send  troops  from  other  parts  to  the 
delinquents  of  this  country,  as  will  be  seen  by  the  copy 
of  their  letter  among  the  enclosures, 

I  am  with  great  respect,  my  Lord, 
Your  Lordship's  most  obediant  servant, 

WM.  TRYOK" 

Earl  Dartmootii. 


GOV.  TKYON  TO  EAIJL  DAKTMOUTH.         267 
EXTRACT  GOV.  TEVON  TO  THE  KAUL  DAKTMOUTH. 

"  8th  February,  1776. 

By  late  secret  intelligence  from  the  northward,  and  as 
far  westward  as  Detroit,  I  have  the  agreeable  information 
that  the  Indians  are  firmly  attaclied  to  tlie  king's  interest 

The  Indians  have  chosen  Peter  Johnson,  the  natural 
son  ofSir  William  Johnson,   (by  an  Indian  woman,)  to 
be  their  chief.    He  is  intrepid  and  active,  and  took  with 
his  own  hand  Eathan  Allen,  in  a  barn,  after  his  detatch- 
ment  was  routed   before  Montreal.    The  Indian  depart- 
ment demands  all  possible  attantion,  and  a  commission 
of  General,  to  Peter,  would  be  politic.    To  fix  and  retain 
the  Indians  by  very  liberal   presents  and  -  ncouragement 
will  be  of  the  highest  importance  to  the  king's  service  at 
the  present  crisis.    Presents  sent  to  them   by  way  of 
Quebec  will  be  the  most  certain  channel,   and  an  assort- 
ment sent  to  this  post,  ^vill  also  be  very  expedient  to  be 

sent  up  to  Albany  as  soon  as   the  troops   arrive  in   this 
colony. 

"I  am  assured  that  the  Indian  nations  will  make  a 
powerful  diversion  on  the  borders  of  the  lake,  very  early 
this  spring,  cut  off  all  parties  going  to  reinforce  the  ene- 
my, and  probably  seize  all  the  vessels,  batteaus,  and  row 
■galleys  before  they  are  liberated  from  the  ice  ;  and  then 
join  Gen.  Carleton  in  Canada,  or  come  down  to  Albany, 
as  occasion  may  require.  This  my  Lord,  is  the  plan  of 
operations  for  the  Indians,  and  I  expect  it  will  be  execu- 
ted, and  succeed. 

"  The  enclosures  relative  to  Canada  transactions,  here- 
with transmitted,  will  further  explain  to  your  Lordship 
the  happy  restoration  of  his  Majesty's  affairs  in  that  gov- 
ernment. 


t, 


1(:t| 


it 


4 


•268 


I' ''!' 


HISTOBY   OF  BUFFALO. 


I  am  with  all  possible  respect  and  esteem   my  Lord 
your  Lordship's  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

EAEL  DAETMOUTII.  WM.  TRYON  " 

EAKL  OF  DAETMOUTII  TO  OOL.  GUY  JOHNSON. 

White  Hall  24th  July,  1775. 
*'  SiE  :-^I  have  already  in  my  letter  to  you  on  the  5th 
inst.,  hinted  that  the  time  might  possibly  come  when  the 
King  relying  upon  the  attachment  of  his  faithful  allies, 
tiie  Six  Nations  of  Indians,  might  bo  under  the  necessity 
ofcalling  upon  them  fur  their  aid  and  assistance  in  the 
present  state  of  America. 

"  The  unnatural  rebellion  now  raging  there,   calls  for 
every  effort  to  suppress  it;  and  the  intelligence  his  Maj- 
esty has  received  of  the  rcbols  having  excited  the  Indians 
to  take  a  part,  and  of  their  having  actually  engaged  a 
body  of  them  in  arms  to  support  their  rebellion,  justifies 
the  resolution  his  Majesty  has  taken  of  requiring  the  as- 
sistance of  his  faithful  adherents,  the  Six  mtions.    It  is 
therefore,  his  Majesty's  pleasure,  that  you  do  lose  no  time 
m  taking  such  steps  as  will  induce  them  to  take  up  the 
hatchet  against  his  Majesty's  rebellious  subjects  in  Amer- 
ica, and  to  engage  them  in  his   Majesty's   service  upon 
such  plan  as  shall  be  suggested  to  you,  by  Gen.  Gage,  to 
whom  this  letter  is  sent,  accompanied  with  a  large  as- 
sortment of  goods  for  presents  to  them,  upon  this  impor- 
tant occasion.     Whether  the  engaging  the  Six  Nations  to 
take  up  arms  in  defense  of  his  Majesty's  government,  is 
most  likely  to  be  effected  by  separate  negotiation  with  the 
chiefs,  or  in  a  general  council  assembled  for  that  purpose 
must  be  left  to  your  judgment.    But  ^t  all  events  it  is  a 


COL.  .roiTNaON  TO  LORD  GERMAIN. 


269 


1   my  Lord, 

nt, 

'RYON." 

30X. 

Ill  J,  1775. 
1  on  the  5th 
tie  when  the 
;hful  allies, 
e  necessity 
;ance  in  the 

3,  calls  for 
36  his  Maj- 
the  Indians 
engaged  a 
n,  justifies 
ng  the  as- 
ions.    It  is 
ose  no  time 
ke   up  the 
s  in  Amer- 
vice  upon 
.  Gage,  to 
large  as- 
tiis  impor- 
tations to 
nment,  is 
n  with  the 
it  purpose 
its  it  is  a 


service  of  very  great  importance  ;  you  will  not  fail  to  ex- 
ert every  effort  that  may  tend  to  accomplish  it,  and  to 
use  the  utmost  diligence  and  activity  in  the  execution  of 
the  orders  I  have  now  the  honor  to  transmit  to  you. 

I  am,  etc., 

DAETMOUTH." 

In  November,  3776,  Col.  Johnson  writes  Lord  Germain 
from  New  York,  as  follows  : 

"  I  have  the  pleasure  to  assure  your  Lordship  that  the 
Indians  have  faithfully  observed  the  promises  thev  made 
ine,  rejecting  all  the  proposals  of  the  rebels,  and  a'consid- 
erable  number  of  them  proceeded   on  service.    And  not- 
withstanding the  artifices  practiced  by  the  Indians  of  the 
Oneida  villages,  influenced  by  their  New  England  mis- 
sionary Kirkland,  the  enclosed  intercepted  letter,  commu- 
nicated  to  me  by  Lord  Howe,  will   show  the  fidelity  of 
the  Six  Nations,  and  evince  their  attention  to  me.  *  *  * 
To  pave  the  way  for  future  operations,  I  have   with  the 
approbation  of  Gen.  Howe,  lately  dispatched  (in  disguise) 
one  ot  my  officers  with   Joseph  (Brant)   the  chief,  (who 
desi-ed  the  service,)  to  get  across  the  country  to  the  Six 
Nations,  and  from   their  activity  and  knowledge  of  the 
way,  I  have  hopes  of  their  getting  through  undiscovered." 
The  following  is  the  intercepted  letter  spoken  of  above  • 
"  Copy  of  a  letter  from  S.  Kirkland,  a  New  England 
Missionary  among  the  Oneidas,  to  Mr.  Schuyler,  a  rebel 
General,  and  manager  of  their  affairs,  dated  Oneida,  22d 
May,  1776. 

"  To  the  Hon.  Philip  Schuyler  Esq.,  Commissary,  &c 
from  the  Oneida  Chiefs.  "        '' 

"  Brother  GovEitKOE  :—We  the  Oneida  chiefs,  think 


1^      ■  H 


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91 


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11 

u 


■I' 


270 


HISTORY  OF   IIUFFALO. 


l)ro})or  to  acquaint  you  of  tlio  result  of  the  meeting  at  Ni- 
agara with  Col.  Butler.  Tliis  we  do  at  our  own  option, 
not  being  desired  by  the  other  parts  of  the  confederacy, 
though  it  lias  been  reported  among  them,  that  General 
Schuyler  ought  to  bo  informed. 

"  We  sent  two  Oneidas  to  hear  what  would  pass  at  Ni- 
aga.  They  returned  the  night  before  last,  and  brought 
the  following  account  : 

'•  The  representatives  of  the  Six  Nations  delivered  the 
answer  to  Col.  Butler's  Belts,  that  was  formed  and  a^^rced 
upon  at  Onondaga,  in  full  council,  of  which  we  suppose 
you  have  been  made  acquainted.  The  purport  of  our  an- 
swer was  that  the  Six  Nations  with  the  Cagnaagas  and 
the  seven  tribes  in  that  vicinity,  had  all  united,  and  re- 
solved to  maintain  peace,  both  with  the  King,  and  the 
Bostonians,  and  receive  no  ax  from  either." 

Col.  Clans  it  seems  also  went  to  England  in  1776  :  be- 
fore returning  in  the  spring  of  '77,  he  drew  up  a  plan  for 
the  management  of  Indian  affairs,  to  be  adopted  upon  the 
restoration  of  British  authority,  which  was  expected  as  a 
matter  of  course.  In  this  document  be  speaks  of  the 
Tsineesios  (Genessee)  Indians  in  a  note,  representing  them 
as  having  been  generally  in  the  French  interest,  since  the 
French  were  in  possession  of  Niagara  ;  it  being  by  their 
permission  and  consent,  they  were  allowed  to  estab- 
lish themselves  there.  That  nation  of  Indians  claiming 
the  property  of  the  soil.  In  consideration  of  which  priv- 
ilege they  were  much  caressed  and  indulged  by  the 
French,  and  had  the  liberty  to  enjoy  the  emoluments  of 
the  carrying  place ;  which  were  so  luciative  and  consid- 
erable to  that  nation,  that  in  a  short  time  they  enriched 
themselves  thereby,  and  had  besides  some  other  advanta- 


COL.  .lOHNSOX  TO  LOKD  GERMAIN. 


271 


ges  of  Inule,  and  other  necessaries  of  life.  :<•  *  Indians 
P.ot  easily  forgetting  injuries,  the  Tsineeslos  still  harbored 
ill-will  against  those  to  whom  they  ascril.e  their  .nisfor- 
tunes  and  losses,  •^-  -x-  and  could  never  he  persuaded  to 
attach  themselves  cordially  to  the  English,  till  after  the 
unwearied  pains  and  endeavors  of  the  late  Sir  William 
Johnson,  they  about  five  years  ago,  declared  themselves 
pnbhely  at  Johnson  Hall,  firm  friends  and  allies  to  the 
Crown  of  Great  Britain,  and  have  hitherto  behaved  as 
such." 

In  a  letter  of  Col.  Johnson   to  Lord   Germain,   dated 
Now  \  ork,  Juno  8ih,  1777,  he  says : 

"A  person  whom  I  employed  to  carry  messages  to  the 
Indians,  gave  a  particular  account  of  a  larcre  magazine  of 
military  stores  and  provisions  collected  at  Danbnry,  Con- 
necticut,  which  I  communicated  to  Sir  William   ILnve 
who  soon  after  sent  a  body  of  troops  there,  and  efiectual- 
y  destroyed  the  whole  ;  and  also  that   the  Six   Nations 
having  called  in  and  assembled  all  their  people,  in  order 
to  make  a  diversion  on  the  frontiers  of  this  province  and 
lennsylvania,   agreeable  to  my  messages,  since   which 
hey  have  had  several  attacks  along  the  back  settlements 
trom  Fort  Stanwix  to  the  Ohio,  with  such  success  that  the 
rebels  have  been  obliged  to  detach  Gen.  Hand  with  some 
troops  to  protect  the  frontiers  which  are  in  much  conster- 
nation. *  *  -^     He  also  reports  that  his   Secretary,  Mr 
Chew,  was  taken  prisoner  by  the  rebels,  on  the  east  end 
ot  Long  Island,  whither  he  had  gone  on   business."  *  * 
Joseph  Brant   having  been  dispatched  to  the  Six  Na- 
tions, Col.  Johnson  writes  from  New  York,  July  7,  1777 
that  they  were  in  readiness,  with  the   exception  of  the' 
Uneidas,  to  join  Gen.  Howe's  army,  and  ?ct  as  'one  man-' 


m 

Kj 

mm 

■' 

1  wm 

1  ' 

luffl 

ij|i||i 

lm 

li 

tim  ; 


'it 


S72 


IIIBTOKYOK   BUFFALO. 


and  that  tliey  liad  cut  off  a  Sergeant  and  twelve  men  at 
FortStanwix,  and  sent  several  parties  to  the  back  of  Penn- 
sylvania, to  the  great  terror  of  the  inhabitants,  and  had 
cut  off  a  party  witii  fifty  head  of  cattle  for  the  rebel  gar- 
rison on  the  Mohawk  river ;  that  their  main  body  of 
about  seven  hundred  Indians  was  assembled  near  Owegy 
(Owego,)  on  the  Susquehanna,  which  would  be  much  in- 
creased as  soon  as  any  movement  was  made  to  the  north- 
ward ;  adding  that  they  would  strike  a  blow  ;  and  ex- 
presses his  conviction  that  the  Indians  will  join  the  expe- 
dition of  Gen.  St  Leger,  by  way  of  Ontario,  or  the  main 
army  under  Gen.  Eurgoyne,  before  Ticonderoga. 

It  would  seem  from  the  correspondence  of  Col.  Glaus 
with  Secretary  Knox,  dated  at  Montreal,  in  October, 
1777,  that  St.  Leger's  expedition  was  destined  against 
Fort  Stanwix.  Col.  Glaus  and  Sir  John  Johnson  accom- 
panied this  expedition,  and  it  was  joined  by  Joseph 
Brant  at  Oswego,  with  a  party  of  about  three  hundred, 
warriors.  Brant  complained  that  his  party  had  not  been 
furnished  with  necessary  supplies  by  Col.  Butler,  who 
was  in  command  at  Niagara. 

After  much  delay,  St.  Leger  and  his  army  arrived 
before  Fort  Stanwix  on  the  2d  of  August,  1777,  and  in 
the  words  of  his  report,  "surprised  a  party  of  rebels, 
which  had  come  out  to  meet  them,  defeated  them  with 
great  slaughter,  but  another  party  coming  out  of  the  fort, 
plundered  the  Indian  encampment  of  all  their  packs,  with 
their  clothes,  wampum,  and  silver  M^ork,  and  as  the  In- 
dians had  gone  into  the  battle  nearly  naked,  they  found 
themselves  in  a  destitute  condition,  as  to  clothes  or  cov- 
ering for  the  night.  The  Indians  lost  thirty-two  men  in 
this  engagement,  among  whom  were  several  Seneca 
Chiefs.  The  fort  was  beseiged  for  nineteen  days  with  lit- 


TilK  MOIIWVKS  I'MJNUKK    TIIIC   0NEIDA8. 


273 


tie  effect;  the  Iiuliana  becoiiun;i,'  disi.intecl,  gnitlually 
withflruw,  and  disporsed  totiioir  lioines,  and  Gen.  St  Lc"-- 
er  retreated  to  Oswegu.  IIo  arrived  there  the  2(5th  of 
August,  when  he  received  orders  froui  Gen.  Durgojne  to 
join  him,  wliich  lie  proceeded  to  do  hj  way  of  Montreal, 
to  procure  necessary  supplies  for  his  arniyf  •-•  "• 

The  action  near  Fort  Stanwix,  happening  near  a  settle- 
ment  of  Oneida  Indians,  who  were  considered  to  bo  in 
the  rebel  interest,  tho  Indians  utuler  Erant,  witli  St  Leg- 
er,  burnt  their  houses,  destroyed  their  fields  and  crops, 
killed  and  carried  away  their  cattle.  This  so  exasperated 
the  Oneidas,  that  on  their  retreat  they  revenged  them- 
selves by  plundering  Brant's  sister  (Molly  Bmnt,)  who 
resided  with  her  family  at  the  u])per  Mohawk  town,  to- 
gether with  others  of  the  Mohawks  in  the  lower  town, 
where  the  families  of  those  who  accompanied  Brant  in 
this  expedition,  resided.  Molly  Brant  and  her0imily 
fled  to  the  Onondagas,  the  council-place  of  the  Six  Na- 
tions, where  she  laid  her  grievances  before  that  body. 

It  docs  not  appear  that  any  lives   were  lost  on  either 
side  in  this  attack  of  Brant  and  his  Mohawks   upon  the 
unoffending  Oneidas.     Nor  does  it  appear,  that  the  Onei- 
das in  their  retaliatory  measures  upon  the  Mohawks,  did 
anything  more  than  visit  upon  the  well  known   individu- 
als who  were  engaged  with  Brant  in   the   destruction  of 
their  own  property,  just  what  they  had  suffered  at  their 
hands  ;  although  by  the  usages  of  war  among  the  whites 
they  would   have   been  justified  in  taking  the   lives  of 
those  who  attacked,  and  destroyed   their  dwellings,  and 
plundered  them  of  their  property.    This  is  believed 'to  be 
the  first  instance,  in  which  one  of  the  Six   Nations  was 
ever  known  to  make  war  upon  another  of  their  own  con- 
federacy, -tg 


S     *    ^! 


ni.s 


f 


CHATTER     XVII 


li 


t  If 


TIjo  information  given  to  Gen.  St.  Leger  of  the  ap- 
proac/i  of  the  reinforcements  under  Gen.  Herkimer,  was 
through  the  instrumentality  of  "Molly  Brant,"  and  led 
to  the  surprise,  and  almost  to  the  defeat,  of  the  entire 
party  under  Gen.  Herkimer.  Thomas  Spencer,  a  half 
breed  sachem,  of  the  Oneidaa,  brought  early  news  of  the 
expedition  under  St.  Leger,  from  Montreal,  whither  ho 
had  ^0  as  a  secret  einmissary,  to  obtain  information  • 
and  at  a  meeting  held  on  his  return,  lie  concluded  his  re- 
port in  the  following  speech  : 

"  Brothers  :  Now  is  your  time  to  awake,  and  not  to 
sleep  longer,  or  on  the  contrary,  it  shall  go  with  Fort 
Schuyler,  as  it  went  already,  with  Ticonderoga. 

"  Brothers,  I  therefore  desire  you  to  be  spirited,  and  to 
encourage  one  another  to  march  on  to  the  assistance  of 
Fort  Schuyler.  Come  up  and  show  yourselves  as  men, 
to  defend  and  save  your  country,  before  it  is  too  late. 
Dispatch  yourselves,  to  clear  the  brush  about  the  Fort, 
and  send  a  party  to  cut  trees  in  the  Wood  creek,  to  stop 
up  the  same. 

"  Brothers,  If  you  don't  come  soon,  without  delay,  to 
assist  this  place,  we  cannot  stay  much  longer  on  your 
side.    For  if  you  leave  this  Fort  without  succor,  and  the 


ADnRKfls  OF  TIIOM.  BI'ENCKK. 


276 


enomy  almll  got  p.«,„»i„„  ,|,„,e„f,  „  ,,,„||  „„„. 

3™»,n.y„ur.o«lo,no„t,,„,„Ui„>ilbo,l<„tro,-c.l,vi.l,° 
Wo  arc  .,„,„„„„»  that  y.,„,.  „„„,„;,,  have  „n«„.od   ,"„' 
M,„„»,  and  endeavor  daily  yet  ,„  Btriko  and  flg^ttlai 
^",  and  Qe„.Schny:e,-  refuse,  „,„„,,,  thaf  „e"S 
take  up  urms  in  the  country's  behnlf. 

"Brothers,  I  cau  assure  you  that' as  soon  as  B„tler'« 
spooch  ut  Oswego,  shall  be  over,  they  intend  to  , 

down  the  country  im.nediately  to  Albany.  You  mav 
judge  yourselves,  that  if  you  don't  try  to  resist,  we  sTaH 
be  obhged  to  ,oin  them,  or  fly  to  our  castles,  a's  we  a  " 
not  hinder  them  alone.  We,  the  good  friends  of  the  coun- 
try, are  of  opinion,  that  if  more  force  appears  at  Fort 
Schuy  er,  the  enemy  will  not  move  from  Oswego,  to  in- 
vade these  frontiers.  You  may  depend  on  it,  we  are  wil- 
ling to  help  you  if  you  will  do  some  efforts  too  " 

Notwithstanding  this  earnest  appeal  of  the  Oneida  sa- 
chem, and  a  patriotic  proclamation  of  Gen.  Herkimer 
who  It  was  said,  was  a  better  citi^en  than  soldier,  a  spirit 
of  apathy  seemed  to  possess  the  people 

JjY  l7\lV  ^'"''  ''  ^"'"'"^"^  ^«^"«'  "»der  date 
of  July  21,  1777,  says  :  ^The  situation  of  Tryon  county 
.s  both  shameful  and  alarming.  Such  abject  dejection 
and  despondency,  as  mark  the  letters  we  have  received 
from  thence,  disgrace  human  nature.  God  knows  what 
to  do  with,  or  for  them." 

^^  "The  Oneida  Indians,"  says  Stone,  in  his  life  of  Brant 
who  were  sincerely  disposed  to  favor  the  cause  of  the 
colonists,  but  who,  pursuant  to  the  humane  policy  of 
Congress,  and  the  advice  of  Gen.  Schuyler,  had  deter- 
mined to  preserve  their  neutrality,  beheld  the  approach- 
ing invasion  from  Oswego,  with  no  small  degree  of  ap- 


1- 


276 


niSTOEY  OF   i)u.FFALO. 


IX 


E(B.« 


i^ 


prehension.  The  course  they  marked  out  for  themselves 
as  they  weru  well  aware,  was  viewed  with  displeasure  by 
their  Mohawk  brethren,  while  the  other  members  of  the 
confederacy,  were  obviously  inclined  to  side  with  their 
"  uncle,"  (the  King.)  Living,  moreover,  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  Fort  Schuyler,  (for  that  was  the  name  now  given 
to  Fort  Stanwix,)  where  St,  Legei's  first  blow  must  ho 
struck,  they  were  not  a  little  troubled  in  prospect  of  what 
might  happen  to  themselves. 

The  watchful  Tliomas  Spencer  dispatched  the  foUowino- 
letter  to  the  committee,  on  the  29th  July,  which  was  re- 
ceived the  30th.  "At  a  meeting  of  the  chiefs,  they  teil 
me,  there  is  but  four  days  remaining,  of  the  time  set  for 
the  Kings  troops  to  come  to  Fort  Schuyler;  and  tliov 
thinl  it  likely  they  will  be  here  sooner.  The  chiefs  de- 
sire the  commanding  officer  at  Fort  Schuyler,  not  to  make 
a  Ticonderoga  of  it,  but  they  hope  you  will  be  courao-eoiis. 
The"-  desire  Gen.  Schuyler  may  have  this  with  speed, 
and  send  a  good  army  here.  There  is  nothing  to  do  at 
New  York  ;  we  think  there  is  men  to  be  spared  ;  we  ex- 
pect the  :"oad  is  stopped  to  the  inhabitants  by  a  party 
through  tii3  woods,  we  shall  bo  surrounded,  as  soon  as 
they  come.  This  may  be  our  last  advice,  as  these  sol- 
diers are  part  of  those  that  are  to  hold  a  treatv.  Send 
this  to  the  committee,  as  soon  as  they  receive  it,  let  the 
militia  rise  up  md  come  to  Fort  Schuyler. 

"  To-morrow  we  are  going  to  the  Three  Eivers,  (the 
junction  of  the  Oneida,  Seneca  and  Oswego  rivers,)  to :  ii-) 
treaty.  We  expect  to  meet  tlie  warriors  ;  and  wiien  we 
come  there  and  declare  we  are  fo'  peace,  we  expect  to  he 
used  with  indifference,  and  sent  away.  Let  all  the  troops 
that  come  to  Fort  Schuyler  take  care,  on  their  march,  as 


$i  li 


THE  PEOPLE  AROUSED  'JO  ACTION. 


277 


there  is  a  party  of  Indians  to  stop  the  road,  below  the 
l^ort,  about  eighty  or  one  hundred. 

"We  hear  they  are  going  to  bring  their  cannon  up 
Fish  Creek.     We  hear  there  is  one  thousand  going  to 
meet  the  enemy.     We  advise  not  ;  the  arn>y  is  too  large 
for  so  few  men  to  defend  the  Fort;  we  send  a  belt  of 
eight  rows,  to  confirm  the  truth  of  what  we  say.   It  looks 
ikely  to  me  the  troops  are  near.     Hop.  all  friends  to 
liberty,  and  that  love  thdr  families,  will  not  be  back- 
ward, but  exert  themselves,  as  one  resolute  blow  would 
secure  the  friendship  of  the  Six  Nations,  and  almost  free 
this  part  of  the  country  from  the  incursions  of  the  enemy  " 
The  imminence  of  the  danger,  the  patriotic  appeals  of 
the  committee,  and  the  proclamation  of  Gen.  Herkimer 
aroused  the  dormant  energies  of  the  people,  to  a  sense  of 
ducy ;  and  the  ranks  of  the  advancing  army  under  Gen. 
Herkimer,  were  speedily  augmented,  which'in  a  measure 
atoned  for  the  apathy  that  had  hitherto  prevailed;  and 
the  General  soon  found  himself  in  command  of  between 
eight  hundred  aud  a  thousand  men.  all  eager  for  action, 
aud  impatient  of  delay.    Their  impetuosity  and  want  of 
proper  precaution,  and  the  observance  of  discipline,  had 
we  1  mgh  proved  their  ruin.    They  moved  forward  in 
rather  a  disorderly  manner,  until  thev  reached  the  neigh- 
borhood of  Oriskany,  where  they  encamped. 

Gen.  Herkimer  dispatched  a  inessenger  to  apprise  Col 
(xansevoort,  who  commanded  the  Fort,  of  his  approach  - 
and  to  concert  measures  of  co-operation.  The  signal  a-^reed 
npon  to  inform  hini  of  the  safe  arrival  of  th;mess;nger 
at  the  lort,  was  three  successive  discharges  of  cannon, 
hereport  of  which,it  was  supposed,  would  be  easily 
hoard  at  Oriskany,  the  distance  of  o.iW  eight  miles     The 


rm 


=  ^^pinpNr 

-   !   , 

ti^Hl^ 

Mn^ 

:'''J 

.'  m 


.  't 


27S 


IIISTOKY   OF   BUFFALO. 


inoBHcnger  tlid  not  reach  the  Fort  until  ten  or  clovcu 
o'clock  the  next  day.  An  nnusual  .silence  had  prevailed 
in  the  cani})  of  the  enemy,  and  a  body  of  troops  wore  ob- 
served l)y  the  garrison,  ti)  move  along  the  edge  of  the 
woods  down  the  river,  in  the  direction  of  the  Oriskany 
creek. 

The  concerted  signal  was  immediately  fired,  and  as 
Gen.  Herkimer  was  tv  force  a  passage  to  the  Fort,  if  it 
became  necessary,  arrangements  wore  inmiediately  made 
by  Col.  Ganesvoort  to  create  a  diversion,  by  a  sortie  from 
the  Fort,  upon  the  hostile  camp  of  the  besiegers.    For 
this  purpose  two  hundred  men  under  Col.  Willett,  were 
detailed,  with  one  iield  piece,  an  iron  three  pounder.    It 
appears  that  (ien.  irerkimer  liad  some  misgivings  as  to 
the  proj)riety  or  advancing,  without  first  receiving  rein- 
forcements himself.     I  lis  officers,  however,  were  eager  to 
press  forward.     A  consultation  was  held,  much  excite- 
ment and  impatience  was  manifested  by  some  of  the  of- 
ficers.    High  words  ensued,  during  which  Cols.  Cox  and 
raris,  and  others,  denounced  their  commander  as  a  tory, 
and  a  coward,  to  his  face.    The  brave  old  man  calmly  re- 
plied that  ho  considered  himself  placed  over  them  as  a 
father,  ami  that  it  was  not  his  wish  to  'lead  them  into  any 
difficulty  from  which  he  coidd  not  extricate  tliem ;  and 
told  them  plainly,  that  their  intemperate  zeal,  did  not 
augur  well  for  their  courage,  in  face;  of  the  enen.v  ;  and 
that  he  expected  to  see  them  run,  at  his  h'rst  ai.;,e':irance. 
Hilt  their  clamor  increased,  until  at  length  stung  by  their 
imputations  of  cowardice,  and  want   of  iideiity  to  the 
cause,  the  (General  gave  orders. to  advance,  and  lio  sooner 
than  the  word  forward,  was  given,  than  the  troops  gave 
a  shout,  and  rather  rushed,  liian   marched.     They  ad- 


OKN.  IIKUKIMKB  FALLS   INTO    AN  AMUUHII.  270 

vanced  in  files  of  two  deep,  with  scouts  in  front,  and  upon 
eacli  ilank.  Having  proceeded  rapidly  forward,  a  dis- 
tance of  only  about  two  miles,  the  guards  both  front  and 
flanks,  were  suddenly  shot  down ;  the  forest  rang  with 
the  war  whoop  of  a  savage  foe,  and  in  an  instant  the 
greater  part  of  the  division  found  itself  involved  in  the 
midst  of  a  formidable  ambuscade.  St  Leger  having 
been  inf^^rmed  of  the  advance  of  Gen.  Herkimer,  (in  the 
manner  already  indicated,)  had  detached  a  portion  of  Sir 
John  Johnson's  regiment,  under  command  of  Sir  John's 
brother-in-law,  Major  Watts,  Col.  Butler  with  his  Ran- 
gers, and  Joseph  Brant  with  a  strong  body  of  Indians,  to 
intercept  liis  approach. 

With  true  Indian  sagacity,  a  position  had  been  select- 
ed admirably  fitted  for  the  purpose  ofdrawing  the  Amer- 
icans into  an  ambuscade.  There  was  a  deep  ravine  cross- 
ing the  route  which  Gen.  Herkimer  and  his  undisci- 
plined army  was  traversing. 

The  bottom  of  this  ravine  was   marshy,   and  the  road 
crossed  it  by  means  of  a  log  causeway.  Tiie  ravine  swept 
round  in  a  semicircle,  at  that  point,  and  the  ground  en- 
closed in  that  semicircle  was  somewhat  elevated,   and 
level.     The  ambush  lay  upon  this  elevated  ground,  and 
was  so  dis})osed,  as  to  encircle  the  ground  occui)ied,  with 
the  exception  of  a  narrow  segment  open  for  the  entrance 
of  the  provincials  on  their  approach.    The  stratagem  was 
successful.    The  whole  army  of  (Jen.  Herkimer  with  the 
exception  uf  the  rear  guard,  Col.  Vischer's  regiment,  fell 
into  the  trap.      The   baggage  and   amunition  wagons, 
which  had  just  desceiulcd  into  the  ravine,  were   also  cut 
off  from  the  main  body,  by  the  sudden  closing  up  of  the 
•circle.     Being  thrown  into  irretrievable  disorder  by  the 


I      i 


L  4 


f    ■! 


t.-: 


li 


B  J 


b  I 


I 


280 


HISTORY  OK  BUFFALO. 


suddenness  of  the  surprise,  and  the  destructivenessofthe 
fire,  which  was  close  and  brisk,  for  a  time,  it  partook 
more  of  the  character  of  a  massacre,  than  of  a  battle  ;  at 
every  opportunity,  the  savages  concealed  behind  the 
trunks  of  trees,  darted  forward  with  knife  and  tomahawk 
to  ensure  the  destruction  of  those  who  fell  wounded  ;  and 
many,  and  fierce,  were  the  confiicts  that  ensued  hand  to 
Land. 

The  veteran  Herkimer  fell   wounded,  in  the  early  part 
of  the  action  ;  a  musket  ball  having  passed  through,  and 
killed  his  horse,  and  shattered  his  own  leg,  just  below  the 
knee.    The  General  was  placed  upon  his  saddle  against 
a  tree,  for  his  support,  continued  to  order  the  battle.  Col. 
Cox  and  Captains  Davis  and  Van  Slayck,  were  severally 
killed,  near  the  commencement  of  the  battle  ;  and  the 
slaughter  of  their  broken  ranks,  from  the  rifles  of  the  To- 
ries, and  the  spears  and  tomahawks  of  the  Indians,  was 
dreadful.      "But  even  in  this  deplorable  situation,  '(says 
Col.  Stone)  the  wounded   General,   his  men  falling  like 
leaves  around  liim,  and  the  forest  resounding  with  the 
horrid  yells  of  the  savages,  ringing  high,  and  wild,  above 
the  din  of  battle,  behaved  with  the  most  perfect  firmness 
and  composure. 

^  The  action  had  lasted  about  forty-five  minutes,  in  great 
disorder,  before  the  Provincials  formed  themselves^nto 
circles,  in  order  to  repel  the  attack  of  the  enemy,  who 
were  concentrating  and  closing  in  upon  them  from  all 
sides.  From  this  moment  the  resistance  of  the  Provin- 
cials was  more  eftectivc ;  and  the  enemy  attempted  to 
charge  with  the  bayonet. 

The  firing  ceased  for  a  time,  excepting  the  scattering 
discharges  from  the  fire  of  the  Indians,  and  as  the  bayo- 


H   ; 


.sir 


BATIXK  NEAIJ  ORISKAljy. 


281 


nets  crossed,  the  contest  became  a  death  strujrgle,  hand 
to  hand,  and  foot  to  foot.  Never,  liowever  did  brave  men 
stand  a  charge  with  more  dauntless  courage,  and  the  ene- 
my for  Jie  moment,  seemed  to  recoil.  Just  at  that  in- 
stant the  work  of  death  was  arrested  by  a  heavy  shower 
of  rain,  which  suddenly  broke  upon  tlie  combatants  with 
great  fury.  The  storm  raged  for  upwards  of  an  hour, 
during  which  time,  the  enemy  sought  sucli  shelter  as 
might  be  found  among  the  trees,  at  a  respectful  distance, 
for  they  had  already  suftered  severely,  notwithstanding 
the  advantages  in  their  favor. 

^  During  this  suspension  of  the  battle,  both  parties  had 
time  to  look  about,  and  make  such   dispositions   of  their 
respective  forces,  as  they  jileased  ;  either  for  defense,  or 
attack ;  on  the  renewal  of  the  conflict,   the  Provincials 
under  the  direction  of  their  General,  were  so  fortunate  as 
to  take  possession  of  an  advantageous  piece  of  ground, 
upon  which  his  men  formed  in  a  circle,  and  as  the  storm 
abated,  awaited  the  movements  of  the   enemy.      In  the 
early  part  of  the  engagement,  the  Indians  whenever  they 
saw  a  gun  fired,  by  a  militia  man   from   behind  a  tree, 
rushed  up  and  tomahawked  him  before  he  could  reload. 
To  counteract  this  mode  of  warfare,   two  men   were  sta- 
tioned behind  a  single  tree,  one  only  to  fire  at  a  time,  the 
other  reserving  his  fire  until  the  Indian  ran  up  as  before. 
The  fight  being  renewed  under  this   new   arrangement, 
the  Indians  were  made  to  suffer  severely,  and  with  the 
cool  execution  of  the  fire  of  the  militia,  forming  the  main 
circle,  the  Indians  began  to  give  way,  when  Major  Watts 
came  up  with  a  reinforcement,  consisting  of  another  de- 
tachment of  Johnson's  Greens.    Many  of  the  Greens  who 
were  Loyalists,  who  had  fied   from   Tryon   county,  were 


Mf  !i 


282 


HISTORY   OF  BUFFALO. 


known  to  the  Provincials,  and  as  they  advanced  near  to 
each  otlier  in  the  conflict,  mutual  recognitions,  added 
fierceness  to  the  contest,  and  it  became  more  bitter  than 
before  ;  mutual  feelings  of  resentment,  and  revenge, 
raged  in  their  bosoms  ;  as  this  force  advanced  upon  the 
Provincials,  they  fired  upon  them,  and  then  rushed  upon 
them,  attacked  them  with  their  bayonets,  and  the  butts 
of  their  muskets,  or  both  parties  in  closer  contest,  throt- 
tled each  other,  and  drew  their  knives,  stabbing,  and 
sometimes  literally  dying  in  each  others  embrace. 

This  fierce  contest  .vas  continued  with  increased  feroci- 
ty, for  some  time,  and  a  remarkable  degree  of  courage, 
fortitude,  and  bravery,  was  exhibited  by  individuals  of 
the  Colonists,  whose  names  have  been  recorded,  and  will 
be  embalmed  in  the  memory  of  a  grateful  country  ;  it  is 
said  that  about  thirty  of  the  Eoyal  (Johnson's)  Greens 
were  killed  in  this  conflict,  besides  many  Indian  warriors. 
Such  a  conflict  could  not  be  maintained  long.  The  In- 
dians finding  that  the  brunt  of  the  battle  fell  on  them, 
and  that  their  numbers  were  sadly  diminished,  a  signal 
was  given,  in  Indian,  to  retreat,  which  was  obeyed  with 
precipitancy.  Firing  in  the  direction  of  the  fort,  was 
heard,  the  Kangers  (Butlers)  and  the  Greens  (Johnson's) 
retreated  as  precipitately  as  the  Indians  had  done,  leav- 
ing the  Provincials  masters  of  the  field. 

Thus  ended  one  of  the  bloodiest  battles  of  the  revolu- 
tion, considering  the  numbers  engaged.  It  is  said,  sev- 
eral of  the  wounded  and  prisoners  of  the  provincials, 
were  killed  by  the  savages,  after  they  were  brought  into 
Col.  Butler's  own  quarters.  Upon  the  retreat  of  the 
enemy,  the  provincials  proceeded  to  remove  their  wounded, 
as   best  they  could  ;  among  these,  was  their  brave  old 


.  '«f' l| 


HRAVKRY   OF   GKN.    IIHEKIMER. 


283 


General,  who  had  so  nobly  vindicated  his  character  for 
courage,  during  the  day.     Though  wounded  almost  in  the 
first  onset,  he  had  borne  himself  during  the  six  hours  of 
the  conflict,  under  the  most  trying  circumstances,  with 
a  degree  of  fortitude  and  composure,  worthy  of  all  adrai- 
ration.    Nor  was  his  example  without  its  influence  upon 
his  troops,  in  sustaining  them,  in  the  trying  circumstan- 
ces, by  which  they  were  surrounded,  and  through  which 
they  were  called  to  pass.     It  is  said  that  at  one  time  dur- 
ing the  battle,  while  sitting  upon  his  saddle,  in  the  posi- 
tion which  has  already  been  described,  it  was  proposed 
to  remove   him,  to  a  less  exposed  situation,  he  replied 
-  no,  I  will  face  the  enemy."     "  Thus  surrounded  with  a 
few  meu,  he  continued  to  issue  his  orders  with  firmness. 
In  this  situation,   and  in  the   heat  of  the  onslaught,  he 
deliberately  took  from  his  pocket,  his  tinder-box,  lit  his 
pipe,  and  smoked  with  the  greatest  composure." 

The  loss  of  the  English  in  this  engagement,  says  Col. 
Stone,  was  equally,  if  not  more  severe  than  that  of  the 
Americans.  Johnson's  "  Royal  Greens,"  and  "  Butler's 
Rangers"  must  have  sufl"ered  severely,  although  no  returns 
were  given  in  the  contemporaneous  accounts.  "  I  beheld 
says  an  eye  witness  who  crossed  the  battle  field  some 
days  afterward,*  the  most  shocking  sight  I  ever  wit- 
nessed. The  Indians  and  white  men  were  mingled  with 
one  and  another,  just  as  they  had  been  left  when  death 
had  first  completed  his  work.  Many  bodies  had  been 
torn  by  wild  beasts." 

It  has  been  supposed  that  the  Senecas  were  inveigled 
into  this  conflict,  by  the  artifices  of  the  Johnsons,  Buf 


m3i 


'Frederick  Saninions. 


284 


HISTORY  OV  IIUKKALO. 


8  ' 


if 


lers,  and  Cluus,  tlio  agents  or  omniissiiries  of  the  Kiiglidh 
government,  and  that  they  resisted  tlie  inij>ortunity  of 
these  agents  for  a  length  of  time,  expressing  their  deter- 
mination to  take  no  part  in  the  war,  as  appears  by  the 
statement  of  Mary  Johnson,  the  "  white  woman,"  who 
then  resided  with  the  Senecas,  at  Geneseo.  After 
describing  tlio  quiet,  and  peace  enjoyed  by  the  Indians, 
after  tlie  close  of  the  French  war,  until  the  breaking  out 
of  the  revolution,  she  says,  "  we,  as  usual,  were  enjoy- 
ing ourselves  in  the  employment  of  peaceable  life,  when 
a  messenger  arrived  from  the  British  commissioners, 
requesting  all  the  Indians  of  our  tribe,  to  attend  a  gen- 
eral council,  which  was  soon  to  be  held  at  Oswego.  The 
council  convened,  and  being  opened,  the  British  coni- 
jnissioners  informed  the  chiefs  that  the  object  of  callinga 
council  of  the  Six  Nations  was,  to  engage  their  assist- 
ance in  subduing  the  rebels,  the  people  of  the  states,  who 
had  risen  up  against  the  good  king,  their  master,  and 
were  about  to  rob  him  of  a  great  part  of  his  possessions 
and  wealth,  and  added  that  they  would  amply  reward 
them  for  their  services.  The  chiefs  then  arose  and  informed 
the  commissioners  of  the  nature  and  extent  of  the  treaty 
which  they  had  entered  into  with  the  people  of  the  states, 
the  year  before,  and  that  they  would  not  violate  it  by 
taking  up  the  hatchet  against  them. 

"  The  commissioners  continued  their  entreaties  with- 
out success,  till  they  addressed  their  avarice,  by  telling 
our  people,  that  the  peo])le  of  the  states  were  few  in  num- 
ber, and  easily  subdued,  and  that  on  account  df  their 
disobedience  to  the  king,  tlicy  justly  merited  all  the  pun- 
ishment that  it  was  possible  for  white  men  and  Indians  to 
inflict  on  them  ;  and  added,  that  the  king  was  rich,  and 


Tin;  SENECAS  JOIN   THK   ENGLISH.  285 

powerful,  huih  in  money  and  men.    Tluit  l„\s  rum  wur  as 
plentiful  a3  the  water  in  Lake  O.iturio  ;  that  l.is  soldiers 
were  as  numerous  as  tiie  sands  ripon  its  shores,  and  the 
Ind.a.is,  If  they  would  assist  in  the  war,  and  persevere  in 
their  tnendship  to  the  l<i„^.,  till  it   was  closed,  should 
never  want  ibr  money  or  goods.     Upon  this  the  chiefs 
cone  ude<l  a  treaty  with   the   British  commissioners    in 
which  they  ugrccd  to  take  np  arms  against  the  rebels 
and  continue  in  the  service  of  His  Majesty,  till  they  w^ere 
Bubdued,   m   consideration  of  certain  conditions, 'which 
stipulated  in  the  treaty,    to    be  performed  by  the  British 
government,   and  its  agents,*  as  soon  as  the  treaty   was 
nushed,    the   commissioners    nuide   a   j.resent   to    each 
nd.an,  a  suit  of  clothes,  a  brass  kettle,  a  gun  and  toma- 
hawk, a  Bcalp.ng  knife,  a  quantity  of  powder  and  lead 
a  piece  of  gold   and  promised  a  bounty  on  every  seal/) 
hat  should  be  brought  in.  Thns,  richly  clad  and  equipped, 
they  returned  home,  after  an  absence  of  abont  two  weeks 
full  ot   the  fire  of  war,   and  anxious  to  encounter  their 
cnem.es.  "  Many  of  the  kettles  which  the  Indians  received 
at  that  tune  are  now  (1824)  in  use  on  the  Genesee  Flats  " 
In  the  narrative  of  Mary  Johnson,  it  is  added,  "previous 
to  the  battle  of  Fort   Stanwi.v,   the  Eritisii  sent  for  the 
Indians  to  come  and  see  them  whip  the  rebels,  at  the 
same   time  stated  that   they  did  not  wish   to  have  them 
%ht,  but  wanted  to  have  them  just  sit  down,  smoke  their 
pipes,  and  look  on.     Our  Indians,  the  Senecas,  went  to  a 
man   but  contrary  to  their  expectations,  instead  of  smok- 
.ng,  they  had  to  fight  for  their  lives,  and  in  the  end  of 
t^he^tle,  were  completely  beaten  with  a  great  loss  in 

*Tho  Onoidaa  wero  not  partios  to  thi.^  treaty. 


"  ^'^.l : 


! i  ",        1.1.-  I 


lilltl  I 


ml"' ' 


f  '•  I 


286 


HISTOBY   OF   UUFFAI,0. 


killed  and  wounded.  Our  Indiana,  thoj  Senecas,  alone 
had  thirty-six  killed,  and  a  {i^reat  number  wounded.  Our 
town  exhibited  a  scene  of  real  sorrow  and  distress,  when 
our  warriors  returned,  recounting  their  misfortunes,  and 
stated  the  real  loss  they  had  sustained  in  the  engagement. 
The  mourning  was  excessive,  and  was  expressed  by  the 
most  doleful  yells,  shrieks,  and  bowlings,  and  by  inimit- 
able gesticulations.  During  the  revolution  my  house 
was  the  homo  of  Col,  Butler  and  Brant,  whenever  they 
chanced  to  come  into  our  neighborhood,  (Genesee,)  as 
they  passed  to  and  from  Fort  Niagara,  which  was  the 
seat  of  their  military  operations  ;  many  and  many  a  night 
I  have  pounded  samp  for  them,  from  sun  set  till  sun  rise, 
and  furnished  them  with  the  necessary  provisions  and 
clean  clothing  for  their  journey." 

The  following  incident  is  related  by  Doct.  Dwight,  in 
connection  with  the  expedition  of  St.  Leger,  against 
Fort  Stanwix,  as  it  has  been  also  connected  with  the  name 
of  a  celebrated  chief  of  the  Senecas,  it  will  be  trans- 
cribed here : 

"  In  the  autumn  when  the  seige  of  Fort  Stanwix  was 
raised,  he  following  occurrence  took  place  here :  Capt. 
Greg,  one  of  the  American  officers,  left  in  the  garrison, 
went  out  one  afternoon  with  a  corporal  belonging  to  the 
same  corps,  to  shoot  pigeons.  When  the  day  was  far 
advanced,  Greg  knowing  that  the  savages  were  at  times 
prowling  round  the  Fort,  determined  to  return.  At  that 
moment  a  small  flock  of  pigeons  alighted  upon  a  tree  in 
the  vicinity.  The  corporal  proposed  to  try  a  shot  at 
them  ;  and  having  approached  sufficiently  near,  was  in 
the  act  of  elevating  his  piece  towards  the  pigeons,  when 
the  report  of  two  rifles,  discharged  by  unknown  hands, 


■ 


STORY   OF  OAPT.   ORKO. 


287 


at  a  small  distance,  was  hoard  ;  the  same  instant,  Groe 
saw  his  companion  fall,  and  felt  l.lmself  badly  wounded 
in  the  side.     He  tried  to  stand,  but  speedily  fell,  and  in  a 
moment  perceived  a  huge  Indian  making  long   strides 
towards  b,m,  with  a  tomahawk  in  his  hand.    The  savage 
struck  bim  several  blows  on  the  head,  drew  his  knife,  cut 
a  circle  through  the  skin  from  his  forehead  to  the  crown 
and  then  drew  off  the  scalp  with  his  teeth.    At  the' 
approach  of  the  savage,  Greg  had  counterfeited  being 
dead,  with  as  much  address  as  he  could  use,  and  sue 
ceeded  so  far  as  to  persuade  his  butcher  that  he  was 
really  dead,  otherwise,  measures  still  more  effectual  would 
have  been  employed  to  dispatch  him.    It  is  hardly  neces- 
sary to  observe,  that  the  pain  produced  by  these  wounds 
was  intense  and  dreadful;  those  on  the  head  were,  how- 
ever, the  most  excruciating,  although  that  in  his  side  was 
believed  by  him,  to  be  mortal.    The  savages  having  fin- 
ished their  bloody  business,  withdrew.     As  soon  as  they 
were  fairly  gone,  Greg,  who  had  seen  his  companion  fall 
determined,  if  possible,   to  make  his  way  to  the  spot 
where  he  lay  ;  from  a  persuasion,  that  if  he  could  place 
his  head  upon  the  corporal's  body,  it  would  in  some  de- 
gree relieve  his  excessive  anguish.    Accordingly  he  made 
an  effort  to  rise,  and  with  great  difficulty  having  suc- 
ceeded, immediately  fell.    He  was  not  only  weak  and 
distressed,  but  had  been  deprived  of  the  power  of  self 
command,   by  the  blows  of  the  tomahawk.    Strongly 
prompted,  however,  by  this  little  hope  of  mitigating  his 
sufferings,  he  made  a  second  attempt  and  fell     After 
several  unsuccessful  efforts,  he  finally  regained  his  feet 
and  staggered  slowly  through  the  forest,   he  at  length 
reached  the  spot  where  the  corporal  lay.    The  Indian 


iiti 


m  "■  1 


rt  } 


288 


HISTORY   Oir  BUFFALO. 


i-1ll 


who  iind  marked  him  tor  liis  proy,  liud  taken   euror  aim 
than  his  Ibllow,  at»d  killod    him   outri^iif.      Oro;^   fdimd 
him  lifeless,  and  sealped.      With  some  didieuity  ho  laid 
iiis  own  head  npon  the  body  of  his  com|)aiiioii,  and  as  lui 
hud  hoped,  found  considerable  reliuflVom   this  position. 
While  he  was  enjoying  this  little  comfort,  he  met  with 
troid)le  I'rom  a  new  quarter.      A   small   dog  which  bo- 
longed  to'him,  and  had  accompanied  him  in  his  hunting, 
but  to  which  ho  liad  been  hitherto  inattentive,  now  caino 
up  to  him  in  apparent  agony,  and  leaping  around  him  In 
a  variety  of  involuntary   motions,  yel])ed,    whined   and 
cried,  in  an  unusual  manner,  to  the  no  small  molestation 
of  his  master.     Greg  was  not  in  a  situation  to   bear  the 
disturbance  even  of  aflfection.     lie  tried    in   every   way, 
which  he  could  think  of,  to  force  tlu;  dog  from   him,  but 
he  tried  in  vain.     At  length  wi^aried  by  his  cries  and  ag- 
itations, and  not  knowing  how  to  put  an  end  to  them,  he 
addressed  the  animal  as  if  he  had  been  u  rational   beinir. 
If  you  wish  80  much  to  help  me,  go  and  call  some  one  to 
my  relief.     At  these  words,   tho   creature   instantly   left 
him  and  ran  through  the  forest  at  full  speed,  to  tho  great 
comfort  of  his  master,  who  now  hoped  to  die  <piietly.  Tlie 
dog  made  his  way  directly  to  three  men  belonging  to  the 
garrison,  who  were  iishing  at  the  distance  of  a  mile  from 
this  tragedy  ;  as  soon  as  he  came  up  to  them,   he  began 
to  cry  in  the  same  affecting  manner,  and  advancing  near 
them  turned  and  went  slowly   back  towards  tho  point 
where  bis  master  lay,  keeping  his  eye  contirmlly  on  the 
men;  all  this  he  repeated  several  times.     At   h^ngt'  one 
of  the  men  observed  to  his  companions   that    shere  vvas 
something  very  extraordinary  in  the  actions  of  the  dog; 
and  that  in  bis  opinion  they  ought  to  find  out  the  cause. 


■  aw  M  «i  < 


WTORY  OV  CAIT.    UHKQ^H  DOO. 


280 


Ilia  coiuiniMiu.H  woro  oftho  munu  luind,   and  tl.oy  immo- 
(iiutoly  Hot  out  with  tl.o  into.itiun   to   follow  the   animal 
whithor  ho  should  loud  them.    Aftor  they   had   pursuod 
lum  somo  diHtanco  and  found  nothin^ir,  thoy   hccan.o  di.s- 
couragod.    The  sun  ha.l  fiot,  and  tlio  forost  was  danger- 
ous ;  they  thoreforo  dotornunod  to  return.      The  n.onront 
the  do..  Haw  them  wheel  about,  l,o  began  to  cry  with    in- 
crouHod  violence,  and  eomin- up  to  the  men  took  hold  of 
tl!o  Blurt^i  of  their  coats  with  his  teeth,  and   attempted  to 
pnll  them  towards  the  point  to  which  ho   had   before  di- 
rected their  course.     When  they  stopped  a-ain,  he  loaned 
lii8  back  against  the  back  part  of  their  legs,  asif  ondeav- 
ormg  to  push  them  onward  to  his  nuistor  ;  astonished  at 
this  conduct  of  the  dog,  they  agreed  after  a  little  deliber- 
ation  to  follow  him  until  ho  should  stop.     The  animal  led 
them  directly  to  liis  master.     They  found  him  still  living, 
and  after  burying  the  corporal  as  well  as  they  could,  they 
carried  Greg  to  the  fort ;  hero  his  wounds   were   dressed 
with  the  utmost  care,  and  such  assistance   was  rendered 
to  him,  as  proved  the  means  of  restoring  him  to  perfect 
health.    'This  story,' says  the  Doctor,'' I  received  from 
Capt.  Edward  Buckley,  who  received   the  account  from 
Greg  a  few  days  before.'  " 

The  following  official  letters  written  near  the  close  of 
the  year  1777,  throws  additional  light  upon  the  history 
of  this  period,  particularly  as  relates  to  the  Indians.  The 
policy  ofthe  Indians  had  undoubtedly  been  to  remain 
neutml ;  and  from  the  whole  tenor  ofthe  correspondence 
between  the  agents  of  the  British  Government  and  the 
government  at  home,  shows  that  there  had  been  some  re- 
luctance at  least  on  the  part  of  some  of  the  officials,  to 
employ  the  Indians,  and  suffer  them  to  prosecute  the  war 


ti  ■  ,' 


290 


HI8T0EY  OF^BUFFALO, 


in  their  own  way,  and  after  their  own  barbarous  manne:v 
But  the  representationf?  of  the  agents  and  officers  as  the 
Johnsons  and  their  auxiliaries  Avere  called,  that  it  would 
be  easy  to  restrain  and  control  the  Indians  to  a  more  hu- 
mane and  civilized  mode  of  Avarfare,  finally  prevailed, 
and  the  consent  of  the  government  was  given  to  the 
measure,  against  the  judgment  and  fueling^  of  at  lease 
some  of  the  officers  of  the  crown. 

EXTRACT  OF  COL,  CLAUS'  LETTER  TO  SEOKKTAEy  ;5N0X. 

Dated  Montreal,  Nov.  Gth,  1777. 
"It  is  the  opinion  of  several  that  had  I  not  appeared 
at  the  exped  ■  n,  and  Joseph  (Brant)  acted  so  indefatig- 
ably  and  cleverly,  with  his  party,  vs  to  canse  an  emula- 
tion, the  Six  Nations  would  not  have  been  encouraged  to 
act,  (when  the  rebels  advanced  upon  us)  by  Col.  Butler, 
they  having  declared  publicly,  that  they  were  not  called 
to  war,  but  to  a  congress  to  be  held  at  Oswego,  and  re- 
ceive presents."  *  *  * 


In  November,  Col.  Guy  Johnson  waiting  to  Lord 
George  Germain,  makes  a  general  report  j^  his  proceed- 
ings as  general  Superintendent  of  Indian  AlTairs,  of  which 
the  following  is  an  ;^xtract : 

This  letter  is  dated  New  York,  November  11,  1777. 

"  The  greater  part  of  those  men  from  the  Six  Nations, 
with  my  officers  in  that  country,  joined  Gen.  St  Leger's 
troops,  and  Sir  John  Johnson's  Provincials,  and  were 
principally  concerned  in  the  action,  near  Fort  Stanwix, 
when  the  rebels  lost  their  General,  and  several  of  their 
principal  officers,  and  a  large  number  of  their  men,  and 


COL.   GUY  JOHNSON  TO  LOBD  GERMAIN.  291 

the  Indians  had  about  thirty  of  their  principal  warriors  kill- 
ed ;  and  undoubtedly  had  the  number  of  men  under  BnV- 
adier  General  St  Leger  been  adequate  to  the  service  an*d 
the  difficulties,  they  met  with,  the  Indians  would  have 
rendered  more  material  service. 

"  On  the  other  communication.  Gen.  Burgovne  lias 
testified  for  them,  to  whom  the  Mohawk  tribes  were 
Obliged  to  retire,  after  the  unlucky  aftairat  Bennington, 
which  raised  the  drooping  spirits  of  the  rebels,  who  have' 
since  burned  the  Mohawk  villages,  of  which  I  shall  avail 
myself,  as  it  will  strengthen  the  resentment  of  the  sever- 
al Nations. 

"  The  rebels  have  also  completed  the  destruction  of  my 
property,  and  parcelled  out  my  estate.  The  Six  Nations 
complain  much  of  the  Oneidas  ;  the  manner  in  which 
they  have  been  seduced  by  the  New  England  Missiona- 
ries, I  long  since  represented.  I  know  they  are  much 
more  inclined  to  neutrality,  than  to  war,  but  they  are  too 
inconsiderable,  to  deserve  much  notice,  whilst  the  loyality 
of  the  rest,  under  so  many  disagreeable  circumstances, 
merits  everything  I  can  say  for  them."  *  •=* 

The  Senecas  seem  now  to  have  been  entirely  commit- 
ted to  the  interest  of  the  King.  They  had  been  led  to  be- 
lieve that  the  colonists  were  poor,  and  weak,  while  the 
King  was  rich,  and  powerful.  Guy  Johnson  had  im- 
pressed this  idea  strongly  upon  their  minds,  in  his  speech 
to  them  at  Oswego,  in  which  he  was  seconded  by  Braut, 
who  had  been  to  England  and  seen  the  evidences  of  the' 
wealth,  and  power,  of  the  British  Nation.  The  liberal 
distribution  of  valuable  presents,  which  the  colonists  were 
unable  to  do,  confirmed  them  more  fully  in  the  belief  that 
it  was  their  true  policy  to  adhere  to  the  cause  of  their 
great  father,  I'e  King. 


■b- 


■  1^  roEmi 


392 


HISTORY  OF  BUFFALO. 


In  the  same  month  the  following  letter  was  written  by 
Cols.  Bolton  and  Hutler  to  Gen.  Clinton  : 

Niagara,  23(3  Nov.  1777. 
"  SiK :— Joseph  (Brant)  and  myself  are  ready  to  wait 
yonr  orders.  "We  wish  to  know  your  situation,  and  when 
we  can  be  of  use  to  you,  and  where.  We  only  Avish  to 
know  the  time,  and  place,  as  we  are  confident  of  bein<»' 
well  supported. 

"  The  bearer  is  faithful,  and  of  abilities,  your  excellen- 
cy may  confide  in  him  ;  our  friends  are  determined  to  be 
so  in  the  worst  of  times.  MASON  BOLTON. 

^'  JOHN  BUTLER, 

Dep'ty  Sup't  Lid'n  Affam. 
Gen.  Clinton  or  officer  commanding  ou   the   Hudson 
river,  or  Sir  "VYm.  Howe.'' 

It  would  seem  from  the  correspondence  about  this  time 
that  some  objection  had  been  made  by  Lord  Georo-e  Ger- 
main to  employing  Indians,  and  permitting  them  to  carry 
on  the  war  in  their  own  savage  and  unrestrained  manner. 
But  Col.  Johnson  assured  his  Lordship,  that  there  was 
no  difficulty  in  restraining  the  Indians  in  this  respect; 
that  the  tomahawk  and  scalping  knife  are  not  to  be  so 
much  dreaded,  as  he  has  been  led  to  suppose.  That  the 
former  "  is  seldom  used  except  to  smoke  through,  or  to 
cut  wood  with,  and  that  they  (the  Indians)  are  very  rare- 
fy g"ilty  of  anything  more  than  scalping  the  dead,  in 
which  article  they  may  be  restrained,"  and  says  "  some 
•  of  the  American  Colonies  oflTer  a  price  for  scalps." 


CII  AFTER  XYIII. 


Almost  simultaneously  with  the  expedition  of  Genejjal 
St  Leger  against  Fort  Stanwix,  was  that  of  Gen.  Bur- 
goyne  against  Ticonderoga.  Had  both  these  expeditions 
proved  successful,  it  was  the  intention  that  the  two  should 
unite  at  Albany,  and  open  communication  with  New 
York,  and  thus  cut  off  the  connection  between  New  Eng- 
land and  the  south  or  middle  states.  It  was  the  policy 
ofthe  British  government  however,  to  conceal  the  real 
object  of  this  expedition.  Its  destination  was  supposed 
to  be  against  Boston. 

Sir  Guy  Carlton  who  was  Commander-in-Chief  of  the 
forces  in  Canada,  it  is  said  was  stronglv  opposed  to  the 
employment  ofthe  Indian  forces  to  aJt  in  conjunction 
with  regular  soldiers  ;  and  for  this  reason  it  was  "said  the 
command  was  transferred  to  General  Burgoyne,  who  was 
less  scrupulous  as  to  the  character  ofthe  forces  to  be  em- 
ployed. It  is  certain  however,  that  Sir  Guy  Carleton  ex- 
hibited no  such  scruples,  when  in  1775  he  courted  the 
alliance  of  the  Mohaws  under  Brant.  The  Indians  ac- 
companying Gen.  Burgoyne  to  the  number  of  several 
hundred,  were  all  Canada  Indians,  probably  Massasaugas 
and  Hurons,  and  the  cruelties  which  are  recorded  as  fol- 
lowing in  the  track  of  this  expedition,  are  in   no  way 


■  ■■■  ■   i; 


29  i 


HISTORY    OF   BUFFALO. 


chargeable  to  the  Indians  of  the  Six  Nations.  Jhey,  were 
employed  at  the  time,  in  the  expedition  of  Gen,  St  Leger, 
as  a  comparison  of  dates  will  show.      Among  tlie  cruel- 
ties practiced  by  the   Indians  accompanying   Gen.  Bur- 
goyne's  army,  none  has  excited  greater  sympathy  than  the 
flite  of  Miss   McCrea.      Every   circumstance   connected 
with  this  unnatural    and  bloody   transaction  (says   Col. 
Stone)  around  which  there  lingers  a  melancholy  interest 
to  this  day,  served  to  heighten  alike  its   interest   and  its 
enormity.     Miss  McCrea  belonged  to  a  family  of  Loyal- 
ists which  resided  at  the   village  of  Fort  Edward.      She 
was  engaged  to  a  young  English   Officer  in  I3urgoyne's 
army  of  the  name  of  Jones.    It  had  been  agreed  between 
the  parties  that  when  the  British  forces   should   advance 
to  the  place  of  her  residence,  she   would  join  him,   and 
they  would  consumate  the  union  to  which  they  had  mu- 
tually pledged  themselves.    The  impatient  lover  anxious 
to  possess  himself  of  his  bride,  sent  forward  three  Indian 
chiefs,  to  bring  her  to  the  British  camp.    Tiie  reluctance 
of  her  family  and  friends  to  her  trusting   herself  to  such 
an  escort,  created  some  delay.      But   her  affection  tri- 
umphed over  her  prudence,  and  in  spite  of  the  entreaty 
of  friends  and  relations,  she  set  forward  with  no  other  at- 
tendants than  her  savage  conductors.    Sho  was  on  horse- 
back.   They  had  proceeded   but  a  short  distance,  be- 
fore her  conductors  stopped  to  drink  at  a  spring.     In  the 
mean  time  her  lover  impatient  at  the  delay,  dispatched  a 
second  party  of  Indians  upon  the  same  errand.     Tlie  two 
parties  met  at  the  spring,   where  it  is  said  they   became 
engaged  in  a  controversy  about  the  promised  compensa- 
tion for  their  services,  for  bringing  her  in  safety  to  her 
betrothed.    Both  parties  claimed  it,  which   it  was  said, 


5:! 


m^. 


TKAGICAL  DEATH  OF  MI88   m'cREA. 


295 


was  a  barrel  of  ruin.  In  the  heat  of  the  controversy,  one 
of  the  chiefs,  to  put  an  end  to  the  controversy,  struck  her 
down  with  his  hatchet.  "  Tradition  reports'  that  the  In- 
dians divided  the  scalp,  and  that  each  party  carried  half 
of  it  to  the  agonized  lover."  Before  the  Indians  had  left 
tiie  spring,  they  were  attacked  by  a  pursuing  party  of 
Provincials,  and  at  the  close  of  the  skirmish,  the  body  of 
Miss  McCrea  was  found  among  the  slain,  tomahawked, 
and  scalped,  and  tied  to  a  pine  tree,  which  is  yet  stand- 
ing, a  sad  memorial  of  this  terrible  deed  of  blood. 

A  correspondence  passed  between  Gen.  Gates,  and 
Gen.  Burgoyne,  relating  to  this  transaction,  which  injus- 
tice to  the  parties  concerned,  should  be  copied.  After 
charging  the  British  Commander  with  encouraging  the 
Indians  to  acts  of  cruelty,  and  the  murder  of  defenceless 
women  and  children  by  offering  a  price  for  scalps,  he 
thus  speaks  of  the  case  above  related : 

"  Miss  McCrea,  a  young  lady  lovely  to  the  sight,  of 
virtuous  character  and  amiable   disposition,  engaged  to 
an  officer  of  your  army,  was  with  other  women  and  chil- 
dren taken  out  of  a  house  near  Fort  Edward,  carried  into 
the  woods,  and  there  scalped  and  mangled   in  the  most 
horrid  manner.    Two   parents   with   six   children  were 
treated  with  the  same  inhumanity,  while  quietly  resting 
in  their  own  peaceful  dwelling.    The  miserable  fate  of 
Miss  McCrea  was   particularly  aggravated,   she  being 
dressed  to  receive  her   promised  husband,   but  met  her 
murderer,  employed  by  you.     Upward  of  one  hundred 
men,  women,  and  children,  have  perished  by  the  hands 
of  the  ruffians,  to  whom  it  is  asserted  you  have  paid  the 
price  of  blood." 
Gen.  Burgoyne  replied  to  this  letter,  repelling  with  ia- 


::w 


296 


HISTORY  OP  BUFFALO, 


dig/iation,  the  chargo  of  encouraging  the  outrages  of  the 
Indians,  in  any  manner  whatever.  But  asserted  that 
from  the  first,  lie  had  refused  to  promise,  or  pay  any  thin  o- 
for  scalps.  The  only  rewards  ho  oft'ered  were  for  prison- 
ers brought  in,  and  hoped  by  the  adoption  of  this  course, 
to  encourage  a  more  humane  mode  of  warfare  on  their 
part.  lie  said  ''  I  would  not  he  guilty  of  the  acts  you 
presume  to  impute  to  mo,  for  the  whole  Continent  of 
America,  though  the  wealth  of  worlds  was  in  its  bowels, 
and  a  paradise  upon  its  surface."  In  regard  to  the  hap- 
less fate  of  Miss  McCrca,  Gen.  Burgoyne  remarked  : 

"Her  fall  wanted  not  tlie  tragic  display,  you  have  la- 
bored to  give  it,  to  make  it  as  severely  abhorred,  and  la- 
mented by  me,  as  it  can  be  by  the  tenderest  of  her  friends. 
The  act  was  no  premeditated  barbarity.  On  the  contra- 
ry, two  chiefs  who  had  brought  her  off  for  security,  not 
of  violence  to  her  pei-son,  disputed  which  should  be  her 
guard  ;  and  in  a  fit  of  savage  passion,  in  one  from  whose 
hands  she  was  snatclied,  the  unhappy  woman  became 
the  victim. 

"  Upon  the  first  intelligence  of  this  event,  I  obliged  the 
Indians  to  deliver  the  murderer  into  my  hands,  and 
thought  to  have  punished  him  by  our  laws,  or  principles 
of  justice,  would  have  been  jierhaps  unprecedented,  he 
certainly  should  have  suffered  an  ignominious  death,  had 
I  not  been  convinced  from  my  circumstances,  and  obser- 
vation, beyond  the  possibility  of  doubt,  that  a  pardon  un- 
der the  terms  which  I  presented,  and  they  accepted, 
would  be  more  efticatious,  than  an  execution,  to  prevent 
similar  mischiefs. 

"The  above  instance  excepted,  your  intelligence  is 
false." 


i.3t«i 


trntm. 


DEFEAT  OF    GEN.    BUEQOYNK. 


297 


iges  of  the 
erted  that 
y  anything 
for  prison- 
;hi8  coiu-80, 
5  on  their 
!  acts  you 
mtinont  of 
it3  bowels, 

0  tlie  liap- 
rlced  : 

1  have  la- 
id, and  la- 
ler  friends, 
ho  contra- 
Mirity,  not 
Id  be  her 
rom  whose 
n  became 

obliged  the 
lands,  and 
l^rinciples 
lented,  he 
death,  had 
md  obser- 
pardon  un- 
accepted, 
to  prevent 


lligcnce  is 


The  expedition  under  Bnrgoyne  proved  even  more  dis- 
astrous,  to  the   cause  of  the  Loyalists,   than  that  un- 
der St  Leger.      Although  everything  seemed  to  favor 
him,  and  he  had  advanced  to,  and  captured  Fort  Edward, 
he  began  to  experience  a  series  of  defeats  and  repul- 
ses,  in  which  his  army  was  greatly  weakened  by  loss- 
es, while  that  of  the  Americans  was  contiually  strength- 
ened by  additions.    It  was  on  the   17th   of  Sei)tember, 
1777,  that  a  general  battle  was  brought  on,  it  is  said  more 
by  accident,  than  design,  on  the  part  of  either  of  the  com- 
manding Generals,  which  proved  one  of  the  most  obsti- 
nate, and  bloody  of  the  revolution.     It  continued  a  good 
part  of  the  day,  and  was  only  terminated  by  the  darkness 
of  the  night.    Gen.  Wilkinson,  who  himself  participated 
in  the  battle,  says : 

"  Neither,  attempted  a  single  manouvre  during   one  of 
the  longest,  warmest,  and  most  obstinate   battles,  fought 
in  America.    Gen.  Gates  believed  his  antagonist  intend- 
ed  to  attack  him,  and  circumstances  seemed  to  justify  a 
like  conclusion,  on  the  part  of  Bnrgoyne  ;  and   as  the 
thickness  and  depth  of  an   intervening  wood,  concealed 
the  position  of  either  army  from  its  adversary,  sound  cau- 
tion obliged  the  i-espective  Commanders  to  guard   every 
assailable  point.    Had  either  of  the  Generals  been  prop- 
erly apprised  of  the  dispositions  of  his  antagonist,  a  seri- 
ous blow  might  have  been  struck,  either  on  the  left  of  the 
American  army,  or  on  the  enemy's   right." 

The  loss  on  the  part  of  the  Americans,   in  killed  and 

wounded,  was  between  three  and   four  hundred,  while 

that  of  the  British  was  from  six  hundred  to  one  thousand 

killed,  wounded,  and  prisoners. 

Early  in  Octobei-  Gen.  Bnrgoyne   finding  his   army 


II 

.  Nil 


ii'-i<? ; 


^  n 


m 


'?ii 


■V''    r\ 


298 


HISTORY    OF  BUFFALO. 


greatly  rctliicetl  by  tho  losses  lie  liad  sustained,  his   sup- 
plies gottiiitj  short,  and  his  coinmunications  with  ids  base 
ot'8U[)plies  boiiii,'  tiireatened,  be^'an  to  feel  that  his  situa- 
tion was  beconung  critical.     His  entire  Indian  force  had 
loft  him.     In  this  critical  state  of  affairs,  a  council  ofwar 
was  called  in  the  camp  of  Gen.   Burgoyno  ;  some   of  his 
officers  recommended  a  retreat,  others  an  attack  wium  tho 
American  works,     i'urj^oyne   himself  expressed  stron<^ 
aversions  to  a  retreat,  and  proposed  to  lead  an  assault  in 
person.    The  attack  thou^jh  made  with  vii,'or,  and   under 
disguise,  was  seasonably  discovered  by   tho   Americans, 
and  repulsed,  with  great  loss  on  the  part  of  the  British, 
who  lo8t  more  than  four  hundred  officers  and  men,  killed 
wounded,  and  prisoners,  including  the  flower  of  his  army, 
while  the  loss  of  the  A^nericans  was  inconsidcrabjo.    I3ur- 
goyne  now  commenced  his  retreat.     Gen.  Gates   lost  no 
time  in  disposing  his  forces  so  as  to  intercept  this   move- 
ment, by  throwing  a  force  in  his  rear,  upon  all  the  routes 
by  which  it  was  possible  for  him  to  escape. 

Thus  surrounded  with  difficulties,  his  effective  force 
reduced  to  less  tlian  thirty-five  hundred  men,  short  of 
provisicms,  the  American  army  increasing  every  moment, 
and  now  forming  almost  an  entire  circle  aronnd  him,  no 
alternative  was  left  Gen.  Eurgoyne  but  to  negotiate  the 
best  terms  of  surrender  he  was  able,  which  was  done  with 
the  unanimous  consent  of  his  surviving  officers.  Terms  of 
capitulation  were  soon  agreed  npon,  and  on  the  17th  of 
October,  1777,  the  Royal  army  surrendered  prisoners  of 
war.  The  first  meeting  of  Burgoyno  with  Gates  is  thus  de- 
scribed by  Gen.  Wilkinson : 

"  Gen.  Gates  being  advised  of  Gen.  Burgoyne's  ap- 
proach, met  him  at  the  head  of  his  camp.     Burgoyne  iu 


'1^ 


SUKKENDEJi  OF  OBN.  BUROOYNE. 


299 


a  rich  royal  uniform,  and  Gates  in  a  plain  blue  frock; 
when  thuy  liad  approached  nearly  within  a  sword's 
length,  they  reined  up  and  halted.  I  then  named  the 
ijentlemen,  and  Gen.  Burgoyno  raising  his  hat  most 
gracefully  said:  'The  fortune  of  war,  Gen.  Gates,  ha8 
made  me  your  prisoner,'  to  which  the  conqueror  return- 
ing a  courtly  salute,  promptly  replied :  "  I  shall  always 
bo  ready  to  bear  testimony  that  it  has  not  been  through 
any  faidt  of  your  excellency." 

Gen.  IJurgoyno  with  all  his  general  oflScers  were  treat- 
ed with  the  courtesy  and  consideration  due  to  brave,  but 
unfortunate  men.  They  were  received  into  Gen.  Gate's 
quarters,  and  entertained  by  him  at  a  dinner,  where  the 
conversation  was  affable  and  free.  The  whole  conduct  of 
Gen.  Gates  was  highly  honorable  to  his  generosity,  which 
Gen.  Jiurgoyno  and  his  officers  duly  appreciated,  and 
publicly  acknowledged. 


wi 


CHAPTER    XIX 


The  year  1778  was  an  eventful  one  for  the  Henecas ; 
and  in  order  to  a  full  understanding  of  these  events,  a  few 
extracts  from  the  official  correspondence  of  this  i)eriod, 
will  introduce  the  notice  of  them. 

Extract  of  a  letter  of  Col.  Guy  Johnson  t(»  Lord  Ger- 
main, dated  "N'ew  York,  12th  March,  1778. 

My  Lord  :—"  I  have  now  the  pleasure  to  inform  your 
Lordship,  that  notwithstanding  the  events  of  last  cam- 
paign to  the  northward,  the  Indians  are  as  linn  as  ever, 
and  eager  for  service  ;  a  courier  having  just  arrived  here, 
with  messages  to  me,  and  a  billet  to  the  General,  signed 
by  Lieut.  Col.  Eolton,  commanding  at  Niagara,  and  by 
my  deputy  Mr.  Butler,  of  which  the  enclosed  is  a  copy  ; 
which  briefly  shows  their  zeal,  readiness,  and  abilities. 
On  this  subject,  I  have  by  direction  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton 
wrote  at  large  to  Sir  "Wm.IIowe,  whose  commands  I  lioi)c 
shortly  to  receive,  that  I  may  send  back  such  messages, 
as  he  approves  or  such  as  will  prepare  them  (the  Indians) 
to  meet  me,  agreeable  to  the  proposal  I  submitted  to  your 
Lordship,  and  to  him,  at  such  time,  and  place,  to  the 
northward,  as  should  be  approved  of  for  the  purpose  of 
keeping  the  Indians  out  of  the  reach  of  rebel  emissaries, 
and  of  employing  them  in  the  way  most  serviceable  to 
the  government. 


■*m 


our  .rowxaoN  to  lord  qekmain. 


301 


^' In  my  letter  of  November  last,  I  exphiincd  the  gen- 
eral design  1  l.ad  in  view,  and  althongh  from  the  nature 
ot  this  war,  the  best  schemes  may  bo  rendered   abortive. 
I  think  I  can  rely  upon  the  advantages   to  be   derived 
iro.n  what  1  have  proposed  ;  as  it  will  keep  the   Indians 
out  of  the  reach  of  the  rebel  arts,  and   employ   them   in 
some  servicable  manner.    For  until  we  Tiavo   possession 
of  some  direct  communication  to  the  Six  Nations,  we  can- 
not have  them  better  occupied,  than  as  I  have  mentioned, 
until  the  arrival  of  more  troops  ;  unless  they  are  let  loose 
to  carry  on  the  Petitte  Guerre  (small  war)  in  their  own 
way.     Indians,  with  small  bodies  of  troops,  are  often  ex- 
posed to  what  appears  to  them,  as  very  discouraging  dif- 
ficulties ;  in  which  cases,  they  cannot  be  expected  to\eep 
together,  like  British  troops ;  nor  can  they  ever  do  so,  af- 
ter the  beginning  of  October,  because  of  the  hunting  sea- 
son.   They  do  not  adopt  the  same  ideas  of  bravery,  nor 
can  they  feel  so  much  interest  in  our  cause,  as  Brito'n's  do- 
but,  in  all  other  respects,  they  afford  much  security  to 
an  army,  and  strike  a  terror  into  the  enemy. 

"The  French  system  of  management,  by  several  dis- 
tinct agents,  was  calculated  for  that  government,  and  the 
state  of  the  domesticated  tribes  near  their  cities  in  Cana- 
da; but  suits  no  others,  as  Sir  William  Johnson  fully 
demonstrated,  to  his  Majesty's  ministers.  No  uniform 
s3-stem,  could  be  pursued,  on  such  a  plan,  and  the  French 
alter  much  expense  and  trouble,  lost  the  Indians  by  it. 
They  entered  into  the  fullest  treaty  with  me  at  Ontario, 
and  in  Canada,  in  1775  ;  they  have  hitherto  adhered,  and 
will  still  adhere,  to  the  same,  if  duly  attended  to  ;  but  to 
render  them  truly  serviceable,  the  nature  of  the  service, 
and  the  time  it  is  likely  to  take  up,  are  necessary  consid- 


li 


,    0 


802 


HI8T0BY   OF    HDFFALO. 


I  I, 
f 


erati'jns,  as  woll  ns  uiuler  what  rostrictiona  tlioy  are  to 
act,  since  it  apijcurrt  tlioy  arc  so  much   misropresontod  in 
tlio  article  of  cruolty.     It  is  well   known  my   Ii(»r(l,  that 
the  Colonists,  solicited  the  Indians   early   in    1775,  that 
they  proposed  to  make  ine  })risoner,   tliat  they   carried 
Dome  Indians  then  to  their  camp,  near  Boston,  as  they  did 
others  since,  who  were  taken  in  the  battle  on  Long  Island. 
That  the  tomahawk,  that  is  so  much  talked  of,  is  seldom 
used,  except  to  smoke  through,  or  to  cut  wood  with,  and 
that  they  are  very  larely  guilty  of  cruelty,   more  than 
scalping  the  dead,  in  which  article  oven,   they   may  he 
restrained.    It  is  also  certain,  that  no  objection  was  made 
tojthem  formerly,  that  the  king's  instructions  of  1754,  to 
Gen.  Braddock,  and  many  since,  direct   tlieir  being  em- 
ployed, whilst  some  of  the  American  colonies  went  fur- 
ther, by  fixing  a  price  for  scalps.    Surely,  foreign  ene- 
mies have  an  equal  claim  to  humanity  with  others.   Per- 
haps some  of  these  hints  are  not  amiss,  my  motives,  I 
hope,  will  apologise  for  them.     I  am  persuaded  that  I 
am  by  no  means  destitute  of  the  feelings  of  humanity, 
and  that  I  can  restrain  the  Indians,  from  acts  of  savage 
cruelty ;  but  as  I  must  be  ignorant  of  the  intended  oper- 
ations, I  can  only  humbly  propose,  as  I  have  already 
done,  to  collect  the  Indians  in  some  fitting  place,  out  of 
the  reach  of  the  rebel  agents,  till  the  arrival  of  more 
troops,   or  till  some  movement  can  be  made,  tliat  will 
give  us  the  possession  of  the  important  communication, 
between  this  and  the  lakes ;  and  if,  in  the  mean  time,  I 
can  be  honored  with  your  Lordship's  commands,  or  he 
directed  to  give  any  further  agreeable  appearances  to  tiie 


f-Tf.r| 


KXPEDITION    AQAINST    WYOMING. 


808 


I'HlianH,  it  will  1.0  Ui^rUly  pleasing  to  tho.u,  a.ul  uBotul  to 
liia  JVlnjcaty's  sorvice. 
I  Imvo  tho  honor  to  l>o,  with  groat  respect, 
My  Lord,  your  Lordship's 

Ob't  and  most  lunl/l  servant, 

Tr  „   ,  C^.  JOHNSON." 

How  well  those  promises  wcro  kept,  or  those  restraints 
upon  tho  savage  mode  of  warfare  practiced  by  the  Lidi- 
answero  realised,  the  In'story  of  tho  unrestrained  Lulian 
war  instigated   by  the  agents  and  oIKcersofthe  British 
government,  during  , this  year,  furnisli   tho  melancholy 
evidence.     Tho  slaughter  of  Wyoming,  was  perpretated 
by  a  party  consisting  of  loyalists,  or  tories,  and  Lidians, 
under  Col.  John  Butler.    Tho  expedition  was  organized 
at  Niagara,  and  was  undoubtedly  largely  augmented  in 
Its  march   through  the   country,   both   by  additions  of 
whites  and  Indians.    There  have  been  published,  several 
diflerent  versions  of  this  affair,  most  of  which  assume 
that  Joseph  Brant  led  tho  Indians  on  tho  occasion.    But 
the  official  report  of  Col.  Guy  Johnson,  shows  that  Brant 
was  not  present,  but  engaged,  at  the  time,  on   another 
expedition.    It  is  equally  certain,  that  the  Indians  enga- 
ged were  principally  Senecas,  and  were  led  by  their  own 
war  chiefs,  to  whoso  skill  and  bravery  the  success  of  the 
enterprise  was  mainly  attributable.    The  original  force 
coiieisted  of  about  throe  hundred  white  men,  principally 
refugee  loyalists,  under  Butler,  and  about  five  hundred 
Indians.    The  expedition  loft  Niagara  the  latter  end  of 
June,  1778,  passing  by  way  of  the  Indian  settlement,  on 
the^Genesee  river,  to  Tioga  point,  where  the  forces  were 
embarked  on  floats,  and  rafts,  and  descending  the  Susque- 
hanna, landed  at  a  place  called  Three  Islands,  whence 


'V# 


1     f 


ri 


t'  u  : f1M| 


■'•■s* 


■i 


i 


304 


HISTORY  OF  BUFFALO. 


they  marched  about  twenty  miles,  and  crossing  a  wilder- 
ness, entered  the  valley  of  the  Wyoming.  The  inhabi- 
tants, on  being  apprised  of  the  advance  of  the  invaders, 
retired  into  a  ibrtification,  called  "Fort  Forty."  Col. 
Zebulon  Butler,  who  was  in  command  of  tlie  colonial 
forces,  was  desirous  of  wait'ng  Avithin  the  Fort,  for  rein- 
forcements, which  were  hourly  expected.  But,  beino- 
overruled  by  his  officers,  in  this  prudent  'resolution,  he 
marched  out,  with  about  four  hundred  men,  to  meet  the 
advancing  foe,  whose  Ibrce  was  greatly  under  estimated 
by  the  colonists. 

Col.  John  Butler  liad  encamped  with  his  forces,  at 
some  miles  distance,  from  the  fort ;  and  it  was  the  inten- 
tion of  the  Americans,  by  a  sudden  movement,  to  sur 
prise  their  camp  ;  but  their  approach  was  discovered  by 
an  Indian  scout,  who  immediately  gave  the  alarm.  They 
however  pushed  forward  rapidly,  but  found  the  enemy 
formed  in  line  of  battle,  in  front  of  his  camp,  on  a  plain 
thinly  covered  with  pine,  shrub-oak,  and  underbrush, 
and  extending  from  the  river  to  a  marsh,  at  the  foot  of 
the  mountain.  On  coming  In  view  of  the  enemy,  the 
Americans,  who  had  advanced  in  single  column,  imme- 
diately deployed  into  line,  of  equal  extent.  The  right 
wing,  commanded  by  Col.  Zebulon  Butler,  the  left  win^^ 
by  Col.  Denison.  The  left  of  the  enemy  rested  on  "AVit- 
ermoot's  Fort,"  ah-eady  in  flames,  and  was  commanded 
by  CoL  John  Butler,  who,  divested  of  his  uniform,  ap- 
peared on  the  ground,  with  a  handkerchief  tied  round  his 
head.  His  division  was  composed  of  refugees  and  loy- 
alists ;  a  company  of  Johnson's  Royal  Greens,  under 
Capt.  Caldwell,  formed  on  Butler's  right,  with  Indian 
sharp  shooters   filling   the  space  between.    The  main 


BATTLE  AT  WYOMING. 


305 


^body  of  the  Indians  forming  the  right  wing,  extended  to 
the   morass,  or  swamp.    This  appears  to  have  been  the 
disposition  of  tlie  forces,  as  gatliered  from  the  most  relia- 
ble and   authentic  sources   of  information.    Tiiere  is  no 
doubt  that  the  Americans  were  greatly  deceived  as  to  the 
actual  B.rtish  and  Indian  forces,  which  had  been  greatly 
increased,  by  the  addition  of  numbers  of  tories,  still  resi- 
ding m  the  neighborhood,  and  also  by  a  large  number  of 
Indian  warriors,  who  joined  the  expedition  in  its  passage 
hrough   the   Senecas'   country.    The   attack  was  he^nn 
by  the  Americans,  at  about  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  • 
the  order  was   for  the  men  to  advance  one  step,  at  each 
discharge.     Tiie   firing  along  the   whole  American   line 
was  rapid  and  steady,  and  as  they  advanced,  the  British 
bne  gave  way,  in  spite  of  the  exertions   of  their  officers 
to  prevent   it.     The  Indians   on   the   right  of  Butler's 
con.man<l,  who  acted  as   sluirp   shooters,  appeared  to  be 
divided  into  six  bands,  or  squads,  and  cheered  each  other 
at  intervals,  by  a  yell  at  one  end  of  the  line,  and  repeated 
responsively  by  all  the  rest.     As  the  battle  waxed  wann- 
er, the    fearful  yell     was  renewed,   again   and   a^ain 
with  more  and  more  spirit.    It  appeared  to  be,  at  once' 
«ieu.  ammatnig  shout,fand  their  signal  of  communication. 
The  battle  had  raged  for  half  an  hour,  when  the  vastly 
superior  force  of  the  enemy  began  to  show  itself     Ilith 
erto,a_large  portion  of  the  Indians  had   been  concealed 
froin  view;  but  their  fire,  from  their  covert  in  the  swamp 
had  proved   destructive  to  the  lives,  of  several  valuable 
oftcers.     But  now  they  rose  from  their  concealment,  and 
commenced  a  flanking  movement  on  the  left  of  the  Amer 
ican  line.    Nothing  could   withstand  the  impetuosity  of 
theSenecas,  under  their  brave  leaders;  Col.  Denison's 
20 


306 


IIISTOKY   OF   BUFFALO. 


wing  was  thrown  into  confusion,  and  all  efforts  to  form  a 
new  line  at  right  angles  with  the  iirst,  to  meet  this  new 
attack,    proved  unavailing.    The   rout   became  general. 
On   seeing  this,  the   Indians  throwing  away  their  o-nng 
rushed  in  with  horrid  yells,  using  only  their  tomahawks, 
with   terrible  execution.     No   quarter   was  given,   and 
many  are  the  records  of  personal  bravery  exhibited  ou 
that  bloody  field  that  day.     So  terrible  was  the  slaughter, 
that  it   is  said  '-that  less  than  sixty   of  the  Americans 
escaped,  either  the  rifle  or  the  tomahawk.     Although 
there  have  been  many  thrilling  narratives  of  the  "massa- 
cre" said  to  have  been  perpetratad  at  this  time  at  Wyo- 
ming, yet   the  truth  of  history  compels   the   conclusion, 
that  these  for  the  most  part  were  mere  fictions.     Stone  in 
his  life  of  Brant  says,  "it  does  not  ap})ear  that  anytlun"- 
like  a  massacre   followed  the  capitulation."    Capt.  Wal- 
ter Butler,  in  his  letter  to   Gen.  Clinton  states  positively, 
that   no  massacre  of  prisoners   or   women  and   children 
took  place  at  Wyoming;  and  it  does  not  appear  that  the 
truth  of  this  assertion  was   ever  questioned.    The  attack 
upon   Wyoming,    as   well  as  that  upon   Cherry  Valley,- 
both  of  which  occurred  in  the  same  year,  may  be  consi- 
dered the  legitimate  fruit  of  the  measures  recommended 
by  Col.   Guy  Johnson,  and  adopted   by  the  British  gov- 
ernment,  to  subdue  the   rebellion.    After  the  affair  at 
Wyoming,  Col.  John  Butler  returned  to  Niagara,  and  the 
Senecas  to    their   homes,    at   Kanesadaga  or  Genesee. 
Early  in  October,  Mr.  Dean,  the  Indian   interpreter  and 
agent,  wrote  Major  Cochran,   commanding  at  Fort  Stan- 
wix,  as  follows  :     "A  Seneca  chief,  called  Big  Tree,  who 
was  all  the  summer  past  with  Gen.  Wasliington,  returned 
through    Oneida  ;  he  gave  our  friends   there   the  most 


MR.  dean's  letter. 


807 


solemn   assurance,   tliat  uj^n   arrival  in  his  country,  be 
would   exert  Lis  utmost  influence  to  dispose  his  tribe  to 
peace  and  friendship   with  the  United  States  ;  and  that 
Bhoudh.s  attempts  prove  unsuccessful,  he  would  imme- 
dmtelj  leave  his  nation,  and  join  the  Oneidas  with  his 
friends  and   adherents.    A  long   time  having  elapsed, 
without  hearing  from  Big  Tree,  the  Oneidas,  a  few  days 
since,  dispatched   a  runner  to  him,  desiring  an  account 
of  us  success.    The  express  returned  yesterday  with  the 
following  antelligence,  which  the  sachems  immediately 
forwarded  to  me,  by  three  of  their  warriors,  namely  :  that 
upon  his   arrival   in  the  Seneca  country,   he  found  that 
people  in  arms,  and  the   two  villages  Kanadaseago  and 
Jennessee,   where  he  was,  crowded  with   their  warriors- 
collected  from  the  remotest  settlements.    That  upon  EiJ 
Irees  hrst  arrival,   appearances  seemed   to  promise  him 
success;  but  that  a  rumor  being  circulated  that  the  Ameri- 
cans were  about  to  invade  them,  they  had   all  flown  to 
arms.    Big  Tree  wa^  there,   and  determined  to  chastise 
the  enemy  that  dared  presume  to  think   of  penetrating 
their  country.    That  they  are  to  be  joined  by  all  the  Int 
dians  as  far  as   Onondaga,  a  small  party  of  whom  has 
gone  to  meet  them,  and  likewise  by  those  of  the  several 
settlements  upon  the  branches  of  the  Susquehanna    That 
rbe  Senecas  were  to  march  the  8th,  and  the  others  the 
9th  instant.    That  the  whole  party  were  to  rendezvous 
at  kanakals,  a  place  situated  on   the  branch  of  the  Sus 
quehanna,  called  Tioga  branch,  and  from  thence  were  to 
proceed  against  the  frontiers  of  Pennsylvania  or  the  Jer- 
seys.    Our  Oneida  friends  rely  on  the  authenticity  of  the 
above  intelligence,   and  beg  that  it  may  not  be  ne^- 
lected."    On  the  6th  of  November,  the  following  letter 


^  '    1  ""^  'RUT  'i 


'  t 


'^?-%i 


308 


IIISTOEy   OF   BUFFALO. 


was  sent  from  Fort  Stanwix  to  Col.  Alden,  who  com- 
manded at  Clierrj  Valley,  "Sir,"  we  are  just  now  in- 
formed by  an  Oneida^  Indian,  arri^-ed  at  their  castle 
from  one  of  the  brandies  of  the  Susquehanna,  called  the 
Tioga  ;  that  he  was  present  at  a  great  meeting  of  Indi- 
ans and  tories,  at  that  i)!ace ;  and  their  result  was,  to 
attack  Cherry  Yalley,  and  that  young  Eutler  was  to  head 
the  tories.  I  send  you  tliis  information  that  you  may  be 
on  your  guard.  Col.  Alden  immediately  acknowledged 
the  receipt  of  the  above  by  the  return  messengei-.  Capt. 
Walter  Eutler,  son  of  Col.  John  T>utler,  had  accompa- 
nied Col.  Cuy.  Johnson  in  his  flight  to  Canada.  lie 
visited  the  Mohawk  Valley  early  in  the  summer  of  1778 
where  he  was  arrested  and  sent  to  Albany  a  prisoner, 
and  contined  in  the  Albany  jail.  I'eingsick,  or  feigning- 
it,  he  was  taken  to  a  })rivate  house  in  the  city,  andi)laced 
under  guard.  Through  the  eoimf.vance,  or  co-operation 
of  the  family,  the  guard  was  stupefied  willi  liquor,  and 
Butler  escaped  on  horseback  to  Niagara,  and  joined  his 
father.  It  is  said  that  lie  projected  tlie  expedition  airainst 
Cherry  Valley,  to  avenge  the  wrongs  he  su])posed  him- 
self to  have  suffered  in  his  capture  and  imprisonment. 
For  this  ])urpose  he  procured  from  his  father  who  was 
then  in  command  at  Niagara,  the  command  of  a  part  ot 
his  regiment,  called  Ibitler's  liangcrs,  together  with 
authority  to  employ  tlie  forces  under  Bi'ant,  who  had 
spent  most  of  the  summer  on  the  Susquehanna,  and  its  vici- 
nity. On  his  way  he  met  Brant,  who,  with  his  forces, 
was  returning  to  winter  quarters  at  Niagara.  Brant  was 
displeased  at  being  placed  under  Walter  Butler,  but  was 
prevailed  upon  to  join  the  expedition.  Tlie  united  force 
consisted  of  about  two  hundred  rangers  and  five  hundred 


EXPEDITION  AGAINST  CIIERBY  VALLEY.  809 

Indians.    Tlie  season  was  so  fur  advanced,  and  Brant  and 
hi8  Indians    having  left  the  country,   the  inhabitants, 
many  of  whom  had  left  in  the  summer,  in  consequence  of 
the  repeated  attacks  of  the   Indians  upon  the  frontiers 
had  now  returned  to   their  homes,  where  they  hoped  to 
remam  m  security,  during  the  winter.    A  fort  had  been 
built  at  Cherry  Yalley,  by  order  of  Gen.  Lafayette,  who 
Visited  the  Mohawk  valley,  in  the  spring  of  this  year, 
and  on  the  first  intimation  of  the   approaching  invasion, 
the  inhabitants  requested  permission  to  remove  with  their 
valuable  effects  into  the  fort.    But  Col.  Alden  not  givin^. 
full  credit  to  the  information  given  by  the  Oneida  Indit 
ans,  refused  the  -^quest,  and  treated  their  apprehensions 
as  groundless ;  saying  that  he  should  keep  out  scouts 
who  would  apprise  them  in  season,  to  secure  themselves 
m  case  of  real  danger.    But,   it  was  to  the  carelessness, 
or  criminality  of  these   scouts,   in  which  they  confided 
that  ruin  was  brought  upon  them.     The  scouts  sent  down 
the  Susquehanna,  carelessly  kindled  a   fire  at  night,  and 
foolishly,  or  criminally,  lay  down  to  sleep.    The  fire  was 
discovered  by  the  enemy,  and  before  daylight,  the  Ame- 
ricans  were  surrounded,  and   all  taken  prisoners,  without 
any  alarm  being  given. 

Having  obtained  all  the  information  they  desired  from 
their  prisoners,  on  the  morning  of  the  11th,  twenty-four 
hours  after  the  capture  of  the  scouts,  the  enemy  moved 
from  his  encampment  toward  the  fort.  Having  learned 
from  the  scouts  that  the  oflicers  of  the  garrison  lodged  in 
different  private  houses  out  of  the  fort,  their  forces  were 
so  disposed  that  a  party  should  surround  every  house  in 
which  an  ofiicer  lodged.  A  storm  of  snow  in  the  ni-ht 
which  gradually  changed  to  rain  towards  morning  crea- 


'ft 


mm 


■  -'vil 

S'    *  I,  „  2  I 


310 


JII8TOKY    OF   BUFFALO. 


II 


ting  a  thick,  hazy  atmospliere,  favored  their  a])proach. 
The  Rangers,  who  were  approaching  cautiously,  in  ad- 
vance, stopped,  to  examine  their  pieces,  tlic  powder 
being  exposed  to  wet  by  the  rain.  Tiiis  gave  the  Indians 
an  opportunity  to  rush  hy,  and  commence  the  assault. 
Tiio  advance  body  was  composed  princ'pally  of  Scnecas. 
Col.  Alden  had  escapet'  ?'■  ^'lO  house  at  the  moment 
the  Indians  came  up,  and  .,r  the  fort.     He  was  pur- 

sued by  an  Indian,  with  tomahawk  in  hand,  and  chal- 
lenged to  surrender,  which  he  peremptorily  refused  to  do, 
but,  drew  his  i)istol  upon  his  pursuer.  It  missed  fire, 
upon  which  the  Indian  hurled  his  tomahawk,  with  such 
deadly  aim,  that  it  struck  him  on  th^head,  he  fell,  and 
was  scalped,  being  one  of  Uio  first  victims  of  his  own  most 
criminal  neglect  of  dut}'. 

Others  of  the  officers  were  taken  prisoners.  The  indis- 
criminate massacre  of  the  inhabitants  immediately  com- 
menced, in  which,  if  the  accounts  are  true,  the  savages 
were  exceeded  in  barbarity  by  the  tories  of  Butler's  Ran- 
gers. A  party  of  Indians  had  entered  a  house  and  killed 
and  scalped  a  mother  and  a  large  family  of  children. 
Tliey  had  just  completed  their  v.'ork  of  death,  when  some 
royalists  belonging  to  their  party  came  up,  and  discover- 
ed an  infant  alive  in  the  cradle.  An  Indian  warrior,  no- 
ted for  his  barbarity,  approached  the  cradle  with  uplifted 
hatchet.  The  babe  looked  up  into  his  fiice  ami  smiled, 
the  feelings  of  nature  triumphed  over  the  ferocity  of  the 
savage.  The  liatcliet  fell  from  his  hand,  and  he  was  in 
the  act  of  taking  the  infant  in  his  arms,  when  one  of  the 
royalists,  cursing  the  Indiaji  for  his  humanity,  took  it  up 
on  the  point  of  his  bayonet,  and  holding  it  up,  struggling 


MASSACRE   AT  CHERRY   VALLEY. 


311 


in  the  agonie8  of  death,  exclaimed  "  this  too  is  a  rebel."* 
Whole  families  were  indiscriminately  slaughtered.    The 
family  of  Mr.  Robert  Wells,  consisting  of  thirteen  per- 
sons, was  barbarously  murdered.      "One  of  the  tories 
boasted  that  he  killed  Mr.  Wells  while  at  prayer.''*    He, 
and  his  family,  were  not  active  partisans,  but  remained 
quietly,  yet  always  performing  military  duty  when  called 
upon,  to  defend  the  country.    The  father  of  Mr.  Eobert 
Wells,  then  deceased,  had  been  one  of  the  Judges  of  Try- 
on  county,  and  in  that  capacity,  had  acted  with  Sir  Wil- 
liam Johnson,  and  also  with  Col.  John  Butler,  who  had 
also  been  a  Judge  ;  hence  there  existed  an  intimacy,  and 
friendship, between  the  families;  and  it  is  said  Col.  John 
Butler  expressed  great  sorrow  and  remorse  at  their  mel- 
ancholy fate.     In  conversation  relative  to  'nem,  he  re- 
marked, "I  would  have  gone  miles  on  my  hands  and 
knees,  to  have  saved  that  family ;  and  why  my  son  did 
not  do  it,  God  only  knows."* 

The  circumstances  of  the  death  of  Miss  Jane  Wells, 
the  sister  of  Mr.  Robert  Wells,  were  peculiarly  aggrava- 
ting. During  the  slaughter  of  the  ^vhole  family  to  which 
she  was  an  unwilling  spectator,  she  fled  from  the  house, 
and  sought  shelter  behind  a  large  pile  of  wood,  near  by.' 
Here  she  was  pursued  by  an  Indian,  who,  as  he  ap- 
proached, deliberately  wiped  his  bloody  knife  upon  his 
leggins,  and  then  placed  it  in  his  sheath  ;  then  drawing 
his  tomahawk,  he  seized  her  by  the  arm ;  she  possessing 
some  knowledge  of  the  Indian  language,  remonstrated"^ 
and  supplicated,  in  vain.  Peter  Smith,  a  tory,  who  had 
formerly  been  a  domestic  in  Mr.  Wells'  family,  now  in- 
terposed, saying,  that  she  was  his  sister,  and  desiring  him 

•Campbell's  Annals  of  Tryon  County. 


[■  ^ffi'^Wi 


312 


HI8T0KY   OP  BUFFALO. 


to  spare  lier  life,  llo  shook  liis  tomahawk  at  him,  in  de- 
fiance, and  then  turning  round,  with  one  blow,  smote  her 
to  tlio  earth. 

A  Mr.  Mitchell,  who  was  in  his  field,  beheld  a  party 
of  Indians  approaching ;  he  could  not  gain  his  house, 
and  was  obliged  to  flee  to  the  woods.    Here  he  evaded 
pursuit,  and  escaped.    A  melancholly  spectacle  present- 
ed itself  on  his  return.    It  was  the  corpse  of  his  wife,  and 
four  children.     His  house  had  been  plundered,  and  set  on 
fire.    He  extinguished  the  fire,  and  by  examination,  found 
life  existing  in  one  of  his  children,  a  little  girl  of  ten  or 
twelve  years  of  age.    He  raised  her  up,  and  placed  her 
iu  the  door,  and  was  bending  over  her,  when  he  saw  an- 
other party  approaching.    He  had  barely  time  to  hide 
himself  behind  a  log  fence,  near  bj^,  before  they  were  at 
the  house.    From  this  hiding  place  he  beheld  an  infa- 
mous tory  by  the  name  of  Newberry,  extinguish  the  little 
spark  of  life,  which  remained  in  his  child,  with  a  blow  of 
his  hatchet.*    Newberry  was  arrested  as  a  spy  the  fol- 
lowing summer  and  tried  by  a  court  martial,  found  guilty 
and  was  executed. 

The  house  of  Col.  Campbell  was  .  nnded,  and  Mrs. 
Campbell  and  four  children  were  takei,  soners.  Col. 
Campbell  was  absent,  but  hastened  home  n.  me  only  to 
witness  the  destruction  of  his  property,  and  tL  s  of  his 
family  without  knowing  their  fiite.  Many  otht  were 
killed,  some  few  escaped  to  the  Mohawk  river,  an  he 
remainder  were  made  prisoners.  Thirty-two  of  the  in- 
habitants, mostly  women  and  children,  and  sixteen  con- 
tinental soldiers,  were  killed.    M-s.  Clyde,  the  wife  of 

*  Annals  of  Tryon  county,  p.  113.. 


I 


urant's  humanity.  313 

Col.  Clyde,  fled  with  iier  children  to  the  woods,  and  thus 
escaped.* 

It  should  be  recorded  to  the  credit  of  Joseph  Brant, 
that  on   this  occasion   he  exhibited  traits  of  humanity 
which  seemed  to  be  wanting  in  some,  at  least,  of  the 
white  men  present.     "Li  a  house  which  he  entered,  he 
found  a  woman  engaged  in  her  usual  business.     'Are 
you  (said  he,)  thus  engaged,  while  all  your  neighbors  are 
murdered  around  you?'     'We  are  King's  people,'  she 
replied.    'That  plea  will  not  avail  you  to-day.    They 
have  murdered  Mr.  Wells'  family,  who  were  as  dear  to 
mo  as  my  own .'     '  There  is  one  Joseph  Brant,  (said  she,) 
if  he  is  with  the  Indians  he  will  save  us.'     '  I  am  Joseph 
Brant,  but  I  have  not  the  command,  and,  I  know  not  that 
I  can  save  you,  but  I  will  do  what  is  in  my  power.' 
While  speaking,  several  Senecas  were  observed  approach- 
ing the  house.     '  Get  into  bed  and  feign  yourself  sick,' 
said  Brant  hastily.    When  the  Senecas  came  in  he  told 
them  there  was  no  person  there  but  a  sick  woman  and 
her  children,  and  besought  them   to   leave  the  house, 
which,  after  a  short  conversation,  they  did.    As  soon  as 
they  were  out  of  sight.  Brant  went  to  the  end  of  the  house 
and  gave  a  long,  shrill  yell.    Soon  after,  a  small  band  of 
Mohawks   were   seen   crossing  the  adjoining  field,  with 
great  speed.  As  they  came  up  he  addressed  tliem,  '  where 
is  your  paint,  here  put  my  mark  upon  this  woman,  and 
her  children.'    As  soon  as  it  was  done,  he  added,  '  you 
are  now  probably  safe.'  "* 

'Annals  of  Tryon  county. 


1 

■J 

Ml 

i 

1 

"4  111! 


(  •  'I 


CllAPTKK    XX 


I 


t 


Much  obloquy  has  been  cast  upon  Capt.  "Walter  But- 
ler, for  planning,  and  tlic  manner  in  which  this  expedi- 
tion was  executed.  It  will  be  remembered  that  his 
mother,  the  wife  of  Col.  John  Butler,  and  her  children, 
were  detainetl  as  prisonei-s  of  war,  by  the  committee  of 
safety  ;  and  the  capture  of  Mrs.  Campbell  and  her  chil- 
dren, and  that  of  Mrs.  Moore  and  her  children,  afforded 
Capt.  Walter  Butler  an  opportunity  to  procure  the  re- 
lease of  his  own  relatives,  by  an  exchange,  which  was  in 
fact  subsecjuently  accomplished. 

On  the  second  morning  after  their  capture,  all  the  caj)- 
tivo  women,  and  children,  (except  Mrs.  Campbell  and 
Mrs.  Moore  and  their  children,)  were  released,  and  sent 
back,  with  the  following  letter  from  Capt.  Walter  Butler, 
addressed  to  Gen.  Schuyler. 

CAPT.  nUTLKK  TO   OKN.  SCnUYLEli. 

Cherry  Valley,  Nov.  12th,  1778. 
Sik:  I  am  induced  by  humanity,  to  permit  the  persons 
whose  names  I  send  herewith,  to  return,  lest  the  inclem- 
ency of  the  season,  and  their  naked  and  helpless  situa- 
tion, might  prove  fatal  to  them;  and  expect  that  you  will 


LKITEB  OK  OAp-r.  WALTKlt  N.  UUTLKU. 


316 


release,  an  equal  nuinber  of  our  people,  in  your  liands, 
ain()ii«,'  whom  1  expect  you  will  pormit  Mrs.  Butler,  and 
family,  to  como  to  Canada.     Hut  if  you  insist  upon  it,  1 
cn^'age  to  send  you,  moreover,  an  equal  number  of  pria- 
oners  of  yours,  taken  either  by  the  Kangers,  or  Indians, 
and  will  leave  it  to  you  to  name  the  persons.     I  have 
done  every  thing  in  my  power  to  restrain  the  fury  of  the 
Indians,  from  hurling  women  and  children,  or  killing  the 
prisoners  that  foil  into  our  hands,  and  would  have  more 
effectually  prevented  them,  but  that  thoy  were  nmch  in- 
censed at  the  destruction  of  their  village  at  Anguaga,*  by 
your  people.    I  look  upon  it  beneath  the  character  of  a 
soldier,  to  .wage  war  with  women  and  children.     I  am 
sure  that  you  are  conscious,  tliat  Col.  Butler  or  myself, 
have  no  desire  that  your  women,  and  children,  should  bo 
hurt;  but  bo  assured,  that  if  you  persevere  in  detaining 
my  father's  family,  with  you,  that  wo  shall  no  longer  take 
the  same  ])ains  to  restrain  the  Indians  from  prisoners, 
women  and  children,  that  wo  have  heretofore  done. 
I  am  your  Humble  Servant, 

WALTER  N.  BUTLER, 

Capt.  Com.  of  the  Rangers. 
Ctkn.  Scuuyler. 


"  HI 


Mvh  Campbell  and  her  children  were  taken  to  Kanese- 
daga,  (near  Geneva,)  where  she  was  separated  from  her 
children,  and  placed  in  the  family  of  a  Seneca  chief,  to 
fill  the  place  left  vacant  by  the  death  of  one  of  its  mem- 
bers. This  family  was  composed  of  females,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  one  aged  warrior,  who  no  longer  went  forth 
either  to  the  chase  or  to  war ;  this  circumstanco  enabled 

"One  of  the  old  namoa  of  riiadilln. 


816 


IllHTORY  OK  HUPPALO. 


i 


IxQV  to  render  licrsclf  useful  to  them.  The  Indimm  know 
little  of  the  most  common  arts  of  life;  few  of  the  Indian 
women,  could  niuko  un  ordinary  calico  garment ;  she 
made  garmontrt  not  only  for  the  family  to  which  dm  be- 
longed, but  also  for  the  neighboring  families,  who  in  re- 
turn, sent  corn  and  venison,  fur  their  support.  By  rea- 
son of  these  services,  she  was  under  no  restraint,  but  was 
free  to  go  and  come,  as  she  pleased. 

The  Indians  paid  no  regard  to  the  Sabbath,  but  pur- 
sued their  usual  avocations  on  that  day.  On  her  inform- 
ing thorn  that  she  kept  that  day  sacred,  they  no  longer 
asked  her  to  do  any  work,  and  gave  strict  orders  to  their 
children  to  remain  silent,  while  in  her  presence. 

An  Indian  came  into  the  house  ono  day,  and  asked  her 
why  she  wore  caps,  saying,  "  Indians  do  not  wear  caps." 
She  replied  that  it  was  the  custom  of  her  country  women. 
"  Well,  (said  he,)  come  to  my  house  and  I  will  give  you 
a  cap."    Her  adopted  mother  told  her  to  follow  him.   As 
soon  as  they  entered  the  house,  ho  pulled  from  behind  a 
beam,  a  cap  of  a  smoky  color,  and  handed  it  to  her,  say- 
ing in  English,  "  I  got  that  cap  in  Cherry  Valley.    I 
took  it  from  the  head  of  a  woman."    On  examination, 
she  recognized  it  as  having  belonged  to  the  unfortunate 
Jane  Wells,  and  was  no  doubt  the  one  she  had  on  when 
she  was  barbarously  murdered,  as  it  had  a  cut  in  the 
crown,  made  by  the  tomahawk,  and  was  spotted  with 
blood.    She  could  not  but  drop  a  tear  to  the  memor}-  of 
one  she  had  known  from  her  infancy,  as  a  pattern  of  vir- 
tue and  loveliness.     In  the  Indian  who  stood  before  her, 
she  saw  the  murderer  of  her  friend,  and  turned  from  him 
with  horror."* 


*AnnaIs  of  Tryon  county. 


iil_ 


CAPTIVITY  OF  am.  OAMPnELL. 


817 


"  Rotiiming  to  her  cabin,  slio  toro  ott"  the  laco  border 
and  waslm.g  it  carefully,  tliou-h  she  cuidd  not  ettaco  tlid 
stains  ot  blood,  laid  it  away  with  the  intention  of  -ivin- 
It  to  some  of  the  relatives  of  Mis.s  Wells,  if  any  of  then" 
had  been  fortunate  onou-h  to  fcscapo.  She  afterwards 
gave  It  to  Miss  Ramsey,  a  cousin,  who.n  she  found  at 
l<ort  Nuv^ara,  and  who,  together  with  her  mother,  melted 
;"to  tears  as  they  beheld  this  little  relic,  sj.otted  with  the 
blood  ot  their  deceased  relative."'^- 

The  letter  of  (Japt.  Ib.tler  to  (ion.  Schuvler  reached 
the  hands  of  Col.  Campbell,  who,  of  all  others,  felt  the 
greatest  interest  in  curryin.,.  out  the  arrannen.ent  pro- 
posed ;  who  lost  no  time  in  phicino-  it  in  (4,,,.  Schuyler's 
hands.  It  was  not  answered  immediately,  for  the  reason 
that  Gen.  Schuyler  was  not  then  in  command  of  the  Dis- 
trict. Subsciuently,  however,  it  reached  the  hands  of 
the  proi^er  authorities,  and  was  answered  by  brigadier 
breneral  James  Clinton. 

Qim.  CLINTO.V  TO  (JAI'T.  IJUTLKK. 

y         A  w.      1  Albany,  Jan.  1st,  1770. 

Sm:  A  letter  dated  12th  of  November  last,  si<n.e<l  bv 
yon,  and  addressed  to  Gen.  Schuyler,  arul  whiclfwas  de- 
bvered  by  John  Camj>bell,  is  come  to  hand.     As  its  con 
tents  related  to  persons  who  were  citizens  of  this  State 
Wi  h  wh.ch  the  military  do  not  interfere,  the  letter  w.. 
not  delivered  to  Brig.  Gen.  Hand,  who  commands  in  this 
l^epartment,  but  transmitted  to  his  Excellency,  Gov  Clin 
ton  that  his  pleasure  might  be  known  on  its  contents 
He  has  authorized  me  to  make  the  exchange  you  request, 
larajit  a  loss  to  know  not  only  where  to  address  you, 
*Annal3  of  Tryon  county. 


V.       '  I' 
4L!  « .   ' 


r^-i  ;,1 


'M, 


m 


.  i  ..i  jii  m.  -. 


818 


HISTORY  OP  BUFFALO. 


but  also  in  what  part  of  the  country  the  unhappy  prison- 
ers from  this  State  have  been  carried.    I  therefore  send 
the  bearers  A.  B.,  and  C.  D.,  with  a  flag,  to  carry  this 
letter,  to  any  place  where  they  may  learn  you  are,  or 
any  other  officer  who  can  accomplish  the  exchange  in 
your  absence.    Should  the  prisoners  be  in  any  of  the  In- 
dian villages,  and  in  condition  to  be  removed,  you  will 
please  to  send  them  to  the  nearest  of  our  settlements.  Or 
if  you  do  not  choose  to  do  that,  I  will  send  proper  per- 
sons to  meet,  and  receive  them,  at  any  place  you  may 
appoint.     1  am  not  informed  if  Mrs.  Butler,  her  family, 
and  such  others  as  will  be  given  in  exchange  for  those 
you  have  in  captivity,  and  those  you  have  suifered  to  re- 
turn, as  mentioned  in  your  letter,  worM  choose  to  go  at 
this  inclement  season.    If  they  do,  they  shall  be  sent  •  if 
not,  they  may  ^•emain  till  spring,  and  then  they  may  go 
to  Oswego,  or  Canada,  at  their  option.     Should  the  pris- 
oners taken  at  Cherry  Yalley,  or  any  others  belonging  to 
the  State  of  Kew  York,  be  at  Niagara,  it  will  be  impossi- 
ble for  them  to  return  until  Spring  ;  and  then  I  request, 
that  they  may  be  sent  to  Oswego,  or  Fort  Schuyler,  (Fort 
Stanwix,)  and  that  you  will  send  notice  of  your  determi- 
nation, that  provision  may  be  made  accordingly.    Do  not 
flatter  yourself,  sir,  that  your  father's  family  have  been 
detained  on  account  of  any  consequence  they  were  sup- 
posed to  be  of;  or  that  it  is  determined  they  should  be 
exchanged  in  consideration  of  the  threat  contained  in 
your  letter.     I  should  hope  for  the  sake  of  human  nature, 
and  the  honor  of  civilized  nations,  that  the  British  offi- 
cers, had  exerted  themselves  in  restraining  the  barbarity 
of  the  sa^^ages.     But  it  is  difficult  even  for  the  most  dis- 
interested mind  to  believe  it,  as  numerous  instances  of 


■^Mf'  > 


'./.mil 


JAMES  OLIKTON  TO  CAPT.  BUTLEK.  319 

barbarity,  have  been  perpetrated,  where  savages  were 
not  present;  or  if  they  were,  the  British  force  was  not 
sufficient  to  restrain  them,  had  there  been  a  real  desire 
to  do  so. 

The  enomous  murders  conamitted  at  Wyoming  and 
Che,^y  Valley,  would  clearly  have  justified  retali:tion, 
and  that  your  mother  did  not  fall  a  sacrifice  to  the  resent- 
ment of  the  survivors  of  those  families,  who  were  so  bar- 
berously  massacred,  is  owing  to  the  humane  principles 
which  the  conduct  of  their  enemies  evinces  a  belief  they 
are  utterly  strangers  to. 

The  flag  will  carry  their  arms  with  them,  that  they 
may  furnish  themselves  with  provisions,  should,  what 
they  set  out  with,  be  expended  before  they  reach  any 
places  where  they  can  be  supplied.  As  Capt.  Butler 
may  be  absent,  I  enclose  a  copy  of  this  letter  to  Gen. 
bchuyler. 

I  am,  (Sec, 

JAMES  CLINTOK 

To  Capt.  Walter  Butler,  or  any  officer  in  the  British  Ser- 
vice to  whom  this  may  be  handed.* 

This  letter  was  dispatched  with  a  flag  of  truce  in  the 
middle  of  winter,  through  the  Seneca's  country,  to  Niag- 
ara ;  and  called  forth  the  following  reply ; 


W* 


CAPT.  BUTLEB  TO  GEN.  CLINTON. 

Niagara,  Feb.  18th,  1779. 
biR :  I  have  received  a  letter  dated  the  Ist  of  January 
last,  signed  by  you,  in  answer  to  mine  of  the  12th  No- 
*Stones  Life  of  llrant. 


320 


HI8T0KY  OF  HUFFALO, 


vembei.  Its  contentf,  I  communicated  to  Col.  Bolton,  the 
commanding  officer  of  this  garrison,  &c.,  by  whom  I  am 
directed  to  acquaint  you,  that  lie  had  no  objection  that 
an  exchange  of  prisoners,  as  mentioned  in  your  letter 
should  take  i)hice  ;  but  not  being  fully  empowered  by  his 
Excellency,  Gen.  Ilaldimand,  to  order  the  same  innuedi- 
ately  to  be  put  in  execution,  has  thouglit  proper  I  should 
go  dt)wn  to  the  Commander-in-Chief  for  his  direction  in 
the  mutter.  In  tlio  mean  time,  Col.  Butler,  as  he  has 
ever  done,  on  every  other  occasion,  will  make  every  effort 
in  his  power,  to  have  all  the  prisoners,  as  well  those  be- 
longing to  your  troo])s,  as  the  women  and  children  in 
captivity,  among  the  dillerent  Indian  nations,  collected 
and  sent  into  this  post,  to  bo  forwarded  to  Crown  Point, 
should  the  exclumge  take  ])lace  by  way  of  Canada  or  at 
Oswego,  if  settled  there. 

In  citliyr  case  Col.  Pmlton  desires  me  to  inform  you, 
that  the  prisoners  sliall  I'eeeive  from  him,  what  assistance 
their  wants  nuiy  re(piire,  whicli  i)risoners  have  at  all 
times  received  at  this  post.  Tlio  disagreeable?  situation 
of  your  ])eoplo  in  the  Indian  villages,  as  well  as  ours 
amongst  you,  will  induce  me  to  make  all  tiie  expedition 
in  my  power  to  Quebec,  in  order  tliat  the  exchange  may 
be  settled  as  soon  as  pt)ssil)le.  For  the  good  of  both,  I 
make  no  doubt  that  his  excellency.  Gen.  Ilaldinuind  will 
acquiesce  in  the  pro]»er  exchange. 

The  season  of  the  year  renders  it  impossible  that  it 
should  take  place  before  the  10th  or  15th  of  May  jiext. 
However  I  shall  write  you  by  the  way  of  Crown  Point, 
Gen.  Ilaldimand'o  determiiuation  ;  and  when,  and  where, 
the  exchange  will  be  nu)st  agreeable  to  him  to  be  made. 
I  cojild  wish  that  Mrs.  Butler  and  her  family,   including 


CAPT.  I)UTLER*S  LETTKK.  32^ 

Mrs  ScWhananJ  son,  a„,i  Mrs.  Wall,  wore  po>.,„itted 

beC  aront;; "'"  '''"'•  --  ^"™"'  "-^  «-"-=- 

"  It  is  not  our  business,  sir,  to  enter  into  .■>.  altercation 
o.torefleet  on  the  conJuct  of  either  the  British,  „   the 
Contmental  forees,  or  on  that  of  each  other-  but  sine! 
yon  have  charged  (on  report  I  suppose)  the  irUi  h  X 
cers,  ,n  general,  with  inhumanity,  and  Col,  Hutler  and 
mjseltm  parfcnlar;  injustice  to  them,  and  in  vindica- 
t.on  of  l„s,  and  n,y  own  honor,   and  ehLcter,  I  amun- 
der  the  d,sagreeab]e  necessity  to  declare  the  charge  un- 
jnst,  and  vo>d  of  truth;  and  which  can  only  tend  to  de 
cerve  the  world,  though  a  favorite  cry  of  the'coTgr':  o .' 
every  occasion,  whether  in  truth  or  not.     We  deny     n" 
cruelties  to  have  been  committed  at  Wyominc;,  either"  bv 
wlntes  or  Indians  ;  so  tar  to  the  contrary  that  iot  a  man 
woman,  or  child,  was  hurt  after  the  capitnlaln  or  a 
^rnan  or  child  before  it,  and  none  taken  'into  capt  1 
Though  shonld  you  call  it  inlunnanity  to  Ml  nJt 
arms,  ,n  te  field,  wo  in  that  case  pleai  guiltv.     1  "  in 
habitants  Idlled  at  Cherry  Valley,  does  ".ot  "lay        onr 
door.    Jilyeonscence  acquits  (me.)   Ifanyaregnilty  (a, 

nt  to  t  rr,     °";    ^'■"''  ^"'-  ^^'-""^  °f  y-  fees 
ont  to  the  Indians  the  enclosed,  being  a  copy  of  his  let- 

:;^  «::?;"»''':;'"''''  "■'■■-'  *=-^  "eve"com„:itte  , 
and  tnea  enn,g  them  and  their  villages  with  fire,  and 

vord,  and  no  quartet..  The  burni„g°or  one  of  the  r  vil- 
lages  then  mhabited  only  by  a  few  families,  your  friends 

with    on,  t,ll  assured  a  few  hours  betbre  the  arrival  of 
Tour  troops,  that  they  should  not  even  receive  qnlL' 


^^^  '  i:-!»J 


•      ^y 


322 


UI9T0EY   OF  BUFFALO. 


took  to  the  woods ;  and  to  complete  the  matter,  Col.  Den- 
niston  and  bis  people,  appearing  again  in  arms,  with  Col. 
Hartley,  after  a  solemn  capitulation,  and  engagement, 
not  to  bear  arms  during  the  war  ;  and  Col.  Denniston  not 
performing  a  promise  to  release  a  number  of  soldiers  Jjo- 
longing  to  Col.  Butler's  corps  of  Rangers,  then  prisonci-s 
among  you,  were  the  reasons  assigned  by  the  Indians  to 
me,  after  the  destruction  of  Cherry  Yalley,  for  their  not 
acting  in  the  same  manner  as  at  Wyoming,  They  added 
that  being  charged  by  their  enemies  with  what  they  nev- 
er had  done,  and  threatened  by  them,  they  had  deter- 
mined to  convince  you  it  was  not  fear,  which  prevented 
them  from  committing  the  one,  and  that  they  did  not 
want  spirit  to  put  your  threats  against  them,  in  force 
against  yourselves. 

"  The  prisoners  sent  back  by  me,  or  any  now  in  our  or 
the  Indians  hands,  must  declare,  I  did  everything  in  my 
power  to  prevent  the  Indians  killing  the  prisoners  or  ta- 
king women  and  children  captive,  or  in  any  wise  in- 
juring them.  • 

"  Col.  Stacey,  and  several  other  officers  of  yours,  when 
exchanged,  will  acquit  mo,  and  must  further  declare  that 
they  have  received  every  assistance  before,  and  since, 
their  arrival  at  this  post,  that  could  be  got  to  relieve  their 
wants.  I  must  however  beg  leave  by  the  by,  to  observe 
that  I  experienced  no  humanity,  or  even  common  justice 
during  my  imprisonment  among  you. 

"  I  enclose  you  a  list  of  officers  and  privates,  whom  I 
should  be  glad  were  exchanged  likewise.  The  list  of  the 
families,  we  expect  for  those  as  well  sent  back  as  others 
in  our  hands,  you  have  likewise  enclosed.      Col.   Stacey 


OLD  kino's  address  TO  MRS.  CAMPBELL.  323 

and  several  officers  and  others  (of)  yonr  people  are  at  this 
post  and  have  leave  to  write. 

I  am  your  very  humble  servant, 

WALTER  N.  BUTLER, 

T,  .      ,.  ^apt.  Corps  of  Ran crers. 

Brigadier  General  Clinton  of  the  Continental  forces. 

Capt.  Butler  obtained  the  assent  of  Gen.  Haldimand  to 
the  proposed  exchange,  and  his  flither,  Col.  Butler  lost 
no  time  in  repairing  to  the  Seneca  castle  at  Kanedesa^^a 
to  procure  the  release  of  Mrs.  Campbell  and  hercluldrem 
This  was  a  matter  of  some  difficulty,  as  the  Indians  were 
very  rehictant  to  part  with  those  they  have  adopted,  and 
the  family  which  had  adopted  Mrs.  Campbell,  interposed 
strong  objections  to  entertaining  any  propositions  for  her 
release. 

Tier  cause  however  was  warmly  espoused   by   the  old' 
chief  sachem,  Sayenquaraghta,  and  as  a  part  of  the  fami- 
ly to  which  Mrs.  Campbell  belonged  had  removed  to  Gen- 
esee,  whither  she  herself,  was  to  go  in  a  short  time  •  the 
aged  chief  made  a  journey  from  Kanedesaga,  at  the'  foot 
ot  feeneca  lake,  to  Genesee,  on  foot,  and  succeeded  in  ob- 
taining the  consent  of  all  the  members  of  the  tamilv  to 
her  release.     On  his  return  home,  and  before  Mrs.  Camp 
bell  was  removed  to  Niagara,  the  old  chief  came  to  see 
her,  and  bid  her  an  affectionate   farewell,   and   wi^h  her 
success  on  her  journey.    The  following  is  his  address  to 
ner,  as  repeated  to  her  by  an  interpreter  :  "  You  are  now 
about  to  return  to  your  home  and   friends  ;  I  rejoice- 
you  live  a  great  way,  many  day's  journey  from  here     I 
am  an  old  man,  I  do  not  know  that  I  shall  live  to  the  end 
of  this  war.     If  I  do,  when  the  war  is  over,  1  will  come 
and  see  you." 


rtu  I 


<.(! 


il  f! 


r;.. 


u  . 


32  i 


IIISTOEY    OF   BUFFALO. 


The  following  extraordinary  exhibition  of  the  strano-e 
vicissitudes  of  war,  from  the  "  Life  of  Mary  Jemison," 
(the  white  woman,)  is  inserted  hero,  as  connected  with 
the  history  of  the  Cherry  Valley  massacre  :  "  The  same 
year  at  Cherry  Yalley,  our  Indians  (the  Senecas,)  took  a 
woman  and  her  three  daughters,*  i^risoners,  and  brought 
them  on,  leaving  one  at  Canandaigua,  one  at  Iloneyoye, 
one  at  Canawagus,  and  the  other  (the  woman,)  at  Little 
Beardstown,  where  I  resided.  The  woman  told  me  that 
she  and  her  daughters,  might  have  C3ca])ed,  but  that  they 
expected  the  British  ann_y  only,  and  therefore  made  no 
eftbrt.  ECer  liusbaud  and  sons  got  away.  After  some 
time  they  were  all  taken  to  Niagara,  where  they  were  re- 
deemed by  Col.  Butler,  well  clothed,  and  sent  home,  ex- 
cept one  daughter,  who  was  married  to  a  British  officer 
by  the  name  of  Johnson.  Johnson  was  of  the  party  who 
captured  her,  at  which  time  he  very  unceremoniously, 
took  from  her  finger,  a  gold  ring,  and  appropriated  it  to 
his  own  use.  When  he  saw  her  again  at  Niagara,  lie 
recognized  her,  restored  the  ring  so  impolitely  borrowed, 
courted,  and  married  her ;  and  although  the  marrian'C 
ceremony  was  celebrated  in  a  wilderness,  far  from  the 
rendezvous  of  civilized  society,  and  destitute  of  the  facili- 
ties of  obtaining  the  elegancies,  conveniencies,  or  even 
the  necessaries  of  life,  they  were  singularly  provided  with 
a  wedding  ring."f 

Two  of  the  sons  of  Sir  William  Johnson,  by  Molly 
Brant,  it  will  be  remembered,  were  officers  under  Sir 
John  Johnson,  and  the  young  captive  maiden,  captivated 
her  captor,  and  under  these  strange  circumstances,  was 


*Thls  must  be  Mrs.  Moore  and  ber  cliildren.- 
tLife  of  Mary  Jemison,  p.  115. 


-Ei). 


WW 


CATHARINE    MONTOUR. 


325 


thus  transferred  from  a  bondage  of  force  and  fear,  to  one 
of  liberty  and  love."-^" 

In  the  narrative  of  Mrs.  Campbell,  she  thus  speaks  of 
a  female  who  occupied  a  very  prominent  and  influential 
posiaon  among  the  Indians.     She  savs  :  "Among  the 
persons  driven  into  the  Fort  (Niagara,)  by  the  AmeHcan 
army,  was  Catharine  Montour,  who  had  signalized  her- 
self by  her  inhumanity  at  Wyoming.    She.  hid  two  sons, 
who  were  leaders  of  bands,  and  who,  consequently,  im- 
parted additional  consequence  to  her.     This  creature,  was 
treated  with  considerable  attention  by  some  of  the  offi- 
cers.    *    -    A  son  of  Catharine  Montour,  took  prisoner 
in  Cherry  Valley,  Mr.  Cannon,  the  father  of  Mrs.  Camp- 
bell.    Mr.  Cannon  was  severely  wounded  by  a  musket 
ball,  and  was  also  advanced  in  life ;  but  he  had  been  a 
committee  man,  and  had  taken  an  active  part  in  the  war. 
He   was  therefore  taken  along,  a  prisoner,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  exchange.     On  the  return  of  the  party  into  the 
Indian  country,  Catharine,  addressed  her  son  in  English, 
and  in  the  presence  of  Mr.  Cannon,  reproaching  him  for 
having  acted  humanely,  'why  did  you  bring  that  old 
man  a  prisoner  ?  why  did  you  not  kill  him  when  you  first 
took  him.'^  *  *     Catharine  Montour,  who  might  be  well 
termed  a  fiend,  acted  a  conspicuous  part  in  this  tragedy. 
She  followed  in  the  train  of  the  victorious  army,  ransack- 

T  ,-f  J'f  T"  <"H°  •^*" -'y  If 'fs  the  element  of  entire  accuracy.  In  Stone's 
Life  of  Brant,  it  is  said  that  on  the  occasion  of  this  wcdclini  Brant  S 
present,  insisted  upon  being  married  after  the  Episcc.pa  form,  o  his  third 
wife,  with  whom  ho  was  then  living,  l.ut  .saVs  it  was  Capt  Powell 
who  courted  and  married  Miss  Moore."  In  the  narrath o  of  t ho  gS 
family,  it  s  stated  that  the  wife  of  Capt.  Powell  interes  ed  hoSf  stronT 
y  in  behalf  of  Elizabeth  Peart,  the  mother  of  the  VTng  cS    ap tuixf 

^^e  p1^?^m""'  '"'  '^'^.'''':}t  ''^'1  '^I'^o  l'e<^'^  a  prisoner  ainong  the  In  lans: 
^le  claimed  some  relationship  in  their  way, 'and  her  re.iuest  was  gran N 
nn  •  P"*',  confirmation  of  Col.  Stone's  statement,  was  not  discovered 
nt.l  after  the  account  of  Mary  Jemison  had  been  written.  Ths  correc- 
tion IS  therefore  addcul  in  a  note.  concc- 


*K: 


It' 


326 


mSTOKY  OF  DUFFALO. 


! 


itMMiMiiiii 


ing  the  heaps  of  elain,  and  with  her  arms  covered  with 
gore,  barbarously  murdering  the  wounded,  who  in  vain 
supplicated  for  their  lives." 

Mrs.  Campbell  was  transferred  from  Niagara  to  Mon- 
treal, having  recovered  three  of  her  children  at  the  former 
post.  On  lier  arrival  at  Montreal  she  met  Mrs.  BuUer, 
who  had  already  been  released,  who  had  in  charge  Mrs. 
CampbelPs  fourth  child,  a  little  son,  who  although  he  had 
not  forgotten  his  mother,  had  forgotten  his  mother  tongue; 
he  could  speak  only  Indian.  He  was  dressed  in  the  uni- 
form of  Butler's  Rangers.  From  Montreal,  Mrs.  Camp- 
bell was  sent  to  Albany  by  way  of  lake  Champlain,  where 
she  joined  her  husband.* 

The  truth  of  this  statement  in  regard  to  Catharine  Mon- 
tour, is  doubted  by  Col.  Stohe.  He  says,  "  from  the  an- 
tecedent character  of  that  remarkable  woman,  the  storv 
can  hardly  be  credited. "f 

The  question  as  to  who  led  the  Indians  at  the  battle  of 
Wyoming,  is  one  that  has  been  of  rather  difficult  solu- 
tion. Brant,  for  many  years,  was  tlie  reputed  leader, 
but  this  was  denied  by  Brant  himself,  and  it  is  a  matter 
of  record,  that  John  Brant,  the  son  of  Joseph  Brant,  vis- 
ited the  author  of  "  Gertrude,  of  Wyoming,"  and  exhibit- 
ed to  Mr.  Cam])bcll  documents,  to  prove  that  his  iatlier 
was  not  present  at  the  battle  of  Wyoming,  which  were 
entirely  satisflictory  to  Mv.  Campbell,  who  did  not  hesi- 
tate to  correct  tlie  error  into  which  he  had  fallen,  in  the 
next  edition  of  his  work,  and  in  a  letter  over  his  own  sig- 
nature, dated  London,  Jan.  20th,  1822. 

Col.  Stone,  in  his  life  of  Brant,  (see  note  to  the  4tli  edi- 
tion, p,  342,)  says:  "The Indians  engaged  were  chielly 

*Ai)nals  (if  Tryon  ciiniity. 
tStoiio's  Lifi"  of  Brant,  p.  3;;9,  v.  1. 


INDIAN  LRADKE  AT  TIFE  BATTLE  OF  WYOMING.  327 

Scnecas.  Their  loader  was  a  chief  named  Gi-en-gwah- 
toh."  This  does  not  at  all  relievo  the  subject  of  difficul- 
ty. Gi-engsvah-toh,  ia  Seneca,  is  identical  with  Say-en- 
qua-ragh-ta  in  Mohawk,  and  ia  the  name,  or  title,  of  the 
same  individual -and  means  the  bearer  of  the  smoking 
brand,  from  the  great  council  fire  of  tJie  Six  Nations,  to 
kindle  that  of  the  Seneca  Nation.  "  His  official  name 
(says  Rev.  Asher  Wright,  in  a  manuscript  letter,)  was 
Gui-yah-gwaah-doh,  which  I  understand  to  mean,  the 
smoke  has  passed  by,  but  the  idea  intended  to  be  con- 
veyed was  smoke  bearer."*-  • 

•Tho  following  is  an  extract  of  a  letter  written  in  answer  tn  nnn  ^f  Sn 

smoking  brand  from  the  great  councirilrl  to'Se'iha  of  t  .e  Sn^ca" 
His  oBicial  name  was  Gui-yah-gwaah-doli,  which  I  vinders  and  to  ,nenn 
the  Bmoke  has  passed  by,  from  |waah,  sm^ke,  and  oahS  Tt  is  naS 
or  has  passed  by ;  bu  the  idea  intended  to  be' conveyed  was  "smoke  bear 

Indian   rZ'!  ^^'  '^^'  '  P^^^'*'  ^'"'^'"'^  ^^^^  ^^^  ''^ea  of  smokeT^s  in  M 
Indian  name,  gave  him  that  appellation,  and  called  his  father   °ni,i 
Smoke,  'not  knowing  that  father  and  son  can  never  bLthelame  n^m. 

nZefn?'  }'""""''  ^?^*'^^*^  ^^^l°"^t«  ^liftbrent  cknsortdbes  andaU 
n  rr^.^nT  ''"'P^!^'^'  '^  *°  'P^^l^-  The  parents  must  always  be  of  dif- 
e^  Th^^f  in  """?  ^^^yr.''^  ""t  ''e^ir  a  blood  relationship  to  each  oth- 
f h'e  nfflpL  f  Jr?  *,^'^^^'  'f'""=  *°  ^'^^  «'^"  "f  tlie  mother,  ind  may  bear 
£  ?n  >H  ?f  tl^^' '^'ai  and  no  other.  Chief tianship  was  inherlTed  from 
the  mother's  brothers,  never  from  the  fathers.    How  the  name  of  ■' Kin^  " 

Xto  t  "PP  '"f  i"  '^'  '""'^^■^  ''^''^'•«r  "f  *hoso  days!l  have  nofbe^en 
dwolln.  nn'  ''"'  ^r'"^  '-'Xained  it.  and  the  father  and  the  son  SS 
dwelling  in  he  same  house,  he  was  called  "  Young  King,"  and  his  fa  her 
•'Old  King,"  to  distinguish  them  from  each  othen  I  Le  not  "een  ho 
Johnson  manuscript.s,  but  tho  name  you  give  from  them  fm-Obfk'ino. 
a,)pears  to  bo  the  Mohawk  modo  of  proLuincing  tho  oE  i  lo  of  l& 
Jan^Vnf  r'r"""  """'^''  '''''""^eJ  to  his  preflecessor  in  (.flice,   (all    hi 

to  generation.)     Probably  his  maternal  uncle  or  grandfather  wis  hi«  m 
mediate  predecessor     It  could  not  have  been  his  father;  and  if  that  name 
was  applied  to  the  father  l)y  wliito  people,  it  must  have  been   hro,  I  fo' 
nuranceot  Indian  custom-  '  butSn;  knowledge  of  the  Indkn^^^^^^^^ 


m\ 


■<,     '!#■ 


.'|t': 


« 


I* 
'  "-li 


0\ 


■'f 


1:^ 


828 


lIiaTORy   OF   UUFFALO. 


"  Old  King,"  or  "  Old  Smoke,"  as  ho  was  familiarly 
called  by  the  whites,  was  the  chief  sachem  of  the  Sene- 
cas  at   Kanosudaga,  (Geneva,)  from  ul)oiit  1055  to  the 
time  of  the  destruction  of  that  town  l)y  Gen.  Sullivan,  in 
1779.     It  was  in  the  spring  of  this  year,  that  ho  is  men- 
tioned in  connection  with  the  liberation  of  Mrs.  Cami> 
bell,  as  an  "  old  man,"  and  we  learn  from  tho  narrative 
of  the  Gilbert  family,  that  he,  with  his  family,  were  at 
Niagara  in  17S0,  and  that  ho  came  to  Buffalo  Creek  with 
liis  daughter,  the  wife  of  Rowland  Montour,  and  tho  rest 
of  his  family,  in  tho  spring  of  1781,  and  subsequently 
died,   and   was   buried  at  "  Smoke's  Creek."    Now  it  is 
impossible  that  ho  should  have  been  the  leader  of  the  In- 
dians at  "Wyoming  in  1778.    The  question  then  arises, 
who  was  the  Gui-yahgwaah-doh  that  led  the  Indians  on 
that  occasion?     It  could  not  have  been  "  Young  King," 
who  bore  that  title  in  1825,  for  at  the  time  of  the  battle 
of  Wyoming,  he  could  have  been  no  more  than  nine  years 
of  age.    Some  other  individual  bearing  that  name  or  title 
for  such  it  was,  must  have  been  tho  leader.    The  Indians 
say  that  old  "Black  Snake,"  was  one  of  the  leaders  on 
that  occasion,    lie  died  a  few  years  since  at  Alleghany, 
aged  over  one  hundred  years. 

It  is  very  certain  thai  the  statement  made  by  "  the  in- 

it  certain  to  iii<>,  that  wlioovcr  \m-o  that  Moliawk  name,  was  pomo  mater- 
nal relation  of '  Young  King. '  The  dates  will  help  to  determine  whether 
he  was  his  immediate,  or  some  more  distant  i)redecessor  in  office  Vei-y 
likely,  if  fht«  name  occurs  through  a  period  of  many  years,  several  ditl'er- 
ent  persons  were  intended  by  it,  but  no  one  of  them  should  have  been 
called  '•  Head  Chief"  of  the  Seuecas,  for  each  one  of  them,  all  from  the 
organization  of  the  confederacv  downward,  was  simply  in  his  day  the 
messenger  of  tho  confederate  council,  to  kindle  the  SeneVa  council  lire,  on 
business  of  the  confederation.  Personally,  he  might  bo  a  man  of  great  in- 
tluence,  and  thus  bo  a  liead  man,  but  officially,  he  could  only  ho  an  intor- 
nuncius;  and  I  suspect  it  is  the  nature  of  his  official  business  that  gives 
liim.  in  the  manuscrijjts,  tlu!  ai)pearance  of  being  a  Head  Chief,  to  thona- 
unacquainted  with  the  Indian  mode  of  doing  busino.ss." 


SC'ALl*  (;krtifioate. 


820 


clustrioua  gleuner  of  border  wartiiro  rominlHceiicos,  tl.o 
author  ot'tho  liistory  of  Schoharie,"  in  rci^'iml  to  tho  Ibl- 
lowin-  certiiicuto,  whicli  it  ia  said,  waa  found  among  the 
papers  of  Capt.  Machini,  who  is  said  to  have  been  at  tlie 
head  of  tho  engineers  in  Sullivan's  expedition,  is  errono. 
ous  :  ''This  may  certify  that  Kayingwua.to,  the  Sanakeo 
chief,  has  been  on  an  expedition  to  Fort  Stanwix,  and  ta- 
ken two  scalps,  one  from  an  olHcor  and  a  corporal.  They 
wore  gunning  near  the  fort;  for  which  1  promise  to  pay ' 
at  sight,  ten  dollars  for  each  scalp.  Given  under  my 
hand  at  Buck's  Island. 

JOHN  BUTLER, 

Col.  and  Sup't.  of  tho  Six  Nations,  and  tho  allies  of  His 
Majesty." 

Tho  '^  industrious  gleaner  of  border  warfare  reminis- 
conees"  adds, "  this  Kayengwaarto,  was  a  principal  Seneca 
chief  at  Kanadesago  ;  he  was  killed  by  a  scouting  party  of 
Gen.  Sullivan's  army,  and  in  his  pocket  the  certificate 
was  found.  The  history  of  those  scalps  is  one  of  the  most 
melancholy  tales  of  that  era  of  terrible  savage  warfare." 

Tho  remarks  which  have  already  been  made,  to  show 
that  Sayenquaraghta,  the  principal  Seneca  chief  at  Kana- 
desago, could  not  have  been  the  leader  of  the  Indians  at 
Wyoming,  will  apply  with  equal  force  against  tho  truth 
or  probability  of  this  statement  about  tho  above  certifi- 
cate. It  is  historically  certain  that  the  age,  if  nothing 
else,  would  preclude  tho  possibility  of  Sayouquaraghta's 
being  tho  person  who  wounded  and  scalped  Capt.  Greg, 
and  his  corporal,  near  Fort  Stanwix,  in  1778.  And  it  is 
equally  certain  that  Sayenquaraghta  was  not  killed  by  a 
scouting  party  of  Sullivan's  army  in  1779,  but  was  alive 
and  well,  at  Niagara,  in  1780,  and  came  to  reside  at  Buf- 
falo Creek  in  1781. 


!fk     I 


330 


inSTOHY   OF   HUFFALO. 


■I 


It  hii8  boon  Btatod  that  thia  cortificato  boro  ovidonco  on 
its  face  of  itsspurious character.    Tlio  cortifhito  r»'-ij>ort8 
to  be  given  by  Col.  John  Butler,  and  is  signed  by  him  as 
"  Suporintondont  of  the  Six  Nations,  and  tho  allies  of  his 
Majesty."    Now  Col.  John  Butler  had  for  many  years 
before,  and  up  to  the  time  of  tho  breaking  out  of  tho  liov- 
olution,  boon  a  magistrate,  and  Judge,  in  the  county  of 
Tryon.     Of  course,  he  was  a  man  of  education.    lie  un- 
derstood and  spoke  the  Indian  language,  at  least  tho  Mo- 
iiawk,  as  all  accounts  show.    lie  had  often  written  the 
name  of  the  "principal  Seneca  chief,"  named  in  this  cer- 
tificate, which  in  the  Mohawk  is  uniformly  wrftton  by 
Sir  William  Johnson,  and  all  Im  coteniporaries,  Sayen- 
quaraghta,  while  in  this  certificate  it  is  spelled  Kaying- 
wnurto— which  spelling  it  would  be  absurd  to  attribute  to 
Col.  Butler.    So  also  the  word  "Sanake."  is  liable  to  tho 
same  criticism.     None  of  the  copies  of  this  certificate  bear 
any  date ;  but  innsmucii  as  the  certificate  purports  (very 
absurdly,)  to  specify  the  persons  to  whom  these  scalps  be- 
longed, tho  allusion  of  course,  as  is  very  plain,  refers  to  the 
case  of  Capt.  Greg  and  his  subordinate,  who  were  scalped 
near  Fort  Stanwix,  as  has  been  already  related,  in  1778. 
Col.  Butler  did  not  hold  the  oftico  of  Superintendent  of 
the  Six  Nations  at  that  time.    That  office  was  held  by 
Col.  Guy  Johnson,  in  1778,  and  for  several  years  after- 
wards.    Again,  there  can  be  no  reason  assigned  why  such 
a  certificate  should  bo  given  at  all.     It  promises  "  to  pay 
at  sight,  ten  dollars  for  each  scalp."    If  he  was  to  pay  it, 
why  did  he  not  pay  it  ?  Moreover,  this  is  not  the  way  mili- 
tary oflicers  make  disbursements  for  the  government  they 
serve  ?    The  absurdity  of  the  whole  thing  is  too  apparent 
on  the  fiice  of  it,  and  may  be  explained  by  what  is  added 


ntJANT  NOT  WAIt  CUIKF  Or  THE  BIX  NATIONS.  331 

by  tho  "industrious  gleaner  of  incidents  of  border  war- 
fare,"  who  6ay«:  "  It  having  been  asserted  in  Congress, 
after  tho  war,  that  there  was  no  evidence  of  the  fact,  that 
tlie  British  government  authorized  tiie  payment  of  money 
for  scalps,  the  certificate  of  Col.  Butler  to  Kayin^^uarto 
known  by  one  of  the  New  York  members  to  bo  in  Ma- 
chin's  possession,  was  sent  for ;  and  was  accordingly  for- 
warded  to  the  seat  of  government;  the  evidenco^it  con- 
tamed  was  satisfactory,  that  Britain  did  buy  American 
scalps,  and  thus  tho  controversy  ended." 

Tho  statement  made  by  Col.  Stone,  ''  that  Brant 
had  been  advanced  to  the  situation  of  principal  war 
chief  of  tho  confederacy,"  in  1776,  is  undoubtedly  er- 
roneous. In  the  first  place,  there  was  no  such  oflice 
recognized  in  the  confederacy  ;  each  nation  had  its 
own  warriors  and  war  chiefs.  There  was  but  one  ofiice 
that  was  an  office  conferred  by  the  confederacy,  and  that 
was  the  chief  speaker  at  Onondaga,  where  the  councils  of 
the  Six  Nations  were  held.  It  was  an  office  similar  to 
that  of  our  Speaker  in  the  House  of  Eepresentatives  at 
Washington,  or  in  our  Assembly  at  Albany,  and  confer- 
red no  authority  beyond  that  of  presiding  over,  or  open- 
ing the  great  council  of  the  confederacy,  or  the  duties 
connected  with  it. 

But  we  have  other  evidence' that  even  the  Mohawks, 
who  accompanied  Sir  John  Johnson  in  his  flight  to  Can- 
ada, did  not  recognize  Brant  as  their  licad,  or  chief  war- 
rior. For  we  see  that  they  actually  chose  Peter  Johnson, 
a  natural  son  of  Sir  William  Johnson,  to  be  their  leader, 
and  that  Col.  Guy  Johnson  recommended  that  he  should 
be  commissioned  as  such,  to  give  encouragement  to  the 
Indians.    In  a  note,  Col.  Stone  admits  that  it  has  been 


•m 


.*fei 


i 


332 


HISTORY  OF  BUFFALO. 


denied,  that  Brant  ever  received  the  appointment  of 
"  principal  chief,"  but  reiterates  the  statement  onjthe  au- 
thority of  "David  Cusick,"a  very  unreliable  authority 
for  any  historical  fact." 


•  fi'iw"""**' 


O  ?*    «  ^  5 


m 


11  <i< 

ilii 

a' 

i 

:  ■; 

0  II  A  PTEK    XXI. 


In  the  spring  of  1770  a  deputation  of  a  principal  On- 
ondaga chief,  Teyohagvveanda,  and  three  Cayugas,  were 
induced  to  visit  his  excellency  Gen.  llaldimand,  at  Que- 
bec; and  m  his  answer  to  the  messages  th.y  were  charged 
with,  he  said  :  ° 

"With  regard  to  your  inquiring  why  Oswego  was  not 
established,  I  am  to  tell  you  that  when  I  sent  you  my 
speech,  early  this  spring,  of  my  intending  so  to  do,  and 
m  consequence  had  appointed  your  patron,   the  lato  Sir 
Wilham  Johnson's  son,  Sir  John  Johnson,  to  march  with 
ns  regiment  for  that  purpose,  I  then  had  intelligence 
that  the  rebels  were  preparing  boats,  at  Saratoga,  and 
Albany  to  go  up  the  Mohawk  river,  with  intention  to 
post  at  Oswego.    But  in  the  course  of  a  few  weeks,  I  re- 
ceived a  different  account  that  that  was  not  their  inten- 
tion,_  but  that  a  large  rebel  army  was  coming  up  Con- 
necticut river,  under  the  command  of  the  rebel  General 
Ilayzen,  with  an  intention  to  invade  this  Province,  which 
accoi^ing  to  events  in  war,  made  me  put  a  stop  to  Sir 
John  8  proceedings,  at  the  same  time,  to  throw  some  ad- 
ditional force  into  the  garrisons  of  the  Indian  country 

1  sent  a  re-inforcement  to  Detroit,   another  to  Niaga- 
ra, and  one  to  Oarleton  Island,  and  kept  some  light  com- 


:rM. 


33i 


HISTORY  OF   BUFFALO, 


Hi  M' 

f  1:1  *'i 


panies  ready  upon  the  first  notice,  to  send  to  your  relief. 
At  the  same  time,  let  me  toll  you,  that  the  great  Khi<r 
your  futlier,  ia  not  sparing  of  his  troops,  nor  lets  you  fif^h't 
his  battles  by  yourselves.    If  you  were  to  see  the  nunfer- 
ous  armies  along  the  sea  coast,  and  their  vigorous  opera- 
tions, you  would   stop   such   reflections,   and   rather  ac- 
knowledge that  your  country's  safety,   greatly   depends 
upon  that,  for  you  know  very  well,  that  the  rebels  in  1Y74 
•    attempted  to  dispossess  you  of  your  country,  and  if  they 
once  got  the  better  of  the  King's  troops,  they  would  soon 
pursue  their  encroachments  upon  your  country,  and  drive 
you  a  great  distance  in  the  back  country. 

"  As  to  your  apprehensions  of  the  rebels  coming  to  at- 
tack your  country  I  cannot  have  the  least   thought  of  it ; 
if  they  mean   anything,   it   is   to  secure  their  frontiers 
against  your  incursions  and  depredations,  and  in  order  to 
the  better  enable  you  to  keej)   them  at  bay,  I  shall  give 
my  leave,  and  encourage  the  Seven  Nations  of  Canada, 
to  co-operate  with,  and  join  you  in   opposing  your  ene- 
mies the  rebels." 
In  writing  from  Ilaliftix  in  February,  1779,  he  says : 
"  Mr.    Putler,   my  deputy,   (to    whom    as   formerly 
mentioned   I   have   transmitted  instructions,)  continued 
when  we   heard   last  from  New   York,  to  make  a  very 
useful   diversion  on   the  frontier  with  a  good   party  of 
Loyalists  and    Indians,   and  Joseph  the  Indian  has  with 
a  large   body   of  Indians,  struck  some  capital  strokes, 
which  obliged  the  rebels   to   detach   part  of  their  force 
that  way,  and  has   greatly  disconcerted  tliem,   and  by 
those   who  carried  dispatches   to   General  llaldimand, 
I  sent  instructions  for  meeting  the  Indians,  soon  after  the 
waters  become  open,  hoping  to  leave  this  place  so  as  to 
arrive  at  Quebec  about  the  second  week  in  May.    *  *  I 


ooL.  GUY  Johnson's  letteb.  335 

mentioned  in  my  last  that  many  good   woodsmen  had 
been  hitely  enlisted  for  my  service,  as  the  late  Sir  Will 
mm  Johnson  expressed,  and  I  have  experienced  the  utility 
of  incorporating  them  with  the  Indians,  I  persuade   my 
self  it  will  meet  your  approbation." 

Por  various  reasons  not  given,  it  would  appear  Col 
Johnson  did  not  leave  Halifax  for  Quebec  until  June, 
177&,  and  arrived  on  the  17th  Julv  of  that  year. 

Under  date  of  5th  September,  1779,  writing  from  Mon- 
treal,  he  says : 

"When  I  arrived  in  this  Province,  I  found  a   deputa- 
tion of  tlie  Six  Nations  had  newly  come  down,  who  were 
particularly  solicitous  about  troops  and  the  re-establish 
ment  of  the  important  post  at  Ontario,  which  fho  General 
had  under  conte.nplation,  but  from  the  difficulty  that  at 

tended  the  transportation  ofprovisions,  he  did  not  think 
it  practicable  this  season. 

"  The  Indians  were  the  more  urgent  on  this   point    as 
there  were  certain  accounts  that  the  rebels  were   march- 
ing in  a  considerable  body  into  their  country,  of  which 
we  have  since  had  more  particular  information  ;  and  that 
my  deputy,  Major  Butler  was  advancing  to  the   relief  of 
the  Senecas.     I  herewith  enclose  a  copy  of  the  proceed- 
ings with  the  General,  and  shall  take  another  with  me  to 
the  Indians,  but  since  my  arrival  in  this  city,  the  Gener 
al  has  from  further  accounts,  judged  it  proper  to  order  up 
a  body  of  troops  with  Sir  John  Johnson,  to  support  and 
encourage  the  Indians,  which  I  consider  as  a  very  neces- 
sary measure;  and  I  heartily  wish  it  could  have  been  un- 
dertaken sooner,  for  I  may  venture  to  affirm,  that  the  Six 
Nations  are  now  from  situation,   and   circumstances,  of 
such  superior  consequence  to  the  government,  that  should 


f  li 


1  '      !  W 


,•(•■' 

,     'J    ., 

i 

•    ; 

■1  1    '! 

336 


HISTORY   OF   BUFF.VLO. 


u/.m 


they  receive  a  blow  of  a  capital  nature,  the  rebels  mio-ht 
do  what  they  pleased  on  the  frontiers,  and  wo  should  very 
soon  lose  the  possession  of  tho   lakes,  and   communica- 
tions, as  well  as  the  friendship  of  tlie  other  Indian  Na- 
tions, the  eftbcts  of  whicli  I  need  not  point  out. 
V  "  If  the  rebels  are  not  able  to  efiect  ctnything  material 
very  soon,  I  hope  to  furnish  a  reasonable  re-inforcement 
to  oppose  them,  and  I  am  confluent,  if  I  was  armed  with 
a  proper  authority  to  encourage  the  many   white  people 
who  constantly  retire  from  the  rebels  to  the  frontiers,  and 
are  good  woodsmen,  I  could  soon  have  a  respectable  body 
of  men,  fitting  to  be  incorporated  with  the  Indians.    Sir 
John  could  do  the  same,  and  such  bodies  might  be  formed 
on  the  spot,  capable  of  much   larger  undertakings  than 
can  bo  expected  from  tho  present  force  in  that  country.  *  * 
I  am  by  no  means  doubtful  of  success  (if  tho  preseiit  in- 
road of  the  rebels  fails)  so  long  as  I  am  supported  in  the 
authority,  and  field  rank,  essential  to  my  station ;  and 
which  always  accompanied  it,  and  should  they  even  suc- 
ceed in  some  measure,  I  am  not  without  resources." 

COL.  GUY  .rt)nxsox  to  lokd  oekmaix. 


Niagara,  11th  Nov.  1779. 
"  Mr  LoED  .---Previous  to  my  departure  from  Montre- 
al the  beginning  of  last  September,  I  had  the  honor  to  in- 
form your  Lordship  of  my  destination  at  that  time,  a  du- 
plicate of  which  accompanies  this  dispatch  ;  a  few  days 
after  I  went  up  the  river  St  Lawrence,  with  about  one 
hundred  and  thirty  whites  and  Indians,  who  M'ere  aug. 
mented  to  two  hundred  and  twenty,  on  my  arrival  at 
■Carleton  Island,  where  accounts  had  just  been  received 


COL.  GUY  Johnson's  repokt. 


33r 


that  the  rebels  had  hastily  retreated  out   of  the   Indian 
country,  after  destroying  almost  all  the  villages  and  corn- 
fields of  the  Six  Nations;  and  that   Major  Butler     mr 
deputy,  with  a  considerable  body  of  Indians  had   retired 
to  Kuigara.    As  this  in  a  great  measure  defeated  the  ob- 
ject the  General  had  in   view   in   ordering  up  Sir  John 
Johnson  with  a!)out  live  hundred  men  to   their  support 
the  next  consideration   was,   whether  anything   further' 
could  bo  undertaken  with  those   troops,    assisted   by  In- 
dians, on  which  subject  Sir  John  and  I  conferred,  and  it 
was  proposed  to   rendezvous  at   Aserotus   (Sod  us  Bay ) 
about  thirty-five  miles  west  of  Oswego,  to  call  some  In- 
dians from  Niagara  to  that  j^lace,  and  thence  proceed  ac- 
cording to  circumstances,  and  information.     And  to  that 
end,  a  detachment  was  sent  in  boats,  along  the  south  side 
of  the  lake,  accompanied  by  Capt.  Frazer,  and  the  Cana- 
da Indians,  who  were  to  send  a  large  party  to  the  neio-h- 
borhoodofFortStanwix,  to  bring  off  cattle  and   provis- 
ions, while  Sir  John  and  myself  with  the  rest  proceed  di- 
rectly to  Aserotus,  in  the  vessels  ;  but  were   forced  by  a 
hard  gale  to  go  to  Niagara,  when  without   loss   of  time, 
we  proceeded  to  collect  the  Indians  and  return   to   Aser- 
otus.   But  this  was  a  work  of  some  days,  and  from  the 
accounts  received  at  Niagara,  there  appeared  little  pros- 
pect of  effecting  anything  beyond  the  harrassing  the  fron- 
tiers with  detached  parties.     Ilowevgr  Sir  John's  zeal  for 
the  service,  induced  him  to  make  every  effort,  and  accor- 
dingly he  left  this  place  on  the  10th  of  October,  and  pro- 
ceeded for  Oswego,  where  it  was  thought  best  from  ac- 
counts received,  to  collect  the  whole,  and  where  wo  were 
joined  by  the  Indians  etc.,  from   Aserote,   but  a  consid- 

erable  body  of  the  Indians  were  obliged  to   march  from 
22 


.  ;4r 


jj, .    •■ 


HIA 


:il!i 


,:» 


'  ''mm 


■,  -.Mil 

I';  i!:.  II' 


338 


inSTOKy   OF   BUFFALO. 


this  pliiCG  for  want  of  craft  to  transi)ort  thcin,   under  the 
care  of  Capt.  Brant,  and  other  of  my   officers,   for  wliom 
wo  waited  a   considerable   time,   during   whicli,   it   was 
found  that  tlie  Canadian  Indians   Avero,  notwithstanding- 
all  the  pains  taken  by  Capt.  Frazer,  very  little  attached  • 
that  they  had  declined  going  towards  Fort  Stanwix,  and 
that  they  oi)posed  any  measures  against  the  Oneidas,  the 
only  object   then   in   contemplation  with  any   prospect. 
At  the  same  time  the  General's  despatches  arrived,  with 
distribution  of  winter  quarters,  and   orders  to  Sir  John 
Johnson  to  return,  accompanied  with  his  approbation  of 
the  measures  that  had  been  pursued,  and  a  letter  to  mo 
for  the  dividing  the  Indians  between   Niagara,   Carleton 
Island,  etc.,  on  account  of  provisions.      About   this  time 
an  olficer  of  my  deixartment,  with  five  Indians  who  were 
advanced  a  few  miles  in  front  of  a  body  of  rangers,  cap- 
tured three  Oneida  rebels,  who  had  been   reconnoiterin<r 
and  another  i)arty  took  a  rebel  Sergeant,  from   whom  we 
learned  that  the  rebels  had  reinforced   the  environs  of 
Fort  Stanwix,  with  six  hundred  men,  and  had   notice  of 
•our  motions,  mentioning  particularly  my  own. 

"  Sir  John  Johnson  in  consequence  of  his  orders  as 
well  as  that  the  party  by  land  had  not  been  able  to  come 
up,  accordingly  decamped,  and  returned  to  this  place,  on 
the  28th  ult.,  where  I  have  been  a  good  deal  occupied  in 
endeavoring  to  prevail  on  the  Indians  to  send  a  larfo 
body  of  their  people  down  to  Carleton  inland,  for  the 
winter,  which  they  do  not  much  incline  to,  as  their  late 
losses  induce  them  to  be  more  united,  however,  their 
number  is  now  reduced  tb  two  thousand  six  hundred  and 
twenty-eight,  the  majority  of  whom  will  remain  herea- 
bouts, and  from  the  situation  to  which   they  have  been 


COL.  GUY  Johnson's  eeport.  ^^39 

reduced  through  their  attaclnnout  and  services  to  govern- 
ment, I  liumbly  conceive  they  are  entitled  to  eveiy  mark 
of  attention,  that  can  be  afforded,  as  well  from  principles 
of  justice  as  from  policy.    I  propose  to  employ  them  use- 
fully on  the  communications,  through  the  winter,  and  to 
use  every  endeavor  for  keeping  up  their  spirits,  and  pre- 
serving their  attachment  to  government,  which  has  hith- 
erto proved  to  be  of  so  much  use  to  his   Majesty's   inter- 
ests, and  on  which  the  safety  of  the  country  so  much  de- 
pends.   It  is  an  arduous  undertaking,  since  their  late  los- 
ses, but  I  enter  on  it  with  confidence,   and   the  expecta- 
tion of  your  Lordship's  continuance,  and  I  ])ersuade  my- 
self if  measures  can  be  taken  next  spring,  for  reestablish- 
ing Fort  Ontario,  (Oswego)   which  they  have  much  at 
heart,  and  supporting  his  Majesty's  arms   with  a  i^roper 
body  of  troops,  they  will  not  a  little   contribute  to'  their 
success, 

I  cannot  conclude  without  recommending  the  good  con- 
duct of  all  my  officers  to  his  Majesty.  Because  I  am 
convinced  they  have  in  their  respective  stations  acquitted 
themselves,  with  as  much  zeal  and  performed  as  much 
as  any  other  subjects  of  the  King  ;  and  whilst  the  -ood 
of  the  service  requires  my  recommending  what  was  men- 
tioned in  my  last  respecting  myself  to  his  Eoyal  consid- 
eration,! cannot  avoid  doing  that  justice  to  their  merits 
which  they  have  faithfully  deserved. 

I  request  to  be  honored  with  your  Lordship's  com- 
mands, and  I  am  with  very  true  regard,  ray  Lord,  your 
Lordship's  most  humble  and  most  obedient  servant, 

G.  JOHNSON." 

The  following  letters  written  about  this  time,  will  throw 


im 


340 


HISTORY  OF  BUFFALO. 


light  upon  the  transactions  of  this  period  from  a  different 
stand  point  than  that  from  which  we  liave  been  accus- 
tomed to  view  tliem.  In  September,  1778,  Col.  Guj 
Johnson  writes  from  New  York  to  Lord  Gernuiin  as  fol- 
lows : 

"  Your  Lordship  will  have  heard  before  this  can  reach 
you,  of  the  successful   incursions  of  the  Indians  and  Loy- 
alists from  the  northward.    In  conformity  to  the  instruc- 
tions I  conveyed  to  my   oaicers,   they  assembled   their 
force  early  in  May,  and  one  division   under  one  of  my 
deputies  (Mr.  Eutlcr)  proceeded  with  great  success  dowa 
the  Susquehanna,  destroying  the  posts  and  settlements  at 
Wyoming,  augmenting  their  numbers  witli  many   Loyal- 
ists, and  attaining  all  the  country,  while  another  division 
under  Mr.  Brant  the  Indian  chief,  cut  off  two  hundred 
and  ninety-four  men  near  Schoharie  and  destroyed  the  ad- 
jacent settlements  with  their  magazines,  from  whence  the 
rebels  have  dervied  great  resources,  thereby  affording  en- 
couragement and  opportunity  to  many  friends  of  govern- 
ment to  join  them." 

Col.  Johnson  soon  after  the  date  of  this  letter  set  out 
to  go  by  water  to  Quebec ;  but  meeting  contrary  winda 
in  the  Gulf  of  I5t  Lawrence,  Avas  compelled  to  put  into 
Halifax  for  safety,  where  the  vessel  was;;compelled  to  re- 
main all  winter. 


W" 


:CHAPTER    XXII 


There  is  very  little  doubt  that  if  Gen.  Sullivan  had 
■pushed  his  successes  to  Fort  Niagara  instead  of  being  sat- 
isfied with  the  destruction  of  the  Indian  towns,  he  would 
have  captured  that  post,  and  thus  inflicted  a  punisiiment 
upon  those  who  deserved  it  far  more  than  the  poor  In- 
dians. 

The  history  of  Catherine  Montour  whose  name  occurs 
frequently  in  the  Indian  history  of  this  period,  is  some- 
what  involved  in  obscurity.  Col.  Stone  in  his  "  Life  of 
Brant,"  says  ; 

"  It  is  related  in  the  unwritten  liistory  of  this  battle 
(Wyoming)  that  the  celebrated  Catherine  Montour  was 
present  with  her  two  sons  ;  and  that  she  ranged  the  field 
of  blood,  like  a  chafed  tigress,  stimulating  the  warriors  of 
lier  adopted  race,  to  the  onslaught,  even  in  the  hottest  of 
the  fight.  But  from  the  antecedent  character  of  that  re- 
markable woman,  the  story  can  hardly  be  credited. 

"  She  was  a  native  of  Canada,  a  half-breed  ;  her  fatlier 
having  been  one  of  the  early  French  Governors,  probably 
Count  Frontenac,  as  he  must  have  been  in  the  govern- 
ment of  that  country  about  the  time  of  her  birth.  During 
the  wars  between  the  Six  Nations,  and  the  French  and 
Hurons,  Catherine  when  about  ten  years  of  age  was  made 


mm 


i . 


342 


JIISTOKY    OK    IIDFKALO. 


a  ctiptivo,  tiikcu  iiitu  the  Senecas  country,  luloptcd  and 
reared  aa  one  of  tlieir  own  children.     When  arrived  at  a 
suitablu  ago,  she  \va8juarriod  to  ono  ot'tho  distinguished 
chiefs  of  her  tribe,  who  sii^nialized  himself  in  the  wara  of 
the  Six  Nations  against  the   Catawbas,   then  a  great   na- 
tion living  to  the  south  westward  of  Virginia.      She  had 
several  children  by  this  chieftain,  who  fell  in  battle  about 
the  year  178U,  after  mIucIi,  h.ic  did  not  again  marry. 
.    "  She  id  said  to  have   been  a  handsome  woman   when 
she  was  young,  genteel,   and  of  polite   address,   iiotwith- 
standinglier  Indian  associations.     It  was  frequently  her 
lot  to  accompany  the  chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations  to  Phila- 
delphia, and  other  places  in  Pennsylvania,  where  treaties 
were  holden ;  and  from  her  character  and   manners,  she 
was  greatlyfcaressed  by   the   American   ladies ;  particu- 
larly in  Philadelphia,  where  she  was   invited  by  the  la- 
dies of  the  best  circles,  and   entertained  at  their   houses. 
Her  residence  was  at  the  head  of  Seneca  lake.""^ 

That  her  father  was  one  of  the  early  French  Governor 
seems  to  be  merely  conjectural.  We  have  better  evidence 
aa  to  her  parentage,  gathered  mostly  from  the  Colonial 
Documents. 

The  first  historical  notice  of  the  name  of  Montour  is, 
that  Mens.  Montour  was  wounded  by  the  Mohawks  in 
the  neighborhood  of  lake  Champlain,"in  1694.  He  was 
undoubtedly  an  officer  in  military  service  of  the  French 
at  that  time.  In  a  letter  of  M.  de  Vaudrieul  to  M.  de 
Pontchartrain,  dated  Nov.  17th,  1709,  he  commends  M. 
de  Jonciare  for  "  making  his  men  kill,  not  three  weeks 
before,  one  Montour,  a  Fienchman  by  birth,  but  entire- 
ly devoted  to  the  English,  and  in  their  pay." 

•Stone's  Life  of  Brant,  vol.  1.  p.  .';35-40. 


m 


CATIIKKINB    MONTOUR. 


343 


In  ii  commnniciition  of  Lord  Cornbiiry  totho  Board  of 
Trade,  dated  iibout  the  samo  timo  or  a  little  previous  to 
tho  tbregoing,  he  says  : 

"Tlicro  is  come  to  Albany  one  Montour,  who  is  the 
son  of  n  French  gentleniau  who  came  above  forty  years 
ago,  to  sett  loin  Canada.  IIo  had  to  do  with  an  Indian 
woman,  by  whom  he  had  a  son,  and  two  daughters.  Tho 
man  I  mention  is  tho  son.  lie  had  lived  all  along  like 
an  Indian  ;  some  time  ago,  he  left  tho  French,  and  had 
lived  wii  the  far  Indians,  and  it  is  chiefly  by  his  means, 
that  I  have  prevailed  with  those  far  Nations  to  como  t<» 
Albany." 

It  is  quite  certain  that  this  is  the  son  of  tho  first  Mon- 
tour spoken  of  as  being  killed  by  order  of  Mons.  Vau- 
dreuil,  as  ho  distinctly  justifies  the  act,  and  says  Montour 
would  have  been  hanged  if  lie  could  have  been  taken 
alive,  and  brought  to  Canada.*  "  Mrs.  Montour,"  is  men- 
tioned as  interpreter  at  a  council  held  at  Albany  with  tho 
Six  Nations  in  1711.  This  Mrs.  'lontour  was  probably 
one  of  the  two  daughters  of  the  first  mentioned  "  French 
gentlemen."  In  the  manuscript  journal  of  Rev.  Samuel 
Kirkland,  Sally  Montour,  probably  the  other  daughter,  is 
bpoken  of,  as  residing  in  the  vicinity  of  Fort  Stanwix  in 
1764. 

Capt.  Andrew  Montour,  appears  to  have  been  an  in- 
terpreter  at  numerous  councils  and  treaties  with  the  Six 
Nations,  from  1756  to  1757,  &c.,  and  Henry  Montour, 
Indian  interpreter  at  Johnson  Hall,  on  several  occasions 
in  1765.  These  were  all  descendants  of  the  first  named 
"  French  gentleman,"  who  came  to  settle  in  Canada  more 
than  forty  years  prior  to  1708. 


r^ 


"!'F'  'M\: 


*M.  Vaudrcuil  (o  Gov.  Burnett  1721. 


344 


mSTORV  OF  ni/KKAUi. 


It  a])poarfl  to  Imvo  boon  tlio  custom  to  cnll  tho  children 
ofa  white  futhcM-,  by  tl.o   name   of  the   father,  ,h  is  the 
custom  nniong  the  whites;  honco  tho  chihlren   of  Mon- 
tour  were  known  by  that  name   for  sovcral  generations. 
Oathenno  Montour  (lisai)poar8  from  liistory  about  1780 
.      It  IS  liardly  possible  therefore  that  she  couhl   Juivo   been 
the  Mrs.  Montour  mentioned  as  interpreter  at  Albany  in 
1711 ;  but  perliaps  her  mother,  who  may  have  l)oeu  called 
by  that  name.     Catherine  Montour  must  have  been  born 
about  the  beginning  of  the  eighteenth  century,  audit  is 
more  than  probable  that  she  was  the  daughter  of  a  Mo- 
hawk,  or  a  woman  of  sojne  other  one  of  the  Six  Nations 
It  18  stated  in  the  Kirkland  manuscrij.t  that  Lucy  Mon- 
tour was  related  to  the  celebrated  Oneida  chief  Skenando. 
Her  mother  may  have  been  a  sister  of  that  chief.     It  ap- 
pears that  at  the  time,  or  prior  to,  the  battle  at  Wyoming 
Catherine  Montour  lived  at  an  Indian  settlement  called 
bhesheqnin,   and  her  house  was  known  as  »  Queen  Esth- 
ers Palace."    .She  being  known  by  tho  name  of  Queen 
listher  among  the  common  people  at  that  time. 

She  is  charged  with  having  accompanied,  and  by  some 
with  having  led,  the  Indian  warriors  in  the  attack  upon 
i^ortlorty,andthatsheofliciatedat  the   torture  of  tho 
prisoners   the  night  after  the  battle  in  the  terrible  scenes 
described  as  having  been   enacted   at  "Jiloody   Tfock  •» 
the  truth  of  which  statements   have   been   doubted,  and 
seem  too  revolting,  to  have  been  perpetrated  bv  .ny  hu- 
'nan  being,  much  less  by  a  woman    possessing  i  ho"  least 
spark  ot  hunumity.     It  is  said  that  "  in  October  afterthe 
massacre  of  WyuM.ing,  Coi:  J[.,.pley  of  the  Pennsvlvania 
■ne,  joined  Col.  Z.  L>utlor,  and  they  proceeded  w'ith  one 
iuindred  ami  thirty  men,  to  Sheshequin   where  they  met 


OATUKBrNK  MONTOUR. 


345 


the  Indians  in  a  baf.tlo,  burned  the  Indiun  fiettlcuient,  and 
destroyed  Queen  Esther's  J>ahice,  and  laid  waste  her 
plantation." 

ItwouMseeni  that  she  immediately  removed  to  the 
liead  of  Seneca  lake,  whorn  an  Indian  settlement  was 
formed  known  as  "  Catherine's  Town,"  which  was  do- 
Btroyed  by  Gen.  Sullivan  in  177!).  She  then  fled  to  Ni- 
agara, where  she  is  s])oken  of  as  boinsr,  at  the  time  of  the 
arrival  of  the  Cherry  Valley  prisoners  that  same  year. 
She  had  two  sons,  Rowland  and  John,  both  active  par- 
ticipants in  the  border  war,  during  the  Ilevolutlon. 

These  two  were  the  leaders  of  the  band  that  captured 
the  Gilbert  family  in  1780,  according  to  the  «  Narrative 
of  the  captivity  and  sufFerings  of  Benjamin  Gilbert  and 
his  family,"  a  family  of  fifteen  persons  were  captured  by 
a  party  ofonly  eleven  Indians,  of  whom  it  is  said  Rowland 
Montour  was  Captain,  and  John  Montour  was  second  in 
command.  Benjamin  Gilbert  was  a  Quaker,  as  were 
most  of  his  family.  They  had  settled  in  1775  upon  the 
Mahoning  Creek  in  Northampton  county,  Pennsylvania, 
whore  Benjamin  Gilbert  had  erected  a  Mill.  Their  own 
account  of  the  capture,  is  as  follows  : 

"About  sunrise  on  the  morning  of  the  25th  of  fourth 
Month  1780,  the  family  were  alarmed  by  a  party  of  elev- 
en warriors,  whose  appearance  struck  them  with  terror. 
To  attempt  an  escape  was  death,  and  a  portion  of  distress 
and  suffering,  not  easy  to  be  endured,  was  expected  to  be 
the  inevitable  consequence  of  the  most  patient  submission 
to  become  captives  to  the  Indians. 

"Although  Benjamin  Gilbert  was  a  friend  to  the  na- 
tives, and  on  this  occasion  offered  them  his  hand  as  a 
brother,  yet  it  had  no  effect  to  induce  them  to  reli.Kpush 
their  hostile  measures." 


i  ''■ 


346 


HISTORY    OF   BUFFALO. 


Elf 


f.::"The  Indians  who  committed  this   depredation,  be- 
longed to  different  tribes  or  nations,  but  were  of  those 
who  abandoned  their  settlements  on  tlio  approacli  of  Sul- 
livan's army,  and  fled  within  the  command  of  the  British 
forts  in  Canada.    Here  they  had  settled  promiscuously 
and  according  to  the  Indian  custom  of  carrying  on  war' 
they  frequently  invaded  the  frontier  settlements  of  the' 
white  people,  making  captives  of  the  weak  and  defence- 
less, and  carrying  off  plunder.    The  names  of  these  Indi- 
ans and  their  respective  tribes,  are  as  follows  :  Rowland 
Monteur,  first  captain  ;  John  Monteur,  second  captain  • 
Samuel  Harris,  John  Huston,  and  liis  son  John  Huston' 
Jr.,  Cayugas  ;  John  Fox,  of  the  Delaware  Nation  ;  the' 
other  five  were  Senecas." 

After  giving  the  names  and  ages  of  the  captives,  fifteen 
m  all,  the  account  proceeds:  "The  men  prisoners,  were 
bound  with  cords,  which  the  Indians  had  with  them  and 
m  this  melancholy  condition,  a  guard  was  placed  'over 
them,  for  about  half  an  hour,  while  the  rest  of  the  Indi- 
ans were  plundering  the  houses,  and  packing  up  such 
goods  as  they  chose  to  carry  off.     When  they  got  suffi- 
cient  loading  for  three  of  Benj.  Gilbert's  horses,  which 
they  took,  and  also  compelled  the  distressed  prisoners  to 
carry  part  of  their  plunder,  they  began  their  retreat,  and 
hastened  away  to  a  considerable  distance  in  the  woods. 
Two  of  the  Indians  were  then  detached  to  set  fire  to  the' 
buildings,  as  if  to  aggravate  the  distress  of  the  prisoners 
lor  although  they  were  urged  forward  by  the  party,  and 
not  suffered  to  look  back,  yet  they  could  observe  the 
flames,  and  the  falling  in  of  the  roofs,  from  an  eminence 
called  Summer  Hill. 

From  this  place  the  Indians  hastily  pushed  forward, 


'.''^■^li 


OAPTUEE  OF  THE  GILBEKT  FAMILY 


347 


expectiiio;  to  bo  i)ursiicd  bj  the  iiihabituiits.     4t  their 
next  halting  place,  they  prepared  moccasins  for  such  of 
the  children  as  liad  no  shoes,  there  being  six  children, 
one  an  iniimt  about  nine months.old.     Considering  them- 
selves out  of  danger  of  being  pursued,  they  partook  of  a 
hearty  meal,  from  the  provisions  taken  from  the  houses 
of  the  prisoners.     They  continued  their  flight  over  moun- 
tains, and  through  swamps,  clioosing  the  most  unfrequent- 
ed, and  difficult  routes,  to  avoid  their  fancied  pursuers  ; 
lodging  the  first   night  in  a  pine  swamp.    The  day's 
march  was  a  very  fatiguing  one,  and  some  of  the  prison- 
ers  were  nearly  exhausted.    The  manner  of  securing 
their  prisoners  is  thus  described  :  •'  They  cut  down  a  sap- 
ling about  five  or  six  inches  in  diameter,  and  therein  cut 
notches,  large  enough  to  receive  the  ankles  of  their  vic- 
tims.    After  fixing  their  legs  in  these  notches,  they  place 
another  pole  over  the  first,  and  thus  secure  them  as  in  the 
stocks.    This  upper  pole,  was  then  crossed  at  each  end, 
by  stakes,  driven  into  the  ground,  and  in  the  crotches  of 
these  stakes,  they  placed  other  polos,  to  keep  them  firm, 
and  thus  effectually  confined  the  prisoners  on  their  backs. 
Besides  which,  they  put  a  strap  or  thong  (of  raw  hide,) 
around  their  necks,  and  fastened  it  to  a  tree,  bush,  or 
stake.    Their  beds  were  hemlock  branches,  strewed  on 
the  ground,  and  they  were  covered  \vith  blankets,  this 
last,  an  indulgence  scarcely  to  have  been  expected,  from 
those  who  were  esteemed  unfeeling,  cruel  men.    In  this, 
manner,  they  passed  the  night,  but  it  may  be  reasonably 
supposed,  that  in  this  melancholy  situation,  sleep  was  a 
stranger  to  their  eyelids.     It  should  l)e  understood  that 
it  was  the  adult  males  who  were  thus  confined  every 
night,  for  the  children,  and  the  female  captives,  were  suf- 


alt 


1-  ;l 


ftn. 


W' 


348 


HI8T0KY  OP  IJUFFALO. 


fered  to  lie  down  to  sleep  among  the  others,  without  being 
tied,  or  otherwise  lestrained." 

Tlie  second  daj,  the  prisoners  were  separated,  and  two 
being  placed  under  a  single  guard,  pursuing  their  route 
by  different  paths,  the  better  to  avoid  or  embarrass,  their 
pursuers.     Towards  evening  however,  the  different  par- 
ties again  met,  and  oncainped  as  on  the  preceding  night ; 
but,  as  they  were  becoming  more  accustomed  to  the  tem- 
per, and  treatment  of  the  Indians,  they  both  rested  and 
slept.     On  the  morning  of  the  third  day  of  their  captivi- 
ty, the  prisoners  were  all  painted,  according  to  the  Indian 
custom.     Some  with  red,  and  some  with  black,  paint. 
Those  who  are  painted  black,  are  devoted  to  death,  and 
although  this  cruel  purpose  may  not  be  executed  imme- 
diately, yet  it  denotes  the  purpose  of  their  destruction. 
When  they  had  been  about  ten  days  out,  Andrew  Harri- 
gar,  a  young  German,  who  was  em])loyed  as  a  laborer  by 
Benjamin  Gilbert,  made  his  escape,  just  after  dark,  and 
before  he  had  been  secured  for  the  night.     He  was  im- 
mediately pursued,  but  under  cover  of  the  darkness,  he 
was  able  to  elude  his  pursuers,  and  ultimately  returned 
in  safety  to  the  settlements  of  the  whites,  giving  the  first 
authentic  intelligence  of  the  fate  of  the  captives. 

The  party  arrived  nt  ''  Kettarinetown,''  which  litwl 
been  destroyed  by  Sullivan's  expedition.  They  found  a 
little  further  on,  a  deserted  cabin,  covered  with  bark, 
which  they  took  possession  of,  and  remained  three  days' 
Here  they  found  ])otatoes  and  turnips,  which  had  re- 
mained undisturbed  in  the  ground,  while  everything  else, 
had  been  destroyed.  They  also  found  gan'ie  plenty; 
deer,  and  wild  turkeys,  are  mentioned  as  having  been 
kilkMl.  whnelish,  called  "suckers,"  were  caught  1n  the 


iv 


Mi 

1 

.1. 

H 

OAPTUKE  OF  THE  GILBERT  FAMILY. 


349 


neighboring  streams,  constituting  with   the  vegetable* 
mentioned,  an  abundant  supply  of  food. 

On  the  15th  of  May,  the  party  arrived  at  Kanasedaga, 
which  had  been  destroyed  the  year  before  by  Gen.  Sulli- 
van. Hero  they  painted  Benjamin  Gilbert,  the  father, 
black,  which  was  the  evidence  of  their  intention  to  dis- 
patch him,  and  exceedingly  alarmed  the  family.  In  the 
evening  they  were  visited  by  two  white  men,  (one  a  Brit- 
ish soldier,  the  other  a  prisoner,)  who  supplied  them  with 
some  food,  of  which  they  were  in  gi  eat  want.  OnthelTth, 
they  crossed  the  Genesee  river,  on  a  raft  of  logs,  bound 
together  with  hickory  withes.  They  encamped  near  the 
bank  of  the  river.  On  the  18th,  one  of  the  Indians  left 
the  company,  on  horseback,  to  procure  food.  After  some 
hour's  delay,  he  returned  with  a  large  piece  of  meat.  It 
was  boiled  and  distributed  among  the  prisoners,  the  Indi- 
ans eating  sparingly.  It  was  eaten  without  bread,  or 
salt,  with  a  good  relish,  under  the  supposition  that  it  was 
fresh  beef.  It  was  afterwards  ascertained  to  be  horse 
flesh.  Capt.  Eowland  Montour  also  returned  with  the 
wife  of  John  Montour,  and  some  other  Indians,  with  pro- 
visions, bread,  and  Indian  corn,  which  was  also  distribu- 
ted among  the  prisoners.  Capt.  Montour  had  been  ab- 
sent several  days,  and  appeared  glad  to  see  the  prisoners, 
and  shook  hands  with  all  of  them,  with  expressions  of 
kindness.  Early  on  the  morning  of  the  21st,  they  heard 
the  report  of  the  morning  gun  at  Fort  Niagara,  and  a 
messenger  was  immediately  dispatched  to  the  fort,  for 
provisions.  On  the  22d,  having  approached  so  near  the 
Indian  encampments,  in  the  vicinity  of  the  fort,  the  whoop 
of  the  Indians,  was  answered  by  their  friends,  and  soon 
after,  they  were  met  by  the  wife  of  Rowlantl   Montour. 


Itilh 


HMM 

t  .^ 

350 


HISTORY    OF   IJUFFAJ.O. 


'She  was  the  daughter  of  Siangorochti,  king  of  tlie  Sene- 
cas,  but  her  niotlier  being  a  Cajuga,  she  was  ranked  as  of 
that  nation.'*    A  party  accompanied  lier,  among  whom 
was  Jolin  Montour,  the  brother  of  Rowland,  who  had 
previously  arrived  at  Niagara.    They  brought  a  supply 
of  provisions  from  the  fort.     Capt.  Eowland  Montour, 
being  at  some  distance  in  the  rear,  when  his  wife  arrived 
a  halt  was  made  until  he  came  up ;  after  saluting  her,  he 
informed  her,  that  Rebecca  Gilbert,  the  daughter  of  Benj- 
amin Gilbert,  about  sixteen  years  of  age,   was  now  her 
daughter.    As  the  party  were  in  great  distress  for  food, 
they  did  not  advance  to  the  settlement  until  the  next 
day,  remaining  where  they  were  to  ])artake  of  the  food 
brought  b^,  John  Montour,  and  his  party.     On  the  ?3d, 
they  proceeded  on  towards  the  fort,  the  Indians  whoopino- 
^.id  yelling  in  the  most  frightful  manner.     As  tiiey  passed 
through  an  encampment  near  the  fort,  the  captives  expe- 
rienced the  compliment  of  blows,  inflicted  by  men,  women 
and  children,  with  sticks,  clubs,  and  stones ;  and  taunt- 
ing them  with  horrid  grimaces,  to  show  their  contempt, 
or  to  gratify  their  revenge,  for  the  loss  of  their  relatives, 
slain  in  battle.     On  arriving  at  the  village,  or  encamp- 
ment, where  Capt.  Rowland  Montour  resided,  the  assaults 
of  this  kind,  upon  the  captives,  was  very  severe,  many  of 
them  receiving  serious  wounds,  and  bridses.    Two  of  the 
women  who  were  on  horseback,  were  much  hurt,  by  being 
thrown  from  their  horses,  M'hich  became  frightened  at  the 
unusual  assault.    This  sanguinary  proceeding  was  kept 
up,  until  arrested  by  the  principal  chief,  who  came  out 
and  forbid  it.     "The  poor  prisoners  were  in  a  piteous 
condition.    Their  hair  had  been  cropped  close,  the  blood 

•Gilbert  Narrative,  p.  59. 


OAPTL'KE  OF  THE  OILBEKT  FAJNIILY. 


351 


trickled  from  their  lieads  in  streams,  and  the  clothes  they 
had  on,  being  in  rags,  were  smeared  with  blood.""* 

The  Indian  village  or  encampment  to  which  these  pris- 
oners were  brought,  was  situated  on  the  bank  of  the 
river,  between  Lewiston  and  Fort  Niagara.  Two  officers 
from  the  fort  (Capt.  Dace  and  Capt.  Powell,)  visited  the 
camp  to  see  the  prisoners,  and  proposed  to  come  next  day 
and  remove  them  to  the  foi't,  in  a  boat,  as  many  of  them 
were  i-cndered  almost  incapable  of  traveling.'  To  this 
Capt.  Eowland  Montour  objected,  and  insisted  on  their 
going  on  foot.  The  next  day  they  set  out  in  charge  of 
members  of  the  respective  fomilies,  to  which  they\ad 
been  respectively  assigned,  or  by  whom  they  had  been 
adopted.  On  leu-ip.g  the  Indian  settlement,  they  were 
again  assailed,  as  upon  their  arrival,  with  sticks,  and 
stones,  and  pursued  to  some  distance,  with  yells  and 
screeches,  but  were  in  some  measure  protected  by  those 
who  accompanied  them. 

They  were  soon  met  by  Capt.  Powell,  who  with  some 
difficulty,  persuaded  the  Indians  to  get  into  his  boat  with 
the  prisoners,  and  thus  they  reached  the  fort  on  the  24th. 
Here  they  were  introduced  to  Col.  Guy  Johnson,  and 
Col.  Butler,  who  asked  the  i)risoners  many  questions,  in 
presence  of  the  Indians.  On  the  25th,  just  one  month 
after  their  capture,  Benjamin  Gilbert,  and  Elizabeth  his 
wife,  and  Jesse  Gilbert;  their  son,  about  nineteen  years  of 
age^  were  given  up  to  Col.  Johnson.  None  of  the  other 
captives  were  liberated  at  this  time,  but  remained  with 
the  Indians."  it  has  been  traditionally  asserted,  that 
when  the  British  authorities  in  Canada,  understood  that 

*  Gilbert  Narrative,  j>.  64. 


"flillilil 


■■  I.  * 


I'S     '■*'  i 

ill.    •:., 

f^i^k'^^:' 

■I'll 


852 


HISTORY  OK   BUFFALO. 


the  Gilbert  fUinily  were  Quakers,  they  used  great  exer- 
tions for  tlieir  release  from  captivity.* 

The  wife  of  Jesse  Gilbert  being  about  his  own  a^^e, 
still  renminiiig  in  cai)tivity,  her  liberation  became  an  ob- 
ject of  great  interest  to  the  British  otlicers  at  Fort  JSTia^- 
ara.     It  was  ascertained  that  slio  was  among  the  Dela- 
wares,  and  unsuccessful  eflbrts  were  made,  to  obtain  her 
release.     Soon  however,  a  party  of  Delawares  came  to 
the  fc»rt,  and  brought  Sarah  Gilbert  with  them;  and  fur- 
ther efforts  were  made  to  obtain  lier  release.    The  next 
day  the  ofticers  visited  the  camp  of  the  Indians,  which 
was  aboufc  two  miles  from  the  fort,  but  returned  unsuc- 
cessful.    Early  the  following  morning,  Capt.   Robeson 
generously  and  kindly  umlcrtook  to  procure  her  liberty. 
In  tiiiri  he  persevered  with  much  solicitude,  and  close  at- 
tention, until  by  the  aid  of  Lieut,  llilliard,  he  happily 
succeeded.    To  effect  the  benevolent  object,  they  made 
the  Indians  several  small  presents,  and  gave  them  thirty 
pounds,  as  a  ransom."  *         *         Tliere  were  now 

four  of  the  prisoners  at  Col.  Johnson's,  in  the  enjoyment 
of  liberty.  During  their  stay,  they  were  treated  with 
kindness  by  Col.  Johnson's  housekeeper,  who  procured 
clothing  for  them  from  the  King's  stores.f  A  few  days 
after  their  arrival  at  Niagara,  a  vessel  came  up  from  Mon- 
treal with  orders  for  the  captives  who  had  been  released. 
In  this  vessel  came  one  Capt.  Brant,  an  Indian  chief  of 
high  rank,  among  them,  who  promised  to  use  his  endea- 
vors to  obtain  the  release  of  the  children  of  Elizabeth 
Gilbert,  who  still  remained  in  captivity. 

Several  of  the  members  of  the  Gilbert  family  were 

*Giiberf,  Narrative,  p.  84. 
tGilbert  Narrative. 


CAPTIVITY  OF  THE  GILBERT  FAMILY. 


353 


brought  to  Euffalo  Creek  by  their  captors,  and  tlie  ac- 
count given  by  Eebocca  Gilbert,  k  interesting,  as  mark- 
ing  the  period  of  the  first  permanent  settlement  of  the 
Indians  on  Euffalo  Creek.    It  will  be  borne  in  mind  that 
Gen.  Sullivan's  expedition  was  directed  more  particular- 
ly against  the  Senecas.    We  find  that  he  destroyed  their 
towns  on  the  Susquehanna,  and  Tioga  rivers,  at  the  head 
of  Seneca  lake,  and  Kanesadaga,  at  the  foot  of  that  lake, 
and  at  Canandaigua,  Houeyoye,  and.  Genesee  river.    At 
that  time  they  had  no  permanent  settlement  in  this  State 
west  of  that  point. '  Their  settlement  upon  the  Niagara 
river  had  always  been  temporary,  not  permanent.    Their 
huts  or  wigwams  were  found  on  the  south  shore  of  the 
Niagara  river,  between  Fort  Niagara  and.  Lewiston,  by 
the  first  Europeans  who  visited  that  locality  ;  but  they 
were  there,  for  the  purpose  of  fishing.    Their  permanent 
residence  was  thirty  leagues  distant,  in  a  southeasterly  di- 
rection, where  De  Nonville  found  them  in  1686,  when 
their  principal  town  was  destroyed,  and  never  again  re- 
built.    After  the  settlement  of  Europeans,  and  the  open- 
ing of  trade  with  the  western  Indians  from  Quebec,  and 
New  York,  the  carrying  place,  around  the  Falls  of  Ni- 
agara, began  to  assume  great  importance.    This  was  in 
the  territory  of  the  Senecas;  their  two  castles,  or  princi- 
pal towns  were,  one  at  the  foot  of  Seneca  lake,  (Kanesa- 
daga,) the  other  was  at  Genesee  river,  (Chenisseo.)    The 
carrying  place,  being  nearer  to  the  Chenisseos,  was  under 
their  more  immediate  control,  and  it  is  probable  that  it 
was  a  source  of  profit  or  revenue  to  them,  up  to  the  final 
surrender  of  Canada  to  the  English,  or  at  least  the  sur- 
render of  Fort  Niagara  in  1759.     In  their  negotiations, 
both  with  the  French  and  the  English,  they  frequently 


4n 


II 


354 


HISTORY   OF  BUFFALO. 


refer  to  it  as  theirs,  and  their  claim  to  it  was  recognized. 
Sullivan's  army  swept  over  their  country,  carrying  de^ 
struction  everywhere.    Nothing  was  spared.    Mary  Jem- 
ison,  who  then  resided  at  the  Chenisseo  village,  (Little 
Beard's  Town,)  says  :  « In  one  or  two  days  after  the  skir- 
mish at  Conesus  lake,  Sullivan's  army  arrived  at  Genesee 
nver,  where  they  destroyed  every  article  of  the  food  kind 
that  they  could  lay  their  hands  on.     A  part  of  our  corn 
they  burnt,  and  threw  the  remainder  into  the  river.  They 
burnt  our  houses,  killed  what  few  cattle  and  horses  they 
could  find,  destroyed  our  fruit  trees,  and  left  nothing  but 
the  bare  soil  and   the   timber.     But  the  Indians  had 
eloped,  and  were  not  to  be  found."* 

*Life  of  Mary'jemison,  p.  123. 


CHAPTER   XXIII. 


The  campaign  of  Gen.  Sullivan  was  a  terrible  blow  to 
the  Senecas,  and  indeed,  to  all  the  Six  Nations  ;  although 
the  Senecas  were  by  far  the  greatest  sufierers.     "  From 
this  blow,  (says  Doct.  Dwight,)  they  never  recovered  •» 
and  after  this  disaster,  they  never  exhibited  their  former 
lofty  independent  spirit.     Their  towns  were  all  destroyed 
together  with  all  the  provisions  they  had  provided  for 
their  winter  consumption,  and  they  were  driven  to  the 
necessity  of  starving,  or  fleeing  to  their  friends,  the  Brit- 
ish, at  Niagara.     Great  numbers  of  them  actually  per- 
ished during  the  winter  of  1779-80,  from  starvation  and 
exposure;  this  was  particularly  true  of  women  and  chil- 
dren.     Add  to  this  great  numbers  of  them  died  from  dis- 
ease induced  by  exposure  and  want.     They  appear  to 
have  been  provided  for  at  Niagara,  or  at  least  those  of 
them  who  were  able  to  reach  that  post,  so  far  as  the  means 
provided  would  allow;  but,  the  unexpected  addition  of 
the  Indians  to  the  ordinary  number  of  troops  at  the  Fort 
rendered  their  supplies  entirely  inadequate  to  the  emer- 
gency, and  it  was  found  necessary  to  make  other  provis- 
ion for  the  supply  of  food  for  the  Indians.    The  following 

c5 


i4?m 


ill 


4^ 


it.-  ,,,  . 


Hi ,: 


I*    ■  lit; 


•356 


ill8T(JUY    OF   UUFPALO. 


corrospoiulcnce  will  show  the  condition  of  things  at  Ki- 
agara  at  this  time. 


COL.  GUY  JOHNSON  TO  LORD  OKKMAIN. 

Kiagara,  2Cth  July,  1780. 
My  Lord  : 

In  my  letter  of  the  4th  of  May,  I  gave  a  brief  account  of 
the  faithful  and  successful  services  of  the  Indians,  under 
my  superlntendency,  against  the  rebels  during  the  win- 
ter, and  of  the  endeavors  of  the  latter,  to  draw  oft' the  Six 
.Nations  through  the  negotiations  of  four  disaffected  Luli- 
•  ans,  sent  to  this  place  for  that  purpose.    I  have  now  the 
.honor  to  acquaint  your  Lordship,  that  the  major  j^art  of 
the  dieatlected  tribes,  are  come  in,  and  at  length  restored 
.  to  the  British  interest,  and  I  shall  also  lay  before  you  the 
good  conduct,  and  success,  of  the  Indians  since  my  last. 
•Being  sensible  that  those  Oneidas  and  others,  who  had, 
during  the  war,  remained  at  the  rebel  frontiers,  and  under 
their  inftuence,  were  rather  governed  by  situation,  and 
imposed  on  by  artifice,  than  led  by  inclination  to  espouse 
their  interest,  and  finding  that  their  continuance  in  that 
quarter,  exposed  our  motions,  and  served  to  cover  that 
part  of  the  country,  our  Indians  however,  averse  to  their 
.  conduct,  not  inclining  to  cut-off  a  part  of  their  own  con- 
federacy, I  improved  a  favorable  occasion  last  winter,  to 
.  intimate  that  if  they  ever  expected  to  bo  restored  to  the 
!  favor  and  protection  of  government,  they  had  no  time  to 
^.  lose.     In  consequence  of  which,  I  received  last  month,  a 
message  from  them  informing  me,  that  they  had  approved 
of  my  advice,  and  were  preparing  to  leave  their  country 

■  and  join  me,  which  they- did  the  besgiuning  of  this  month, 

■  to  the  number  of  .about,  three  hundred  and  thirty  eouls ; 


COL.  GUY  JOHNSON  TO  LORD  GERMAIN. 


357 


things  at  Ki- 

N. 

ruly,  1780. 

cf  account  of 
dians,  under 
ing  the  wln- 
w  oft'  the  Six 
tffected  Luli- 
ave  now  the 
lajor  part  of 
igth  restored 
iforc  you  the 
nee  my  last, 
rs,  who  had, 
s,  and  under 
tuation,  and 
n  to  espouse 
ance  in  that 
3  cover  that 
irse  to  their 
)ir  own  con- 
it  winter,  to 
torcd  to  the 
'.  no  time  to 
ist  month,  a 
id  approved 
leir  country 
this  month, 
birty  souls ; 


an 


of  whom  above  one  hundred  are  men,  more  than  seventy 
of  whom,  have  since  marched  with  my  war  parties,  and 
will  I  expect,  do  their  utmost  to  eft'aco  the  remembranc& 
of  theu- past  conduct,  having  told  them  that  they  owed 
their  reception  to  His  Majesty's  clemency,  hut  they  must 
merit  his  favors  by  their  actions. 

The  pan  .culars  of  my  proceedings  with  them,  are  trans- 
mitted to  the  Commander-in-Chief,  and  1  am  assured  that 
the  small  remainder  still  with  the  rebels,  will  soon  follow 
their  example ;  and  thereby  lay  open  the  rebel  frontier 
towards  the  Mohawk  river,  which  will  promote  the  ser- 
vice by  facilitating  parties,  and  encouraging  the  Six  Na- 
tions, as  much  as  it  must  distress,  and  disappoint  the 
rebels.  The  success  that  attended  those  I  sent  out  at  a 
season  when  it  had  not  been  usual  to  go  to  war,  encour* 
aged  others.  The  number  of  killed,  and  prisoners,  amouutr 
ed,  early  in  June,  to  one  hundred  and  fifty-six,  and  is 
now  much  enlarged ;  besides  which,  many  houses,  and 
grainories,  i'vom  which  the  rebels  drew  supplies,  with 
many  cattle,  were  destroyed,  and  interruption  given  to 
their  i)lanting,  as  well  as  recruiting  on  the  frontiers. 

The  parties  have  been  ranged  along  the  rear  of  New 
York,  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia,  and  although  unac- 
companied with  troops,  their  mode  of  warflire  does  not 
admit  of  any  thing  capital^  it  is  still  of  much  importance 
to  His  Majesty's  service,  in  keeping  the  rebels  in  a  con- 
tinual state  of  alarm,  and  a])prehension,  and  destroying 
their  resources.  It  is  with  great  satisfaction,  that  I  can 
add,  that  these  services  have  been  effected,  without  acta 
of  cruelty,  and  although  three  of  the  Indians  were  treach- 
erously murdered,  they  have,  at  my  entreaty,  withheld 
their  resentment,  and  suppressed  their  darling  passion, 


i  Ni 


'■'- 1; 


vr|i 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


1.0 


I.I 


■-   !■■    12  2 

■U       Mj*}  ^  lllllaarisaif 

"  '-  illlM 

.8 


1.25      1.4    1 1 A 

=        11 : 

-^ 

_ 6" 

►► 

Photographic 

Sciences 
Corporation 


23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  NY.  14580 

(716)  872-4503 


%^ 


c<*- 


'^^ 


i 


^\ 


^ 


868 


HISTORY  OF  BUFFALO. 


revenge,  in  an  unusual  manner.  From  principles  of  hu- 
manity, I  could  wish  their  example  had  been  imitated  by 
the  rebels,  who  in  many  instances,  have  exhibited  a  very 
different  conduct. 

The  number  of  men  of  the  Six  Nation  confederacy, 
(exclusive  of  their  people  to  the  southward,)  is  about  six- 
teen hundred,  above  twelve  hundred  of  whom,  are  war- 
riors ;  and  of  the  latter,  eight  hundred  and  thirty-six,  are 
now  on  service  against  the  frontiers,  and  more  in  readi- 
ness to  follow  them,  which  far  exceeds  what  has  ever  been 
out  at  one  time,  without  the  army;  few  or  none  remain- 
ing except  those  necessary  to  assist  in  planting,  and  pro- 
viding for  their  families.  I  hope  soon  to  have  favorable 
accounts  from  them,  as  so  great  a  number  must  prove 
very  distressing  to  the  rebels,  and  contribute  much  to  fa- 
vor the  operations  of  the  campaign. 

The  large  body  that  was  to  be  provided  for  at  this 
post,  during  the  last  winter,  in  consequence  of  the  rebel 
invasion,  and  the  destruction  of  many  Indian  towns,  occa- 
sioned much  expense,  and  great  consumption  of  provis- 
ions, which  I  have  endeavored  to  restrain  as  far  as  con- 
sistent with  the  service,  and  the  Commander-in-Chief  af- 
forded his  assistance  for  re-establishing  them,  and  ena- 
bling them  to  plant,  as  early  as  he  could;  to  promote 
which,  as  well  as  to  forward  parties,  I  have  lately  visited 
their-  new  settlements  ;  one  on  the  Ohio  route,  is  increas- 
ing fast,  and  I  have  already  induced  above  twelve  hun- 
dred  of  their  people  to  settle  and  plant  at  these  places, 
which  will  lessen  the  burden  of  expense.     At  the  same 
time,  I  have  no  doubt  that  should  any  material  opera- 
tions be  undertaken  from  hence,  that  notwithstanding  the 
Indians  have  been  constantly  employed  all  the  season, 
they  will  readily  and  cheerfully  assist. 


FIBST  SETTLEMBNT  AT  BUFFALO  CKEEK. 


359 


Since  my  arrival  here  last  September,  I  have  not  omit- 
ed  anything  in  my  power,  for  promoting  His  Majesty's 
interests  with  the  Indians,  and  rendering  their  services 
useful  to  government.  I  am  highly  gratified  in  being 
honored  with  the  Commander-in-Chief's  approbation  of 
my  conduct,  and  that  of  those  faithful  people,  and  I  shall 
studj^,  by  every  possible  exertion  in  the  discharge  of  my 
duty,  to  merit  your  Lordship's  favorable  endeavors  to 
His  Majesty. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  much  respect,  my  Lord, 
your  Lordship's  most  humble  Servant, 

G.  JOHNSON. 

The  principal  settlement  on  the  "  Ohio  route,"  men- 
tioned above,  was  BuflPalo  Creek.    In  the  Gilbert  narra- 
tive, we  have  the  account  of  the  arrival  of  the  first  settlers 
from  Niagara.    They  first  landed  at  Fort  Erie,  where  the 
British  had  a  garrison  ;  "  thence  they  continued  their 
journey,  about  four  miles  further  up  Buffalo  Creek,  and 
pitched  their  tent  for  settlement."*    This  may  be  consid- 
ered the  first  permanent  settlement  of  the  Senecas  on 
BuflFalo  Creek.     It  took  place  probably  late  in  May,  or 
early  in  June,  1780,  the  precise  date  is  not  given.    This 
party  consisted  of  "Siangorochti,"  (as  it  is  spelled  in  the 
narrative,)  or  Old  King,  and  his  family ;  including  his 
daughter  and  her  husband,  Kowland  Montour. 

They  commenced  immediately  "  to  clear  the  ground, 
and  prepare  it  for  a  crop  of  Indian  corn.  While  the 
women  were  engaged  about  the  corn,  the  men  built  a  log 
house  or  cabin,  for  the  residence  of  the  family,  and  then 

tGilbert  Narrative,  p.  143. 


il        1 


M 


H>  % 


ir  i»i  mmA 


I'  ^tti 


1    . 


I  ,;i* 


360 


UISTOEY   OF  BUFFALO. 


went  out  hunting.     *     -.    During  the  summer,  this  fam^ 
ily  raised  about  one  hundred  skipples  of  corn.     A  skip 
pie  being  equal  to  three  pecks,  would  make  about  seven- 
ty-five bushels.     *    *     While  their  corn  crop  was  grow- 
ing this  summer,  thej  drew  their  provisions  from  the 
stores  at  the  forts,  (Erie  and  Niagara,)  which  occasioned 
the  Indians  frequently  to  visit  them.    *    *    About  the 
beginning  of  winter,  (1780-1,)  some  British  officers  came 
among  the  Indians,  and  remained  with  them  till  towards 
spring,  using  all  their  endeavors,  for  effecting  the  dis- 
charge of  the  two  captives,  Eebecca  and  Benjamin  Gil- 
bert, Jr.,  but  without  success.    Some  time  after,  another 
British  officer,  attended  by  Thos.  Peart,  (one  of  the  cap- 
tives) came  among  them,  with  provisions,  and  hoes,  for 
the  Indians^  These  officers,  we  learn,  from  the  narrative 
of  Thomas  Peart,  were  Capt.  Powell,  and  Lieut.  Johnson 
the  former  the  husband  of  Miss  Moore,  and  the  latter  onj 
of  the  sons  of  Sir  William  Johnson,  by  Molly  Brant. 

Elizabeth  Peart,  another  of  the  captives  of  the  Gilbert 
family,  was  brought  to  Buffalo  Creek     The  following  ex- 
ti-acts  Irom  her  narrative,  will  further  illustrate  the  histo- 
ry of  this  period.    Elizabeth  Peart  was  the  wife  of  Beni- 
amm  Peart,  the  son  of  Mrs.  Elizabeth  Gilbert,  Senior,  by 
a  former  husband.    At  the  time  of  their  capture,  Eliza- 
beth Peart  had  a  child  about  nine  months  old.    She  was 
separated  from  her  husband  soon  after  their  arrival  in 
the  Indian  settlement,  but  had  been  allowed  to  retain  her 
child.    She  was  taken  within  about  eight  miles  of  Niac.- 
ara,  wliere  she  was  adopted  by  the  usual  ceremony,  in^o 
one  of  the  families  of  the  Seneca  Nation.     The  family 
that  had  adopted  her,  received  her  very  kindly,  and  she 
was  given  to  understand  that  the  members  of  it  were  to 


FIRST  SErPLEMENT  AT  BUFFALO  CKEEK.  361 

be  considered  her  parents,  brothers  and  sisters.     "  After 
E  izabeth  had  been  with  the  family  two  days,  they  all 
^tt  their  habitation,  and  taking  her  with  them,  went  to 
±ort  Slusher,  where  they  staid  several  days.     This  Fort 
18  about  one  mile  above  the  great  Falls  of  Niagara.    As 
Elizabeth  Peart  was  much  indisposed,  the  Indians  con- 
mued  several  days  at  the  Fort,  on  her  account.     But  as 
they  cared  little  for  her  comfort,  she  was  obliged  to  lie  on 
the  damp  ground,  which  undoubtedly  increased  her  ill- 
ness and  suffering.    As  soon  as  the  violence  of  her  disor- 
der abated,  they  set  out  in  a  bark  canoe,  which  they  had 
provided,  and  paddled  their  course  towards  Buffalo  Creek 
and  as  they  went  slowly,  they  had  opportunity  of  taking 
some  fish  for  their  food.     When  they  arrived  at  the  place 
ot  their  intended  settlement,  they  went  ashore  and  built  a 
cabin.     A  short  time  after  they  came  to  this  new  settle- 
ment, they  returned  with  Elizabeth  to  Fort  Slusher,  and 
told  her  that  her  child  must  be  taken  away  from  her 
This  was  a  very  affecting  circumstance ;  but  all  remon- 
strances, and  entreaties,  on  her  part,  were  unavailing. 
Ihey  however  suffered  the  child  to  remain  with  her,  till 
they  got  to  Niagara.    Shortly  after,  they  set  out  from 
a  ort  Slusher,  and  traveled  on  foot,  Elizabeth  Peart  having 
to  carry  her  child  all  the  way  to  Niagara,  being  eighteen 
miles,  and  the  weather  warm  and  sultry,  rendered  the 
journey  very  fatiguing  and  painful ;  and  the  more  afflict- 
mg,  in  anticipation  of  having  to  part  with  her  infant  child. 
As  one  object  of  the  journey  to  the  Fort  was  to  procure 
provisions,  their  stay  at  Niagai-a  was  of  several  day's  con- 
tinuance ;  during  which,  Capt.  Powell  afforded  Elizabeth 
an  asylum  in  his  house.     The  sympathy  of  Capt.  Pow- 
ell's wife  towards  Elizabeth  Peart,  was  so  much  moved     ' 


•If" 


362 


HISTORY  OF  BUFFALO. 


at  the  prospect  of  her  child  being  taken  from  her,  that 
ehe  prevailed  with  her  husband  to  intercede  with  the  In- 
dians, that  it  might  remain  with  her.    But  his  arguments 
and  appeals  were  in  vain ;  for  thej  took  the  child  from 
her,  and  went  with  it  over  the  river,  in  order  to  have  it 
adopted  into  the  family  they  had  assigned  for  it.    As  it 
was  80  young  however,  they  returned  it  to  its  mother  (af- 
ter It  was  adopted,)  to  be  kept  with  her  until  it  should  be 
convenient  to  send  it  to  the  family,  under  whose  care  it 
was  to  be  placed.  After  obtaining  provisions  and  other  ne- 
cessaries, which  they  came  to  Niagara  to  trade  for,  the  In- 
dians and  their  prisoners  returned  toFortSlusheron  foot 
Ihence  they  embarked  in  their  canoes  for  Buffalo  Creek 
their  new  settlement,  and  it  being  near  the  time  of  plant- 
ing, they  used  much  expedition  in  this  journey. 

In  the  Indian  families,  the  labor  and  drudgery  of  rais- 
ing provisions,  falls  to  the  share  of  the  women,  and  Eliza- 
beth had  to  assist  the  squaws  in  preparing  the  ground 
and  planting  corn.      Their  provisions  becoming  scant' 
they  suffered  much  from  hunger.     As  their  dependance 
tor  a  supply,  sufficient  to  last  until  the  gathering  of  their 
crop  of  corn,  was  on  what  they  could  receive  from  the 
British  fort,  they  were  under  the  necessity  of  makino-  an- 
other journey  to  Niagara.     This  they  performed  in'' two 
day's  traveling.    A  short  distance  before  they  came  to  the 
fort,  they  took  Elizabeth's  child  from  her,  and  sent  it  to 
the  family  that  had  adopted  it,  and  it  was  several  months 
before  she  had  an  opportunity  of  seeing  it  again.    *    * 
After  the  Indians  had  disposed  of  their  peltries,  and  ob- 
tained a  supply  of  provisions,  they  returned  to  their  wig- 
wams, by  the  same  route  they  had  gone.     With  a  heart 
oppressed  with  grief,  Elizabeth  trod  back  her  steps  mourn- 


CHILD  OP  ELIZABETH   PEABT. 


363 


ing  her  lost  infant,  for  this  idea,  was  continually  present 
to  her  thoughts.  But  as  she  had  found  how  fruitless,  and 
even  dangerous  it  was  to  apply  for  redress  on  behalf  of 
her  child,  she  endeavored  to  dry  up  her  tears,  and  thus 
mourned  in  secret." 

Soon   after  they  reached   their  settlement,  Elizabeth 
Peart  was  attacked  with  sickness,  which  incapacitated 
her  for  labor,  and  the  Indians  built  a  small  cabin  for  her 
beside  the  corn  field,  where  they  placed  her  to  mind  the 
corn.    Here  she  was  visited  by  a  white  man,  also  a  pris- 
oner, who  informed  her  that  her  child  was  released,  and 
was  with  the  white  people.     This  information  greatly  re- 
lieved her  anxiety,  and  contributed  to  her  speedy  re- 
covery.   She  remained  in  this  employment  until  the  corn 
was  ripe,  and  then  assisted  in  the  harvest,  when  she  was 
permitted  to  live  again  with  the  family.    The  release  of 
Elizabeth  Peart's  child,  was  effected  through  the  influ- 
ence and  unremitted  exertions  of  the  wife  of  Capt.  Pow- 
ell     Near  the  close  of  the  winter,  their  provisions  again 
failing,  they  were  under  the  necessity  of  going  to  the  fort 
for  a  fresh  supply ;  their  corn  being  so  nearly  exhausted, 
that  they  had  all  been  on  short  allowance  for  some  time 
of  only  one  meal  a  day.    Elizabeth  accompanied  the  party 
to  the  fort.    They  were  four  days  making  the  journey, 
through  snow  and  severe  frost,  suffering  much  from  the 
cold.     When  they  came  near  the  fort  they  built  a  tempo- 
rary wigwam,  where  a  part  of  the  ftimily,  with  prisoners, 
were  to  stay  until  the  return  of  the  men  from  the  fort. 

As  soon  as  Capt.  Powell's  wife  heard  that  the  youno- 
child's  mother  had  come  with  the  Indians,  she  desired  to 
see  her,  and  inasmuch  as  she  herself  had  also  been  a  pris- 
oner among  the  Indians,  she  claimed  some  relationship 


i ,.,     >4 


I'       ! 
'9       I      il 


364 


HISTORY   OF   BUFFALO. 


in  their  way,  and  lier  request  was  granted.  When  Eliza- 
beth came  to  Capt.  Powell's,  slie  was  informed  that  her 
husband  was  returned  to  the  fort,  and  that  there  was 
some  expectation  of  his  release.  This  unexpected  intel- 
ligence  was  a  cordial  to  her  mind, and  her  happiness  was 
increased  by  a  visit  from  her  husband  the  same  day. 
But  they  were  not  permitted  to  bo  long  together,  for  the 
Indians  insisted  on  iier  returning  with  them  to  their  cabin, 
a  few  miles  back. 

Elizabeth  Peart  was  not  allowed  to  leave  the  cabin  for 
several  days ;  but  at  length  a  white  family  who  had 
bought  her  child  from  the  Indians  that  had  adopted  it, 
offered  the  party  with  whom  Elizabeth  was  confined,  a 
bottle  of  rum  if  they  would  bring  her  across  the  river  to 
her  child.  This  offer  they  accepted,  and  the  fond  mother 
was  delighted  with  this  happy  meeting ;  for  she  had  not 
seen  her  infant  for  the  space  of  eight  months,  since  it  was 
taken  from  her  as  aforesaid.  She  was  permitted  to  re- 
main with  the  family  where  her  child  was,  for  two  days, 
and  then  returned  with  the  Indians  to  their  cabin. 

After  some  time  she  obtained  a  further  permission  to 
go  to  Niagara  fort,  where  she  had  some  needle  work  to 
do  for  white  people,  and  this  furnished  her  a  plea  for  fre- 
quent visits  there.  At  length  Capt.  Powell's  wife  pre- 
vailed with  the  Indians  to  let  Elizabeth  continue  a  few 
days  at  her  house  and  work  for  tlie  ftimily.  At  the  ex- 
piration of  the  time  agreed  on,  the  Indians  came  for  her 
in  order  to  return  with  them  to  the  cabin.  Eut  she 
•  pleaded  indisposition,  and  by  this  means  they  were  sev- 
eral times  dissuaded  from  taking  her  away. 

"  When  the  season  for  planting  approached,  Elizabeth 
made  use  of  a  little  artifice  in  order  to  prolong  her  stay 


KELKA8E   OP   KLIZAIJETH    PEART. 


366 


at  the  fort.  Having  a  small  swelling  on  her  neck,  she 
applied  a  poultice,  which  induced  the  Indians  to  think  it 
was  improper  to  remove  her,  so  they  consented  to  leave 
her,  and  proposed  coming  again  for  her  in  two  weeks.  It 
should  have  been  mentioned  that  her  child  was  given  up 
to  her  soon  after  her  arrival  at  the  fort,  where  she  con- 
tinued to  lodge  at  Capt.  Powell's— the  kindness  of  him 
^nd  his  wife  demands  her  acknowledgment  and  grateful 
remembrance.  *  *  At  the  time  ai)pointod,  some  of 
the  Indians  came  for  her  again,  but  she  still  feigned  ia- 
•disposition,  and  had  confined  herself  to  her  bed.  One  of 
the  Indian  women  had  interrogated  her  very  closely,  but 
did  not  insist  on  her  going  back  with  them.  In  this  way, 
several  months  elapsed;  she  contriving  delays  as  often 
as  they  came  for  her.  She  continued  at  the  fort  until  the 
vessel  was  ready  to  sail,  that  was  to  convey  the  prisoners 
to  Montreal,  among  whom  were  her  husband  and  child. 
The  officers  at  the  fort  permitted  her  to  go  on  board  with 
the  rest.  At  Montreal,  the  prisoners  were  visited  by '  one 
Thomas  Gomerson,  (Gumersal.)  who  hearing  of  the  cap- 
tives, came  to  see  them.'  "  This  is  the  person  whose  state- 
ment regarding  his  agency  in  the  flight  of  Sir  John  John- 
son, from  Johnstown,  was  made  in  1776.  It  is  said  "  he 
had  been  educated  among  the  Friends,  and  after  he  ar- 
rived at  manhood,  had  been  a  merchant  in  New  York. 
He  also  had  traveled  as  companion  to  Kobert  Walker,  a 
ministering  Friend  from  England,  in  his  religious  visits 
to  Friends  in  America,  about  the  year  1773.  But,  upon 
the  commencement  of  the  Revolutionary  war,  he  had  de- 
viated from  his  peaceful  principles  and  profession,  and 
had  now  lost  all  the  appearance  of  a  Friend,  so  as  even 
to  wear  a  sword,  *  *  but  he  behaved  respectfully  to- 
•wards  the  prisoners,  and  made  Elizabeth  a  present." 


,#1 

»l 


'  ^  '!f  if 


ipi  li!(j 


f&^ 


896 


DISTORT  or   BUFFALO. 


Two  of  tbo  captives,  Abner  Gilbert,  and  Elizabetb  Gil- 
bert, aged  respectively,  the  former  fourteen,  and  the  lat- 
ter twelve  years,  were  separated  from  the  rest  of  the  cap- 
tives, on  their  arrival  in  the  vicinity  of  Fort  Niagara,  and 
adopted  into  the  family  of  John  Iluston,  one  of  the 'cap- 
tors.    John  Iluston,  bis  family,  and  tbo  two  captives,  re- 
moved to  a  place  near  the  great  Falls  of  Niagara,  which 
is  about  eighteen  miles  from  the  fort.     Here  they  loitered 
three  days  more  ;  they  then  crossed  the  river  and  settled 
near  its  banks.    Their  first  business  at  this  new  settle- 
ment was  to  clear  a  piece  of  land,  and  prepare  it  for  being 
planted  with  Indian  corn,  and  this  was  done  with  hoes 
only  ;  so  that  it  was  three  weeks  before  the  planting  was 
done.     While  the  crop  was  growing,  they  had  to  depend 
principally  on  the  fort  for  a  supply  of  provisions.    After 
remaining  hero  about  three  weeks,  they  packed  up  their 
moveables,  (which  they  generally  carry  with  them  in 
their  rambles,)  and  went  down  the  river  to  Butlersbury, 
a  small  village  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river  from  Ni- 
agara Fort.    They  staid  but  one  night  at  this  village,  ta- 
king great  care  that  none  of  the  white  people  should  con- 
verse  with  the  prisoners.     Next  day,  after  transacting 
their  business,  they  returned  to  their  settlement,  and  con- 
tinued there  only  a  week,  before  they  concluded  that  they 
must  go  again  to  Butlersbury.     *    *    In  the  morning, 
the  whole  family,  and  John  Huston's  brother,  went  on  to 
Butlersbury,  and  arrived  there  before  night.     They  all 
went  to  the  house  of  an  Englishman  named  John  Secord, 
who  was  styled  brother  to  John  Huston,  as  he  had  lived 
with  him  sometime  before.     After  some  deliberation,  it 
was  agreed  that  Elizabeth  Gilbert,  junior,  should  continue 
in  John  Secord's  family,  until  she  was  sent  for  by  the  In- 


OAPTIVITY  OF  THE  GILBERT  FAMILY. 


367 


dians.  *  *  Abner  Gilbert  returned  from  Butlerabury 
with  the  Indians  to  their  settlement,  whore  his  business 
was  to  fence  and  take  care  of  the  cornfield.  *  *  They 
contmued  at  their  settlement  until  the  fall  of  the  year 
and  as  it  was  not  far  distant  from  the  fort,  they  could 
easily  apply  there  for  provisions,  So  they  were  not  so 
much  distressed  for  provisions  between  the  failing  of  their 
old  crop  and  the  gathering  of  the  new  one,  as  those  who 
lived  at  a  greater  distance  from  the  fort." 

In  the  spring  of  1781,  » the  family  removed  about  forty 
miles  and  encamped,  in  order  for  a  new  settlement  near 
iiuftalo  Creek,  which  empties  into  lake  Erie.  As  they  in- 
ended  this  for  their  summer  residence,  they  went  to  work 
to  clear  a  piece  of  land,  and  when  prepared,  they  planted 
It  with  Indian  corn,  pumpkins,  and  squashes.  At  this 
place  Abner  Gilbert  heard  of  his  sister  Rebecca,  who  still 
remained  in  captivity,  and  lived  not  far  from  this  new 
settlement,  but  it  does  not  appear  that  he  had  liberty  to 
visit  her.    *    *  "^ 

Thomas  Peart  having  obtained  his  release  from  the  In- 
dians, he  and  Capt.  Powell,  with  several  others,  came 
among  the  Indian  settlements  with  provisions  and  hoes 
to  distribute  among  them.  The  news  of  their  cominj 
8oon  spread  among  the  Indians,  and  the  chiefs  of  every 
tribe  came  to  receive  their  shares.  For  this  purpose,  they 
each  brought  as  many  little  sticks  as  there  were  persons 
in  their  tribes,  to  express  the  number  of  each,  in  order  to- 
obtain  a  just  and  equal  proportion  of  the  provisions  and 
Hoes,  that  were  to  be  distributed.    *    * 

In  the  7th  month,  1781,  the  Indian  family  again  went 
to  Butlersbury,  for  the  purpose  of  trading  and  getting  a 
supply  of  provisions.    While  there,  Col.  Butler  treated 


868 


III8T0UY  OF   lJUFKAI-0. 


with  tlio  Indian  woman,  who  was  the  head  of'tlio  family, 
for  tho  release  of  Ahner,  which  she  at  length  consented 
to,  on  receiving  some  i)re8ent8;  but  she  said  ho  inuat  re- 
turn homo  with  hor,  and  she  would  deliver  him  up  in 
twenty  days.  After  they  returned  to  their  settlement, 
(at  Huftalo  Creek,)  she  told  Abner  that  ho  was  to  be  giy- 
en  up  to  Col.  Butler.     ^      * 

Some  days  before  the  time  agreed  upon,  they  proceeded 
to  Hutlersbury,  and  went  to  tho  house  of  John  Secord, 
where  his  sister  Elizabeth  liad  remained  ever  since  the 
time  mentioned  in  tho  early  i)art  of  this  narmtive. 

Abner  Gilbert  was  delivered  up  by  tlic  Indians   accor- 
ding to  contract,  soon  after  they  arrived  at  tho  EnglisJi 
village;  and  John  Secord   permitted  him  to  live   in  his 
family  with  his  sister.     With  this  family  they  continued 
about  two   weeks ;  and  as  they  were  under  the   care  of 
the  English  oflicers,  they  were  allowed  to  draw  clothing 
and  provisions  from  the  King's  stores.      Afterward  Ben- 
jamin Peart  and  his  brother  Thomas  who  were   both  re- 
leased, came  over  tho  river  to  John  Secord's  for  Abner 
and  Elizabeth,  and  took  them  to  Capt,  Powell's  at  tho  fort 
that  they  might  be  nearer  tho  vessel  in  which  they  were 
to  sail  for  Montreal  with  four  of  the   other  captives  who 
had  been  released  where  they  subsequently  arrived  as  has 
been  already  related. 

The  following  leiter  of  Col.  Guy  Johnson  was  written 
at  this  period,  and  is  inserted  as  part  of  the  history  of 
•current  events  : 

COL.  QVY  JOHNSON  TO  LORD  GERMAIN. 


"Niagara,  Oct.  11th,  1781. 
My  Lord  :— 1  had  the  honor  to  address  your  Lordship 


m  :f> 


COL.  GUY  JOHNSON 'h  IlKI'OUT. 


360 


by  letter  tl.o  20tl,  of  November  lust,  and  iuivinr.  since  fVo- 
quoMt  cumimmicatio.is  with  his  oxeelloncy,  Gen.  Ilaldi- 
raarul,  who  wouhl  doubtless  irdor.u  your  Lordship  of  nny 
thing  .nuteriul  in  njy  department,  I  have  deferred  wri- 
ting till  this  season  when  military  o])eration8  are  nearly 
at  an  end  in  this  quarter. 

"The  transactions  of  the  ])rcsent  year,  and  the  pro- 
ceedmgs  of  my  Indian  parties,  correspond  in  many  re- 
spects  with  the  last,  and  the  Pettito  Guerro  (small  war) 
in  these  parts,  have  never  appeared  to  mo  to  be  of  suffi- 
cient imj)ortance  to  lay  a  minute  detail  of  them  before 
your  Lordshij). 

"  The  Si.x  Nations  Confederacy  have,    hov-over,  more 
than  over  distinguished   themselves  this   year  in  several 
smart  actions  with  the  rebels,  in  which  through  the  good 
conduct  of  the  Indians  and  of  my  officers,  they  have  every 
tuno  been  successful,  and  in  several  different  actio;is  have 
kdled  and  taken  several  noted  partisans,  and  laid  waste  a 
country  abounding  in  supplies   fur  the  rebels,  which  has 
compelled  the  latter  to  contract  their  frontiers,  and  confine 
themselves  within   little  forts.      A  large   detachment  is 
lately  gone  with  a  body  of  troops   ordered  on  service  by 
the   Commander-in-chief,   and  I  have    just   sent  off  two 
large  parties  to  co-operate  with  them.    In  a  former  letter 
I  informed  your  Lordship  of  having  prevailed  on  many 
of  the  Indians  (who  for  their  fiuthful  services  and  suffer- 
ings, expected  to  be  maintained  here  during  the  war)  to 
go  upon  planting  grounds  at  convenient  distance  from 
hence,  and  the  great  expense  and  difficultv  attending  the 
transportation  ofprovisions  to  this  post  having  made  it 
necessary  to  get  as  many  as  possible  to  withdraw,  I  have 
been  indefatigable  in  my  endeavors  for  that  purpose,  and 
^4 


it' 


m 


in. 


(Ir  ■■  *]'< 


«i  ]  Hi 


370 


HISTORY  OF  BUFFALO, 


can  now  assure  your  Lordship  that  1  have  re-established 
near  four  thousand  of  them,  though  at  much  expense,  as 
by  the  destruction  of  their  country  in  1779,  they  were  in 
want  of  everything,  and  their  demands  greatlyjincreased; 
but  by  settling  them,  I  have  not  only  reduced  the  con- 
sumption of  provisions,  but  also  of  all  other  expenses, 
which  will  in  future  be  very  low.     *    * 

"  Some  endeavors  have  been  made  lately  by  the  rebels 
to  draw  them  into  a  neutrality,  which  most  of  them  dis- 
dain. 1  hope  shortly  to  put  an  end  to  such  attempts,  as 
well  as  to  reconcile  the  Indians  to  the  plan  of  economy 
now  entered  upon,  for  reducing  expenses,  which  howev- 
er enormous,  was  for  a  time  unavoidable.  The  accom- 
plishing this,  will  afford  me  much  satisfaction,  for  the 
expenses  which  were  only  occasional,  before  they  were 
drawn  out  of  their  country,  and  whilst  they  lived  at  con- 
siderable distance,  increased  so  much,  by  their  residence 
here,  as  to  require  immediate  attention. 

"  Some  of  the  principal  chiefs  now  here,  request  that  I 
should  make  favorable  mention  of  their  zeal,  and  fidelity 
to  his  Majesty,  which  I  constantly  tell  them  is  done,  as 
every  such  assurance  is  very  flattering  to  them,  and  in- 
deed their  conduct  deserves  it,  having  seldom  less  than 
five  hundred  on  service,  who  are  generally  successful, 
without  cruelty. 

".  As  the  Commander-in-chief  is  fully  acquainted  with 
the  state  and  service  of  my  department,  it  is  needless  for 
me  to  add  more  than  that  I  run  with  very  great  respect, 
your  Lorship's  most  obedient,  and  most  humble  servant, 

G.  JOHNSON." 


m^^ 


CHAPTER    XXIV 


% 


Most  of  the  inembers  of  the  Gilbert  family  were  brought 
to  T^iagava  and  its  vicinity.    The  Indians  see.n  to  have 
had  their  residence  on  and   near  the  Niagara  river  be- 
ween  Schlosser  and  Fort  Niagara,  where  they  had  loca- 
ted themselves  after  their  expulsion   from  their  settle- 
ments by  Gen.  Sullivan's  expedition  ;  some  of  the  cap- 
tives were  taken  to  Genesee  river,  upon  the  head  waters 
of  which  some  settlements  had  been  made.     Two  places 
are  mentioned  in  the  narrative,  one  called  Caracadera 
and  the  other  Nundow.    The  settlements  made  during 
iiHO-l,  at  these  places  as  well  as  at  Buffalo  Creek    Cat- 
taraugus a  eek    Allegany,  &c.,  were  made  in  pursuance 
ofthepohcy  shadowed  forth  in  the  official  correspond- 
ence of  Col.  Guy  Johnson,  already   noticed.      It  would 
seem  that  Col.  John  Butler  with  his  followers,  includin.. 
his  Rangers,  and  a  large  number  of  tories  with  their  fain- 
ilies  had  settlea  upon  the  opposite  side  of  the  river  from 
Fort  Niagara,  and  the   village  thus   formed  was   called 
Eutlersbury."    The  names  of  several  of  the  inhabi- 
tants of  the  place  in  1780-1,  are  given  in  the  Gilbert 
narrative,  many  of  which  will  sound  familiar  to  those  ac- 
quainted on  the  Canadian  frontier  forty  years  a^o     The 
jurisdiction  over  the  territory  here  was  still  claimed  by 


37!i 


1II8T0KY  OF  BUFFALO. 


theEnghsh,  ana  the  Indians  came  here  under  the  patron- 
age  of  the  English  government.    The  settlement  of  the  In 
d.ans  at  Bnffalo  Creek  drew  along  with  them,  the  Indian 
traders  and  other  white  n.en,  who  had   identified  them- 
selves with  the  I^ulians;  and  it  is  easy  to  see  that  the 
first  wdjxte  settlers  were  ofa  very  mixed  charaeter.   P.es 
ident  Bwight  said  of  the  inhabitants  of  Bnffalo  in  1804  • 
Ihe  inhabitants  are  a  casual   collection  of  adventu" 
rers  ;  and  have  the  usual  character  of  such   adventurers 
■thus  col  ected,  wlien  remote  from  regular  society,  retain^ 
ing  but  httle  sense  of  government  or  religion." 

It  will  be  remembered  that  two  sons   of  Sir  William 
■Johnson  by  Molly  Brant,   had   accompanied  Col.   G  " 
•Johnson  to  Canada  in  1775.      We  occasionally   hear  i' 
•them  as  ofhcers  in  the  connnand  of  small  parties  of  In- 
•dmns,  or  serving  in  some  more  subordinate  capacity  un- 
^derthe  command  of  others.    The  Lieut.  Johnson  spoken 
ou.  the  Gilbert  mrrative  as  visiting  the  Senecas  wi 
other  Bnfsh  officers,  in  the  first  settlement  of  the  Indl 
atBuft^do  Creek  ,n  1781,  was  nnquestionably  one  of  those 
OS     Their  names  were  William  and  Peter.    The  latter 
had  been  chosen  by  the  Indians  who  were  with  Col.  John- 
son  m  Canada,  as  their  commander.      The  former  is  the 
one  who  came  to  reside  with  the  Senecas   subsequent  to 
1781.     He  had-alhed  himself  to  the  Senecas  probably  by 
marnage,  and  had  been  adopted  by   them   as  was  theh- 
custon.     He  had   the  influence   and   address,  to  obtain 
liom  the  Senecas  a  conveyance  of  all  the  lands  at  the 
mouth  of  Bnffalo  Creek,  including  of  course  the  lands  ^p 
on  which  our  city  stands  ;  and  he  was  sustained  with 
.uch  pertinacity  by  the  Indians  in  that  claim,  although 
-not  recognized  by  law,  that  the  Holland  land  company 


WILLIAM  JOHNSON  CLAIMS    HUFFALO.  375' 

When  they  camo  to  exercise  their  right   to  the  land,  they 
had  purchased  of  Robert  Morris,  including  the  land  upon 
which  our  city  is  built,  that  they  M-ere  obliged  to  make 
terms  wath  Johnson,  by  buying  his  claim  also.    This  was- 
paid  for  m  part  by  a  deed  to  Johnson,  of  forty   acres   of 
land  now  in  the  lieartof  the  city,   bounded  north  bv  Sen- 
littler^  Tn  '",  ^'-^^'^"^Ston  street,  south  by  the  (then) 
l.ttle  Buffalo  Creek,  now  the  Hamburgh  Canal,  extend- 
ing east  far  enough  to  make  forty  acres  which  carriedthe 
eastern  boundary  beyond  what  is   now  Michigan  street. 
The  company  also  conveyed  to  Johnson  other  lands  upon 
iMiffalo  Creek,  besides  making  him  other  compensation. 
Wilham  Johnson  (or  Johnston  as  itappears  he  wrote  his 
name)  had  a  son  John,  who  married  a  daughter  of  one  of 
the  earliest   settlers  in  Buffalo,  as  will  be  related  when 
the  period  in  which  it  occurs  comes  under  observation. 

iiie  Indians  although  driven  to  seek  shelter  and  pro^ 
tection  under  the  walls  ofFort  Niagara,  by  the  expedi- 
tion of  Gen.  Sullivan,  no  sooner  than  he  had  left  the  coun- 
try began  to  make  warlike  excursions  in  small  parties  to 
different  points  of  the  frontier  settlements,  killino-  and 
capturing  all  that  fell  in  their  way,  without  distinction  of 
age  or  sex.  Early  in  the  year  1780,  the  Oneidas  were 
attacked,  and  their  village,  their  castle,  and  their  church 
were  utterly  destroyed,  and  they  were  driven  to  seek 
shelter  within  the  white  settlements. 

A  party  under  Brant,  consisting  of  Indians  and  tories 
destroyed  Ilarpersfield,  and  took  Capt.  Alexander  Har- 
per and  ten  others  prisoners.  Harper  was  well  acquaint- 
ed with  Brant,  who,  upon  recognizing  him,  said  Harper- 
lam  sorry  to  find  you  liere ;  why  are  you  sorry,  Capt. 
Brant,  replied  Harper  ;  because,  said  Brant,  I  must  kill 


» i'l' 


iik 


374 


HISTOItY   OF   BUFFALO. 


you,  although  we  were  schoolmates  in  our  youth.  The 
threat  was  not  immediately  put  in  execution,  but  the 
prisoners  were  shut  up  in  a  pen  of  logs,  and  gua  Jed  by 
the  tones,  during  the  night.  The  question  whether  they 
should  be  put  to  death  or  carried  to  Niagargi,  was  dis- 
cussed, and  the  latter  finally  agreed  upon. 

In  the  morning  Brant  informed   Capt.  Harper  that  he 
and  his  companions  should  be  spared,   on   condition   of 
their  accompanying  him  to  Niagara  ;  and  they  immedi- 
ately  commenced  their  journey.    Their  route  lay   alono- 
the  road  travelled  by  Sullivan's  expedition  the  year  be"- 
fore  ;  they  suffered  greatly  for   the   want   of  provisions, 
neither  warriors  nor  prisoners  had  more  than  a  handful! 
of  corn  each  i)er  day  ;  and  they  were  forced  to  feed  upon 
the  remains  of  ahorse  which  had  been  left  by  Sullivan's 
expedition,  and  had   perished  from   the  severity  of  the 
winter.    They  procured  a  fine  fat  horse  at  Genesee  river 
which  was   immediately  killed,   dressed,  and  devoured 
among  the  famishing  company,   which   was   eaten  with 
great  relish  by  all  the  company,  although  ec-^ten   without 
bread  or  salt.    The  prisoners  fared  just  as   well  as  the 
warriors.     On  arriving  at  Genesee  river,  Brant  sent  on  a 
messenger  to  Niagara,   to  apprise  of  his   approach,  and 
the  number  of  his  prisoners.      But  this  was  not  all  the 
object  of  sending  the   messenger  forward.      Miss  Jane 
Moore  the  Cheriy  Valley  prisoner,   whose   marriaije  to 
Capt.  Powell  at  Fort  Niagara,   has   already   been   men- 
tioned,  was  a  neice  of  Capt.   Harper,  a  fact   known  to 
Brant.     Harper  however  knew  nothing  of  her   marriage 
or  even  of  her  being  at  Niagara.  Brant  was  anxious  to  save 
Capt.  Harper  from  the  cruel  ordeal  of  running  the  gauiit- 
lett.     He  therefore  despatched  a  runner  with  a  inessarre 


:ious  to  save 


CAPT.  Powell's  artifice. 


375 


to  Capt.  Powell,  advising  of  his  api^roach,  and  asking  his 
aid  in  accomplishing  his  desire. 

Capt  Powell  managed  to  have  the  Indians  enticed 
away  from  the  neighborliood  of  the  fort,  wliere  they  were 
encamped,  to  the  landing  about  nine  miles  distant,  for  a 
frolic,  the  means  for  holding  which,  it  is  said,  were  sup- 
plied out  of  the  public  stores,  and  upon  emerging  from 
the  woods,  and  approaching  the  first  Indian  encampment, 
the  prisoners  were  agreeably  surprised  at  finding  the  In- 
dian warriors  absent  from   the  encampment,  and  their 
place  supplied  by  a  regiment  of  British  soldiers.    There 
were  only  a  few  boys  and  a  few  old  women  in  the  camp, 
and  these  oflfered  no  violence  to  the  prisoners,  excepting 
one  of  the   squaws,   who   struck  a  young  man  named 
Patchin,  over  the  head  with  a  club,  which  caused  the 
blood  to  flow   pretty  freely.      But  the  second  encamp- 
ment, lying  nearest  the  fort,  and  usually  occupied  by  the 
fiercest  and  most  savage  of  the  Indian  warriors,  was  yet 
to  be  passed.     But  here  too,  the  Indiana  were  gone,  and 
another  regiment  of  troops  were  paraded  in  two  parallel 
lines  to  protect  the  prisoners.    Patchin  howevei-,  received 
another  severe  blow  in  this  camp,  and  a  young  Indian 
aimed  a  blow  at  him  with  a  tomahawk,  but  as  he  raised 
his  arm,  a  soldier  snatched  the  weapon  from  his  hand 
and  threw  it  into  the  river.    The  prisoners  were  thus 
brought  into  the  fort  almost  unscathed,  and  had  cause  of 
gratitude  at  their  unexpected  deliverance  from  the  fearful 
and  bloody  ordeal  through  which  they  had  expected  to 
be  called  to  pass,  and  Capt.  Harper,  in  particular,  met 
with  an  altogether  unexpected  source  of  pleasure,  in  meet- 
ing his  niece.  Miss  Jane  Moore,  now  Mrs.  Capt.  Powell. 
Tl'o  character  of  Jane  Moore  shines  out  with  a  brilliant 


tP  f  il 


Hi 


376 


HISTORY  OF  BUFFALO. 


f   ^ 


lusture  in  the  history  of  tlio  transactions  of  this  period. 
The  M'omanlj  sympathy,  and  persevering  exertions  in  be- 
half of  the  helpless  prisoners  of  all  classes,  in  which  she 
seems  to  have  been  seconded  by  her  noble  husband,  Capt. 
Powell,  entitle  her  name  to  a  record  on  the  roll  of  fame, 
with  that  of  the  noblest  patriots,  the  bravest  heroes,  and 
the  purest  of  philanthropists.     Prompted  by  her  untiring 
zeal,  her  husband  visited  the  prisoners  among  the  Sene- 
cas,  at  Buffalo  Creek,  several  times  during  the  time  they 
remained  there,  not  only  to  encourage  them  by  his  coun- 
sel and  sympathy,  but  to  administer  to  their  necessities, 
and  to  procure  their  release ;  which  was  ultimately  ac- 
complished, mainly  through  his  efforts,  assisted  by  other 
officers  at  the  fort,  which  the  example  and  interest  of 
Jane  Moore,  the  Cherry  Valley  captive  Iiad  influenced  to 
co-operate  in  this  work  of  mercy. 

The  release  of  Rebecca  Gilbert,  and  Benjamin  Gilbert, 
Jr.,  the  young  girl  and  boy  who  were  brought  to  Buffalo 
Creek  by  the  family  of  "  Old  King,"  was  not  effected 
until  the  6th  of  June,  1782,  and  is  thus  described  in  the 
narrative :  »  As  the  time  approached,  when  according  to 
agreement,  the  Indians  were  to  return  to  Niagara,  and 
deliver  up  the  captives,  they  gave  Rebecca  Gilbert  the 
pleasing  information,  in  order  to  allow  her  some  time  to 
make  preparation  for  the  journey,  and  also  for  the  enjoy- 
ment of  her  freedom.    So  she  made  a  quantity  of  bread 
for  them  to  eat  on  the  way,  with  groat  cheerfulness.     On 
this  occasion,  about  thirty  of  the  Indians  set  out  to  go  to 
Niagara  fort  with  the  two  captives.     They  went  as  far  as 
fort  Slusher  in  bark  canoes,  the  remainder  of  the  way 
they  went  slowly  on  foot ;  so  that  it  was  several  days  be- 
fore they  reached  Niagara.    AVhen  they  arrived,  they 


KESUKII'TION  OF  FOKT  NIAGARA. 


37T; 


went  to  Col.  Eutlei-'s,  and  held  a  conference  on  the  occa- 
sion ;  and  at  length,  in  consideration  of  some  valuable 
presents  that  were  made  them,  they  released  the  last  two 
of  the  Gilbert  captives,  namely,  liebecca  Gilbert,  and 
Benjamin  Gilbert,  Jr.  As  speedily  as  it  could  be  accom- 
plished, their  Indian  dress  was  exchanged  for  the  custom- 
ary clothing  of  the  white  people,  by  whom  they  were 
kindly  entertained  and  provided  for--and  on  the  3d  day 
of  the  6th  month,  1782,  two  days  after  their  happy  re- 
lease from  upwards  of  two  years  captivity ,  they  sailed  for 
Montreal,  in  order  to  join  with  the  others  who  had  ob- 
tained their  liberty  as  before  mentioned."* 

Fort  Niagara  is  described  at  this  period,  as  being  a. 
structure  of  considerable  magnitude,  and  great  strength ;, 
enclosing  an  area  of  from  six  to  eight  acres.    Within  the 
enclosure  was  a  handsome  dwelling  house  for  the  resi- 
dence of  the  Superintendent  of  the  Indians.     It  was  then 
occupied  by  Col.  Guy  Johnson,  who  held  that  office. 
Col.  Butler  and  his  Kangers  lay  upon  the  opposite  or 
northern  side  of  the  river.    Col.  Guy  Johnson  is  described 
as  a  stout,  short,  pursy  man,  about  forty  years  of  age,  of 
stern  countenance  and  haughty  demeanor,  dressed  in  a 
British  uniform,  powdered  locks,  and  a  cocked  hat.    His 
voice  was  harsh,  and  his  speech  betrayed  evidence  of  his 
Irish  extraction. 

^  The  same  authority  (Capt.  Snyder,)  says  of  Brant  at  this- 
time:  "He  was  a  likely  fellow,  of  a  iierce  aspect,  tall, 
and  rather  spare,  well  spoken,  and  apparently  about  thir- 
ty (forty)  years  of  age.  He  wore  moccasins  elegantly 
trimmed  with  beads,  leggins,  and  breech  cloth,  of  super- 
fine blue,  short  green  coat,  witli  two  epaulets,  and  a. 


*Gilbcrt  Narrative,  p.  155. 


ft:  .    t 


•'    111    ■     -1    \ 

%  %:■  1 : 

378 


HISTORY   OF   BUFFALO. 


small,  luccd  round  l.at ;  by  his  side  hung  an  elegant  sil- 
ver mounted  cutlass,  and  his  blanket  of  blue  cloth,  pur- 
posely dropped  on  the  chair,  on  which  ho  sat,  to  display 
liis  epaulets,  was  gorgeously  decorated  with  a  border  of 
red."* 

Col.  Stone,  in  his  "  Life  of  Brant,"  has  evidently  either 
mistaken  the  true  character  and  position  of  Bi-ant,  or 
made  him  too  much  a  hero.     It  is  very  evident  that  he 
did  not  possess  those  elements  of  character  which  consti- 
tute  greatness  in  the  eyes  of  uncivilized  men.    His  im- 
portance and  conceded  influence,  mther  grew  out  of  those 
qualities  which  civilized  man  approves  and  admires.    Or 
rather  ho  had  influence  with  the  Indians,  because  they  sup- 
posed he  had  influence  with  white  men.     He  could  be 
useful  to  them,  because  he  was  civilized  and  associated 
with  civilized  people,  but  in  those  traits   of  character 
which  constitute  greatness  in  the  eyes  of  Indians,  Brant 
does  not  seem  to  have  been  eminent.    He  had  more 
showy,  than  substantial  qualities ;  all  accounts  of  him 
seem  to  indicate  this.    That  he  was  a  gentleman  in  his 
manners  and  address,  and  kind  and  humane  in  his  dispo- 
sition, IS  also  apparent.     He  was  probably  superior  to 
most  ot  those  around  him  in  this  respect,  when  the  obser- 
vations above  were  made. 

Thedifiiculty  of  sustaining  such  a  body  of  Indians  as 
Had  concentrated  at  Niagara,  led  to  active  efl^brts  on  the 
part  of  the  officers  at  that  post,  under  instructions  from 
the  British  government,  to  induce  the  Senecas  to  settle 
upon  lands  which  they  might  cultivate,  and  by  that  means, 
tui^msh  their  own  subsistence.    They  appear  to  have  been 

*S«<o  Narrative  of  Capt.  Snyder,  by  C.  11.  Dewitt,  Esq. 


SK'n-LKM^NT  OF  TJIK  INDIANS  AT  UUFFALO  CRK1:K.        379 

located  at  Buffalo  Creek,  Cattarangus  Creek,  Allegany, 
Nunda,  and  at  two  or  three  points  on  the  Genesee  river 
and  at  Tonawanda  Creek.     The  Mohawks  were  settled 
upon  the  Grand  river  in  Canada.    They  all  of  course 
looked  to  the  British  government  for  support,  and  ex- 
pected to  bo  sustained  at  these  settlements  by  material 
aid,  and  in  general,  some  officer,  or  agent,  of  the  govern- 
ment, resided  at  the  principal  points  of  these  settlements 
It  would  seem  that  William  Johnson  came  to  reside  at 
Buffalo  Creek,  in  that  capacity,  and  exercised  considera- 
ble  influence  over  the  Indians.     But  tliis  influence,  like 
that  of  Brant's,  was  awarded  him  on  account  of  his  use- 
fulness to  the  Indians  in  their  communications  and  inter- 
course with  the  whites,  rather  than  for  the  qualities  which 
commanded  influence  among  the  Indians  themselves. 

It  was  said  of  Molly  Brant,  that  she  had  her  children 
educated  quite  equal  to  the  children  of  the  best  families 
of  the  whites  in  the  valley  of  the  Mohawk,  at  that  day, 
and  Johnson  seems  to  have  been  a  leading  man  at  Buffa- 
lo Creek,  so  far  as  related  to  all  the  transactions  of  the 
Indians  with  the  whites  at  least,  for  many  years.    It  was 
stated  by  Cornplanter,  at  a  council  held  at'Canandaio-ua 
as  late  as  1794,  that  "  Johnson  had  the  care  of  tlie  Sene- 
cas  at  Buffalo  Creek,"  and  he  was  at  the  council  as  a  del- 
egate, by  their  invitation,  or  procurement.     But   Col. 
Pickering,  who  was  the  representative  of  the  government 
at  that  treaty,  treated  Johnson  «  as  a  British  spy,"  and 
he  was  compelled  to  retire  in  much  mortification.*  There 
are  some  letters  and  papers  to  which  his  sicrnature  is  at- 
tached, where  his  name  is  written  Johnston^,  but  it  is  no 

•See  journal  in  life  of  William  Savory,  p.  ]  16. 


i     IJ 


'^W 


I 


<  .>mi|ip,fl||j[ 

I' ■    'I ''•'!. 


880 


IIISTOBY   OF   nUFFALO. 


unusual  thing  for  members  of  the  same  family  to  spell 
their  names  differently.  This  has  however,  led  many  to 
suppose  that  this  was  evidence  that  the  "  Johnston  »  who 
resided  at  Buffalo  Creek,  with  the  Indians,  was  not  of  the 
lamily  of  Sir  AVilliam  Johnson. 

The  journal  of  William  Savery,  who  was  a  member  of 
a  delegation  of  Friends,  who  attended  the  treaty  at  Can- 
andaigua,  by  appointment,  is  interesting,  and  that  part 
of  It  which  relates  to  Johnson,  is  inserted  here: 

JOURNAL  OF   WM.   SAVERY,  1794,    WHO   ATTENDED  AN  INDIAN 
COUNCIL   AT  CANANDAIOUA. 

"This  morning,  the  25th,  snow  was  seven  or  eight  in- 
ches deep,  and  having  been  out  in  it  yesterdav,  I  was  un- 
well.     Abundance  of  deer  are  killed  by  the  Indians,  per- 
haps not  less  than  one  hundred  to-day,  within  a  few  miles 
ofthis  place,  some  in  sight;  one  man  killed  three  in  a 
short  time.     A  man  named  Johnson,  having  arrived  two 
days  ago  from  Fort  Erie,  with  a  message  from  Captain 
Brant,  a  Mohawk  chief  of  the  Six  Nations,  assembled 
some  chiefs  yesterday,  and  delivered  it  to  them.    Beino- 
in  the  character  of  a  British  interpreter,  he  appeared  a't 
the  council  with  the  Indians  to-day,  and  seemed  very  in- 
timate with  them.     Cornplanter  rose  to  vindicate  his  com- 
mg,  being  privy  to  the  great  uneasiness  it  had  given  Col. 
Pickering;  he  expressed  his  surprise  that  ever  since  the 
conclusion  of  the  peace  with  the  British  nation,  such  an 
antipathy  had  existed,  that  the  United  States  and  the 
British  could  not  bear  to  sit  side  by  side,  in  treaties  held 
by  the  Indians.    He  said  Johnson  had  the  care  of  the 
Senecas  at  Buffalo  Creek,  and  had  brought  a  message  to 


COUNPLANTElt's   SPEECH. 


881 


the  Six  Nations,  assembled  at  this  council  fire,  from 
Brant,  wl.om  ho  left  with  Governor  Simcoe,  at  Fort  Erie  ; 
they  having  just  returned  together  troin  Detroit;  that 
when  he  went  some  time  ago  to  see  the  western  Indians, 
he  sat  in  council  with  the  Delawares,  Siiawnese,  Wyan- 
dots,  and  Miamis,  and  the  western  Indians  expressed 
great  joy  at  seeing  the  Six  Nations  represented  bv  him 
among  them  ;  they  told  him  lA  recollected  that  the  busi- 
ness  of  the  treaty  last  year  did  not  go  on,  but  the  fault 
^vaB  not  theirs,  it  was  that  of  other  people,  and  the  Indi- 
ans were  led  astray,  for  which  they  were  sorry.     The 
misfortunes  that  have  fallen  upon  them  were  very  heavy, 
•and  our  brothers,  the  British,  who  were  sitting  by,  gave' 
■lis  no  relief,     We  allow  you  who  are  listening  to  us,  to  be 
the  greatest,  we  will  therefore  hear  what  you  say.    We 
•desire  a  council  fire  may  be  kindled  at  Sandusky,  for  all 
^nations  of  Indians.     Capt.  Brant  sends  his  compliments 
to  the  chiefs  at  Canandaigua,  and  says  you  remember 
what  you   agreed  on   last  year,  and  the  line  we  then 
marked  out ;  if  this  line  is  complied  with,  peace  will  take 
place  ;  and  he  desires  us  to  mention  this  at  Canandaigua. 
After  the  council  at  Canada  is  over,  it  is  my  earnest  de- 
sire you  will  immediately  come  to  Buffalo  Creek,  and 
bring  Gen.  Chapin  with  you.     I  will  wait  here  till  your 
return. 

Col.  Pickering  rose  and  said,  he  was  sorry  anything 
should  happen  to  interrupt  this  council  fire,  but  it  is  now 
interrupted  by  the  coming  of  Johnson,  whom  he  consid- 
ered  as  a  British  spy,  and  that  his  being  here,  was  an  in- 
sult to  him,  to  their  friends,  the  Quakers,  and  to  the  fif- 
■teen  fires. 

•"That  the  intrusion  of  this  man  into  our  councils,  be- 


1    .iif 


i    V' 


^'  mi^ 


W" 


IMi 


383 


UISTORr  OF  UUFFALO. 


traycd  groat  hnpudonce,  nnd  was  a  proof  of  British  inso- 
loncc.     It  was  perhaps  as  well  that  there  was  no   council 
yesterday,  for  ho  could  not  my  how  far  the  first  emotions 
of  his  mind  at  seei-ig  this  follow  hero,  might  have  carried 
him;  ho  hoped  he  was  now  a  little  cool,   and   would  en- 
deavor to  moderate  his   expressions  as  much  as  he  was 
capahlo  of.      lie  begged  their   patience,   for  ho  mu.t  bo 
obliged  to  eay  a  great  doj^  to  inform  them  of  many  of  thu 
reasons  of  his  indignation  at  this  step  of  the  I^ritibh   gov- 
ernment,  and  why  it  was  totally  improper  to  go  on  with 
busmess  while  a  British  spy  was  presont     He  then  went 
into  a  very  lengthy  detail  of  tho  ill-treatment  of  that  gov- 
ernment to  tho  United  States,  for  several  years  past,  and 
concluded  with  saying  that  either  this  man  must  bo  sent 
back  to  those  wliosent  him,  or  he,  Col.  Pickering  would 
cover  up  tho  council  fire,  for  his  instructions   from  Gen. 
Washington  were,  to  suffer  no  British  agents  at  the  pres- 
ent treaty. 

"  The  Indians  appeared  in  amazement  at  tho  warmth 
with  which  the  Commissioner  delivered  himself,  and  said 
when  ho  sat  down,  tho  council  fire  grows  warm,  the 
sparks  of  it  fly  about  very  thick.  As  to  Johnson,  he  ap- 
peared  like  one  that  was  condemned  to  die,  and  now 
rose  and  loft  us. 

"The  Indians  requesting  we  would  withdraw  counseled 
among  themselves  about  half  an  hour,  and  sent  for  us 
again.  Cornplanter  rose  and  said  the  reason  why  the 
council  fire  has  not  been  uncovered  to-day  is  because  of 
a  British  man  being  prc^.:'nt.  It  was  r,in sod  by  us.  Wo 
requested  him  to  c^.m-.  uore  it  is  true,  but  the  fault  is  in 
the  white  people.  lam  very  much  surprised  and  de- 
ceived by  what  you  told  us  at  Fort  Stanwix,  when  you 


WILLIAM  BAVKBt's  JOUKNAL. 


383 


laid  before  U8  a  paper  which  coiitainod  the  terms  of  peace 
agreed  on,  between  you  and  the  Engllsli  nation  ;  and  told 
us  it  was  agreed  on  in  the  presence  of  the  Great  Spirit, 
and  under  His  influence.      We  now  discover  that  what 
the  commissioners  then  tohl  us  is  a  lie,   when  they   said 
they  made  the  chain  of  friendship  bright;  but  I  now  find 
there  has  been  antipathy  to  eacii  other  over  since.     Now 
our  sachems  and  warriors  say  what  shall  wo  do.      We 
will  shove  Johnson  off;  yet  this  is  not  agreeable  to  my 
mind,  for  if  I  had  kindled  the  council  fire,  I  would  suffer 
a  very  bad  num  to  sit  in  it,  that  he  might  be  made  bettor, 
but  if  the  peace  you  made  had  been  a  good  peace,  all  an- 
imosities would  have  beoa  done  away,   and  you   could 
then  have  sat  side  by  t,ide  in  council.     I  have  one  request 
to  make,  which  is  that  you  furnish  him   with   provisions 
to  carry  him  home. 

"The  courcil  having  sat  about  five  hours,  adjourned  till 
tomorrow.  We  dined  by  candlelight  with  the  commis- 
sioner and  about  fifteen  chiefs,  among  whom  were  Corn- 
planter,  Red-Jacket,  Little-Beard,  Bigs-ky,  Farmers- 
Brother,  Fiah-Carrier,  Little-Billy,  &c. 

''Many  repartees  of  the  Indians  which  Jones  interpreted 
manifested  a  high  turn  for  wit  and  humor.  Red  Jacket 
has  the  most  conspicuous  talent  that  way ;  he  is  a  man  of 
a  pleasing  countenance,  and  one  of  the  greatest  orators 
amongst  the  Six  Nations.  *  * 

"  26tii,  first  day.  The  council  being  assembled,  the 
first  business  was  the  preparation  uf  a  letter  which  the 
Indians  having  got  prepared  since  yesterday,  they  thought 
proper  for  the  connnissioner  to  see  it,  as  they  intended  to 
send  it  by  Johnson  to  Capt.  Brant.  The  contents  of  it 
were  not  altogether  agreeable  to  the  commissioner.   They 


SHl« 


•381 


niSTORY   Oi;'   BUFFALO. 


Bli' 


expressed  their  sorrow  that  Johnson    could  not  be   per- 
mitted to  staj,  tlie  reasons  for  wliich  he  would   doubtless 
inform  tnem  >vhen  he  got  home.     It  assured  Brant  that 
they  were  determined  to  insist  on  the  line  agreed  to  last 
year,  and  expressed  the  6en:.o  they  now  had,   that  they 
M^ere  a  poor  despised,  though  an  independent  people,  and 
were  brought  into  buffering  by   the   two  white  nations, 
striving  who  should  be  greatest.  The  Indians  were  pretty 
high  to-day,  and  little  was  done  but  clearing   up  some 
misunderstanding  respecting  the  cause"  why  the  treaty 
was  not  held'at  Buffalo  Creek  agreeably  to  the  Indians 
request;  the  disposition  of  the  Senecas"  appeared  rather 
more  unc-mproniising  than  heretofore.  *  * 

"28th  -  *  lesterday  many  of  the  chiefs  and  wamors 
were  very  an  easy  at  Cornplanter's  frequent  private  visits 
to  the  commissioner,  and  Little  Billy   spoke  roughly  to 
him,  told  him  he  should  consider  who  he   was,  that  he 
yas  only  a  var  chief,  and  it  did  not  become  him  to  be  so 
forward  as  he  appeared  to  be ;  it  was  the  business  of  the 
sachems  more  than  his  to  conduct  the  treaty.     He  (Corn- 
planter)  told  ti^  am' he   had  exerted   himself  for  several 
years,  and  taken  a  great  deal  of  pains  for  the  good  of  the 
nation,  but  if  thiiy  had  no  further  occasion   for  him  he 
would  return  home,  and  he  really  intended  it ;  but  Col. 
Pickering  and  Gen.  Chapin  exerted  themselves  to  detain 
him.     The  dissatisfaction  of  the  Senecas  rose  so  high  that 
it  was  doubtful  whether  a  council  would  be  held   to-day 
but  about  three  o'clock  they  met,  Cornplanter  not  atten- 
ding." 

The  council  proceeded,  but  it  does  not  appear  that 
Cornplanter  participated  in  the  proceedings,  if  he  was 
>even  present     He  had  evidently  incurred  the  displeasure 


m 

K^H^^^B 

■ 

Wf'  ' 

JOSEPH   brant's   letter. 


38& 


of  some  at  least  oftlic  chiefs  of  las  own  party.  In  the 
progress  of  the  business,  Col.  Pickering  had  endeavored 
to  exonerate  Cornplanter  from  all  blame,  on  account  of 
^is  Visits  to  h,s  guests,  Ibr  the  Commissioner  had  invited 

to  hi  '  ''  w', V  """'  '"^  ^"n^ropriety  in  it,  he  alone  waa 
bl  me.  Wdha.n  Savery,  in  his  journal,  under  date  of 
lies  s^  says  "the  interpreter  says,  parties  rise  high 
agamst  Cornplanter,  that  he  is  in  a  difficult  situation  w' 
Ijis  nation ;  and  they  aro  not  able  to  conceive  what  he  has 
done  with  .gh  hmidred  dollars  received  in  Philadel  hi 

om  the  Pennsylvania  government,  and  what  induced 
the  government  to  give  him  fifteen  hundred  acres  of  land 
for  a  farm ;  these  things  have  created  jealousy  " 

Joseph  Erant,  like  Cornplanter,  was  recognised  by  the 
Indians  as  a  war  chief  only.  His  early  education  wal 
ess,  than  has  generally  been  supposed.  Indeed,  the  time 
he  spent  in  Dr.  Wheelock's  school,  was  insufficient^ 
give  him  only  a  very  superficial  knowledge,  of  even  the 
elementary  branches  of  education.    A  letter  of  his,  writ 

Tryon  County,"  shows  that  neither  in  his  chirography 
which  IS  copied,)  his  orthography,  or  his  comp^osiLn,' 
had  he  attained  to  a  mediocrity  of  proficiency.    The  fol 
lowing  is  a  copy  of  the  letter: 

Tunidilla,*  July  6,  1777 
Mr.  Carr,  Sir  :  I  understand  that  you  are  a  friend  to 
government  with  sum  of  the  settlers  at  the  Butternuts 
13  the  reason  of  my  applying  to  you  &  those  people  fo; 
siimj^rovision,  and  shall  be  glad  you  would  send 'me. 

"Unadilla. 
25 


:  ':« 


386 


HI8T0KY   OF   BUFFALO. 


what  you  can  spare  no  matter  what  sorte,  for  which  you 
shall  be  paid,  you  keeping  an  account  of  the  whole,  from 
your  friend  and  Hum.  Serv't, 

JOSEPH  BEANT. 
To  Mr.  Peksofeb  Cakr. 

Johnson,  being  a  nephew  of  Joseph  Brant,  was  in  con- 
stant and  intimate  communication  with  him,  and  althouo-h 
Brant  had  left  the  territory  of  the  United  States,  he  was 
in  intimate  communication  witli  that  portion  of  the  Six 
Nations  which  chose  to  remain  in  the  state  of  New  York 
hy  means  of  messengers  or  runners,  as  well  as  by  letters, 
which  he  made  the  means  of  communication  with  persons 
holding  official  relations  to  the  Indians,  and  by  this  means 
keeping  himself  "rectus  incuria"  with  them,  while  he 
was  in  quasi  hostility  to  the  government. 

'The  following  is  a  letter  written  by  him  to  Gov.  Geo. 
Clinton,  dated  Niagara,  18th  June,  1789 : 

■Sib  :  Having  before  written  to  some  of  your  principal 
people  on  the  subject  of  our  lands  at  Canajoharie,  which 
we  have  never  as  yet  had  any  answer  to,  probably  owing 
to  their  not  having  received,  having  a  safe  opportunity, 
beg  leave  to  mention  to  your  excellency,  we  are  informed 
a  Mr.  Clock  whom  we  found  troublesome  before  the  com- 
mencement of  the  late  war,  is  again  striving  to  take  ad- 
vantage of  us  in  order  to  deprive  us  of  our  right  in  that 
•part  of  the  country,  which  when  at  the  last  treaty  at  Fort 
Stanwix  in  ]  784,  you  was  with  a  number  more  of  your 
principal  people  kind  enough  to  assure  us,  as  our  lands 
were  not  confiscated  at  the  close  of  the  war,  we  should 
.not  be  deprived  of  our  right ;  we  therefore  look  up  to 


GOV.  CLINTON'S  ANSWER  TO  BBANT's  LETTER.  387 

your  excellency  for  justice  and  which  from  your  charac- 
ter we  have  no  doubt  but  we  will  obtain.    The  reason  of 
our  not  exerting  ourselves  relative  to  this  matter  before 
now  was  owing  to  our  being  employed  in  business  in  the 
different  parts  of  this  country,  being  obliged  to  attend  at 
the  different  treaties,  which  has  made  us  neglect  paying 
that  attention  to  our  private  concerns,  which  we  other 
wise  should  have  done.    From  the  great  scarcity  of  cattle 
at  present  amongst  us,  owing  to  our  having  lost  numbers 
this  last  winter,  we  would  wish  to  dispose  of  our  Canaio- 
harie  lands,  and  would  take  part  cattle  in  payment  and 
give  a  just  deed  of  the  same.     Your  Excellency  being  at 
the  head  of  the  State,  we  have  thought  proper  to  first  inen- 
tion  It  to  you  and  shall  wait  your  answer,  which  we  hoT.e 
will  be  soon,  that  an  end  may  be  put  to  the  business     I 
flatter  myself  we  will  give  you  every  satisfaction  in  any 
purchase  which  may  be  made  from  us,  as  what  we  our- 
selves do  we  shall  wish  to  abide  by.    I  have  the  honor  to 
be  your  most  ob'dt  Humb'l  Serv't, 

JOSEPH  BRANT. 
In  behalf  of  the  Mohawk  Nation,  Geo.  Clinton,  Esq 
<xovernor  of  the  State  of  New  York. 

The  following  answer  to  Brant's  letter,  was  returned  by 
Ctoy.  Clinton :  "^ 


Albany,  July  14th,  1789. 
bm :  I  have  received  your  letter  of  the  18th  June  last 
and  have  to  inform  you  in  answer  to  it,  the  lands  at  Can- 
ajohane  are  claimed  by  private  individuals,  many  oth- 
€rs,  as  well  as  Clock,  produce  deeds  from  the  Mohawk 
Nation,  for  different  parts  of  the  lands  there.    Whether 


I    :    I: 'I 


% 


388 


HISTOKY  OF  BUFFALO. 


these  deeds  were  foirly  obtained,  or  whether  the  lands 
there  remain  unsold,  I  am  not  able  to  determine.     Eut  if 
the  lauds  unsold  are  particularly  pointed  out  to  me,  I 
will  cause  an  inquiry  to  be  made  into  the  matter,  and  see 
that  the  Indians  have  all  the  justice  done  them  that  they 
have  any  right  to  expect.    It  is  unfortunate,  and  what  I 
could  not  have  expected,  after  the  explanation  which 
took  place  between  us  at  Fort  Stanwix,  that  the  Indians 
continue  to  treat  and  make  contracts  for  lands  with  indi- 
viduals,  without  the   consent  of  our  government    and 
against  our  laws ;  and  more  especially  as  this  conduct 
•never  fails  to  end  to  their  disadvantage  and  injury.    I 
have  only  to  add  that  I  shall  always  be  ready  with  the 
greatest  cheerfulness,  to  hear  and  redress  any  grievances 
the  Indians  within  this  State  may  have  cauee  to  complain 
of,  and  that  I  am  with  regard, 

Your  friend,  and  most  Obedient  Servant, 

GEO.  CLINTON. 
To  Capt.  Josepu  Beant. 

It  is  evident  by  this  reply  of  Gov.  Clinton,  to  the  letter 
of  Brant,  that  the  true  position  that  chief  and  the  Mo- 
hawks, whose  interest  he  assumes  to  represent,  held  in 
respect  to  the  government,  was  well  understood  by  him. 
His  .intimation  that  the  complaints  of  the  Indians  resi- 
ding within  this  State  would  at  all  times  receive  his  at- 
tention, is  significant.  Brant  however,  did  not  desist 
from  liis  efforts,  but  sent  a  lengthy  reply  to  the  Governor, 
not  only  to  the  subject  of  the  letter,  but  also  in  relation  to 
other  matters  of  complaint,  to  which  he  obtained  the 
names  of  nearly  forty  chiefs,  mostly  residing  at  Buffalo 
Creek.     Brant  himself  was  rather  reluctant  to  venture 


f''i 


JOSEPH   brant's   letter. 


389 


upon  this  side  of  the  lines  dividing  the  territory  of  the 
United  States  and  Canada,  after  the  close  of  the  war,  and 
It  is  probable  these  signatures  were  obtained  through  the 
agency  or  instrumentality  of  Johnson,  his  nephew.  It 
has  been  stated  that  Brant  did  not  like  to  visit  or  pass 
through  the  country  of  his  former  residence,  from  fear  of 
his  own  personal  safety. 

The  following  letter  exhibits  what  his  apprehensions 
were  on  this  subject  : 

Grand  River,  July  2d,  1797. 
"  Dear  Sir  :  It  is  some  time  since  I  received  your  let- 
ter, and  I  have  already  answered  it  by  way  of  Fort  Erie, 
hut  I  did  not  mention  in  it  the  particulars  of  my  jaunt 
to  the  States.     In  the  first  place,  I  met  with  a  very  cool 
reception,  insomuch  that  I  did  not  see  any  of  the  great 
men  of  Philadelphia.    I  suppose  by  this,  they  must  have 
forgot  tliat  I  was  a  yankee  when  I  was  there  before,  and 
also  at  the  last  meeting  we  had  at  the  foot  of  the  rapids, 
when  it  was  reported  among  you  gentlemen  of  the  Indian 
department,  tliat  I  was  favoring  the  yankee  interest.    I 
expected  they  might  have  paid  a  little  more  attention  to 
me,   after  the  great  service  you  supposed  I  had  done 
them.     I  was  greatly  insulted  on  the  road  between  Phil- 
adelphia and  Jersey,  by  a  yankee  Colonel,  whose  name  I 
don't  recollect,  insomuch  that  the  affair  was  nearlv  com- 
ing to  blows.      At  New  York  tliey  were  very  friendly, 
and  likewise  in  Connecticut  (in  New  Enghmd.)  they  were 
civil.     At  Albany  there  were  several  i)eople  who  tlireat- 
encd  to  kill  nie  behind  my  back;  so  that  the  great  men 
there  thought  it  necessary  to  send  a  man  with  me,  as  a 
protector,  to  tiie  end  of  the  settlement  at  German  Flatts. 


■Ifii 


W 


3^0  HISTORY  OF   BUFFALO. 

I  suppose  that  these  people  have  also  forgot  that  I  was  a 
yankee." 

Joseph  Brant  had  a  large  family  of  children,  and  two 
of  his  sons  seem  to  have  been  in  school  at  Dartmouth 
College.    In  his  correspondence  with  James  Wheelock, 
Esq.,  (son  of  the  Dr.  WheeloCk  of  Moor's  Charity  School,) 
in  1801:  some  of  the  letters  of  Brant  are  dated  at  Buffalo 
Creek,  but  most  of  his  letters  at  this  period  are  dated  at 
Grand  River,  (Brantford:)  showing  that  that,  was  his  resi- 
dence at  this  period.     He  subsequently  removed  to  what 
was  familiarly  called  "the  beach,"  at  the  head  of  lake 
Ontario,    The  beach  separates  Burlington  Bay  and  the 
lake.    Here  he^built  a  large  commodious  house,  and  hero 
he  closed  his  extraordinary  and  eventful  life,  on  the  24th 
of  November,  1807,  at.the  age  of  about  sixty-five  years. 
His  remains  were  interred  at  the  Mohawk  village  at  the 
Grand  river,  near  what  is  now  the  city  of  Brantford. 


CHAPTER   XXV. 


It  was  in  May  of  this  year,  1780,  that  Sir  John  John- 
son invaded  the  Mohawk  Valley  by  way  of  lake  Cham- 
plain  and  Crown  Point,  and  made'  an  effort  to  repossess 
himself  of  the  old  homestead  at  Johnstown.  It  was  in 
connection  with  this  expedition  that  the  name  of  the  cel- 
ebrated Seneca  chief  Cornplanter,  is  first  mentioned.  He 
is  said  to  have  been  the  leader,  or  one  of  the  leaders,  of 
the  Seneca  warriors  in  that  expedition  ;  and  it  was  on 
this  occasion,  that  the  incident  in  regard  to  the  taking  of 
his  father  a  prisoner  as  related  in  the  life  of  Mary  Jemi- 
son  occured.  It  is  stated  that  the  residence  of  the  father, 
who  was  a  white  man  of  the  name  of  O'Bail,  was  in  the 
vicinity  of  Fort  Plain.  Repairing  with  a  detachment  of 
his  warriors,  to  his  father's  house,  he  made  the  old  man  a 
prisoner,  without  letting  him  know  who  his  captor  was- 
After  proceeding  ten  or  twelve  miles,  the  chief  stepped 
before  his  sire,  and  addressed  him  as  follows : 

"  My  name  is  John  O'Bail,  commonly  called  Corn- 
planter.  I  am  your  son,  you  are  my  father,  you  are  now 
my  prisoner,  and  subject  to' the  usages  of  Indian  war. 
fare ;  but  you  shall  not  be  harmed,  you  need  not  fear,  I 
am  a  warrior,  many  are  the  scalps  which  I  have  taken. 
Many  prisoners  I  have  tortured  to  death.      I  am  your 


:l|''! 


'^^■i 


111:1 


392 


IM8T0KY   OF   lJUfFAI.0. 


son!  nmnw„nior,Iwa8  auxiuus  to  see  jou,  nml  greet 
you  m  i,,en.lsl,ip.  I  „,„t  to  :„„r  c.bi„  „,,d  t;„k  j™  W 
toce  but  ,o,„-  life  shall  be  B,.„r.d.      J„cli„,„  ,,,    ,,1 

n  mis,  a„,  thcr  idncbed,  .™,t  ti.em  with  kindness.    If 

andtoluewuho„rpcoj,le,lwillel,erish  y„,„.  old  age 
'."' '''""'{  °'  ™"i«»".  "«1  yon  shall  live  easy.      Bntff 
It  .s  jour  choice  to  retm-n  to  y„,„.  fold,,  and  live  will, 
your  wlnte  ehildren,  I  will  sen.l  a  partv  of  my  tr 

yT,r t^ds.""  ""^  ''"■"™"'"^  '°  """"-  '  '^«'/- 

The  oklnmu  chose  to  return.      His  son   true  to  his 
word  f„rn,shed  him  a  suitable  escort,  and  he  was  con- 
dueted  back  to  his  ho.ne  in  safety.      This  story  is  prob 
ably  without   any   foundation  in  fact,    although   Col 
btone  who  copies  it  in  substance,  ondorees  it,  and  says  in 

"This  anecdote  related  by  Mary  Jemison,  may  be  true 
In  every  instance  in  which  the  author  has  had  an  oppor-' 
tumtyoftestmg  the  correctness  of  her  statements  by 

correct."  '""'  '""'  ''"°  '"•"™'"°  "<=  -»•■»•'-"' 
He  had  forgotten  his  own  contradiction  of  Mary  Jcmi- 
eons  statement,  that  it  w.as  Liout.  Johnson  who  courted 
an  marned  Miss  Moore.  The  name  of  Cor;S 
father  was  John  Abeel  ;  we  find  the  name  in  ,],e  public 
records  asaciti.cn  or  merchant  of  Albanv,  in  l(i02 
This  was  probably  the  father  of  .Tohu   Abeei;  the  father 

wluat  advanced  n,  years,  a,ul  a  t.ader.  He  „Iso  a,, 
pears  to  have  held  offices  at  difterent  times  i„  the  nnl 
cpal  governtnent,  and  to  have  been  connected  wilh  In- 


FATHER   OP  CORNPLANTER. 


393 


dian  affiiirs.     Julm  Abeel  the  father  of  Cornplaiiter,  is 
spoken  of  about  1755-6,  as  an  Indian  trader,  and  is  com- 
plained of  by  the  Senecas,  for  bringing  rum   into   their 
country,  and  when  forbidden  to  do   so,    declared   liis  de- 
termination to  persist  in  it,  for  "  every  quart  of  rum  was 
as  good  to  him  as  a  Spanish  dollar."     It  would  seem  that 
lie  began  his  career  as  an  Indian  trader  as  early  as  1748, 
and  was   taken  prisoner  by  the  French  while  among  the 
Senecas  ;  and  in  a   negotiation  between  the  English  and 
the  French  for  an  exchange  of  prisoners,  John   Abecl  is 
said  to  have  a  chi],d  among  the  Senecas     This  child,  was 
undoubtedly   the  embryo  Indian  chief,  Cornplanter,  who 
must  have  been  born  about  1730. 

John  Abeel  does  not  seem  to  have  borne  a  reputation 
for  the  strictest  integrity  ;  about  1756  he  came  down 
from  the  Senecas  country  with  a  canoe  load  of  skins,  said 
to  be  "  fraudulently  obtained"  in  that  country. 

According  to  this  computation,  the  age  of  the  chief 
at  the  time  of  this  expedition  in  which  lie  was  engaged, 
must  have  been  over  thirty  years.  He  not  only  became 
a  warrior  of  distinction,  but  he  also  became  noted  for  his 
ability  as  a  statesman  and  orator.  The  three  things  in 
which  according  to  Indian  estimation,  true  greatness  con- 
sists. Perhaps  no  individual  had  more  influence  in  all 
the  negotiations  of  the  Six  Nations  with  the  whites  from 
the  period  when  he  became  connected  with  public  af- 
fairs, than  Cornplanter.  It  is  true  he  lost  his  standing  in 
a  measure  with  the  Indians  before  the  close  of  his  life,  by 
a  supposed,  or  real  sacrifice  of  the  interest  of  his  people, 
for  a  consideration  received  by  himself  in  lands  upon  the 
Allegany,  the  place  of  his  residence.  That  he  was  a 
man  of  extraordinary  ability,  wc  have  abundant  evidence 


I         I 


304: 


IIISTOUlf   OF   IIUFFALO. 


m  numerous  letters  and  speeches  of  his  which  have  been 
preserved   and   published  ;    although  a  straight,  active 
athletic  man  when  young,  ho  became  in  his  old  age 
quite  infirm,  .md  could  not  stand  erect. 

He  had  not  the  standing  among  the  Indians  that  some 
of  his  cotemporaries  had,  and  his  character  seems  to  have 
been  that  of  a  shrewd  diplomatist,  rather  than  that  of  an 
open,  irank,  ingenuous  man.    There  is  no  doubt  that  ho 
was  at  heart  in  the  British  interest  up  to   the  period  of 
Wayne  s  victory  over  the  combined   forces  of  the  British 
and  Indians  in  1794  ;  his  speeches  and  letters  all  show 
this.     He  seems  to  have  acted  in  concert  with  Brant  du 
ring  the  period  of  the  Indian  troubles  in  Ohio,   after'  the 
close  of  the  Kevolutionary  war.     The  speeches  of  Corn- 
planter,   IlalfTown   and   Great-Tree,   published   in  the 
American  state  papers  (Indian  affairs,  vol.  1,)  have  gen 
erally  been  attributed  to   Cornplanter,   whose   signature 
stands  first  in  order.*     But  it  is  more  probable  that  these 
speeches,  or  more   properly  communications,  were  the 
joint  production  of  the  three,  or  perhaps  of  Great-Tree  who 
^v^s  celebrated  as  an  orator,  which,  strictly  speaking,  Corn- 
planter  was  not. 

The  curious  letter  of  Cornplanter,  written  in  1794  to 
Lieut.  Polliemus,  wholwas  then  in  command  of  Fort  Frank- 
lin on  the  Alleghany,  is  characteristic  of  Cornplanter,  and 
iS  an  index  of  the  temper  of  his  mind  and  disposition  It 
IS  as  follows : 

Ginashadgo,  24  May,  1794. 
Sir  :— I  have  returned  home  safe.     I  wrote  a  letter  to 
you,  (hope  you  have  received  it,)  in  regard  to  the  British 
sending  a  man  to  Catarogaras  &  he  sent  for  me-I  went 

*Seo  Apiiondix. 


C0RNPLANTEE8   LETfER. 


395 


to  aeo  him,  not  him  alono,  but  likewise  the  Moiicyes  ro- 
spectmg  the  -nan  that  was  killed  at  French-creek  as  yo\i 
wrote  to  me  concerning  that  business. 

Brother  this  man  that  sent  for  mo  to  Catarogais  want- 
ed to  know  what  we  were  about,  it  seemed  to  him  as  if 
we  were  hiding  ourselves.  I  spoke  to  him,  &  told  him 
the  reason  of  our  hiding  ourselves — that  the  white  peo- 
ple think  that  we  are  nobody — I  have  told  him  everything 
from  the  beginning.  That  the  Six  Nations  could  not 
be  heard  by  anybody.  This  was  all  passed  between 
this  British  man  &  myself— his  name  is  William  John- 
ston. 

Brother  then  I  spoke  to  the  Moncyes  in  regard  of  your 
writing  to  me  to  help  you,  and  I  asked  their  minds  as  the 
tommyhawk  was  sticking  in  their  lieads.  Then  the  Mon- 
eys spoke  &  told  me  they  was  not  drunk  about  this  affair. 
As  you  writ  to  me,  and  told  me  you  wanted  to  make  our 
minds  easy  about  this  affair. — As  you  writ  to  me  that 
you  wanted  our  minds  easy — it  sliall  be  so — this  is  all  I 
have  to  say  this  present  time  about  it. 

As  I  went  there  everything  happened  right,  &  yon 
will  hear  a  little  what  BearsOil  chief  said  as  he  was  sent 
there  by  the  chiefs  of  Conniatt,  (Conyaut.)  I  send  you 
three  strings  of  wampum  given  to  me  by  Bears-Oil  chief 
and  his  words  were  that  God  almighty  had  mad  day 
and  night,  and  when  he  saw  me  it  appeared  to  him  as  if 
it  was  daylight — Brotlier,  says  Bears-Oil  my  mind  is  very 
uneasy  when  I  live  at  Conneat  every  summer  and  I  see 
the  bad  Indians  and  always  tell  them  not  to  interupt  our 
friends  this  way. 

Bears  Oil  says  his  mind  is  very  uneasy  and  the  rea- 
son is,  that  he  cannot  hardly  keep  these  western   nations 


«i" 


1 
i  il 


396 


mSTOKY   OF  UUFKALO. 


)nck  any  „..,.e,   a«  they  tl.o   white   pooplo   nro   nmlch.c 
lortHin  their  country  an.l  another  thine,  our  worriors   vS 
children  are  very  ..nensy.    They  say  that  they  cannot  go 
out  of  doors  to  ea8e  theinselve.  for  fear  of  Rpoilini?  Gcnl 
Wash.ngtons  hinds-and  that  may  (which  nu.stj  he  the' 
reason  we  will  or  can  (are  to)  be  killed.   IJears  Oil  specks 
and  says  ho  was  sent  by  all  the  chiefs,   and    they  looked 
out  wh.ch  was  the  best  way  for  him  to  go;  by  water  thoir 
wasalakethat(indaInu\o:htyha.l  made  for  everybody 
UMd  he  hoped  that  (ionl.  Washino-t<,„  would  have  nothing 
to  say  if  he  went  hy  water.  "" 

Now  Brothers  says  JJears   Oil    u,   the   Six   Nations  I 
have  com  to  know  your  minds  an<l    if  you   want   me  to 
com  dmv.i   hoar  to  live,  I  shall  con,,  and  I  send  you  five 
stnngs  ot   wampum  as  his  speech  on  that  head— I  spoke 
to  Bears  Oil  chief  for  Wm.  Johnston  to  help  him,  as  the 
^rluto  i)eople  thinks  nothin-  of  us,  then  Johnston   spoke 
and  told  him  ho  would  help  liim,  and  for  (told)  him  to  <ro 
home  and  tell  his   worriors   and   children  to  go  to  woS 
picnt  corn   and   git  their  living-!  then  spoke  to  Bairs 
Od  myself  to  make  his  mind  easy  and  go  home,  and  if 
he  see  (saw)  any  of  the  western  nations  going  to   war   to 
tell  them  not  to  enterupt  anybody  about  French-creek  or 
anywhere  in  that  country,*  and  if  he  should  see  them,  to 
toll   them  to  go  back,  to  those   that   ware  at  war-I  told 
Bears  Oil  afterwards  that  if  you  don't  see  any  of  them, 
and  they  do  any  mischief  we  cannot  helj)   it— then   affer 
that  I  considered  and   disi)achod  runners  to  Oswego  and 
to  BulUow-creek  and  to  the  Genes><ees  for  all  the  chiefs  to 
rise  and  likewise  Gen.  Chapin  Supiren't  of  Indian  affairs. 

_    *1  wrote  you  last  al.nut  .stoping  ,iu,  tr„o,,.-l  hope  you  will  till  nflairs 
J3  (aiv)  settled. 


SPEECH  OF  COKNI'LANTER  AND  0T1JEB8. 


807 


Then  Mr.  Johnston  spoko  and  eivwl  if  tho  Six  Nations 

wont,  ho  would  go  with  them.    Their  Ib  but  eight  chiys 

to  com  when  thoy  will  meet  ut  thiri  place  if  they  liko  what 

I  have  said— Ijrothers  at  French-creek  if  it  bIiouKI  Jiap- 

pen  that  tliey  dont  come  you  must  not  blame  mo,  for  it  is 

not  my  fault,  bocauso  you  know  very  well  1  am  almost 

tired  of  talking,  because,  none  of  you  will  hear  me— it 

will  bo  but  a  few  days  betbre  1  will  know  whether  they 

are  coming,  and  if  they  are  coming,  you  will  know  it  in\- 

eadeatly  1  am  Your  friend  and  Brother 

his 

JOHN    ^    OIJAIL 

mark 

(Cornplanter) 
Lieut.  John  Polhemus  Commandg  F  F  » 

This  letter  was  unquestionably  dictated  by  Cornplanter, 
but  evidently  written  by  an  unskillful  amanuensis. 

The  following  is  the  speech,  or  more  properly  the  conv 
munication  of  Cornplanter  and  his  associates,  to  Gen.. 
Washington,  already  alluded  to. 

THE  SPEECH  OF  THE  OOKNl'LANTEK,  HALF-TOWN,  AND  THE 
OBEAT-TIiEE  CHIEES  AND  COUNCILLOKS  OF  THE  SENECA  NA- 
TION, TO  THE  GKEAT  COUNCILLOK  OF  THE  THIRTEEN   FIKES. 

Fathku— The  voice  of  the  Seneca  Nation  speaks  to  you, 
the  great  councillor  in  whoso  heart  the  wise  men  of  the 
thirteen  iires  have  placed  their  wisdom.  It  may  be  very  ■ 
small  in  your  ears,  and  we  therefore  entreat  you  to  bar- 
ken with  attention,  for  we  are  about  to  speak  ot  thinffs 
which  to  us  are  very  great.     When  your  army  entered 


U' 


1*1'" 


398 


HISTOKY   OF  BUFFALO. 


the  country  of  the  Six  Nations,  we  called  you  the  town 
destroyer ;  and  to  this  day,  when  that  name  is  heard,  our 
women  look  behind  them  and  look  pale,  and  our  children 
cling  close  to  the  necks  of  their  mothers.  Our  councillors 
and  warriors  are  men,  and  cannot  be  afraid ;  but  their 
hearts  are  grieved  with  the  fears  of  our  women  and  child- 
ren, and  desire  it  may  be  buried  so  deep  as  to  be  heard 
no  more.  When  you  gave  us  peace,  we  called  you  fa- 
ther, because  you  promised  to  secure  us  in  the  possession 
of  our  lands.  Do  this,  and  so  long  as  the  lands  shall  re- 
main, that  beloved  name  will  live  in  the  heart  of  every 
Seneca. 

Father— TV  e  mean  to  open  cnr  hearts  before  you,  and 
we  earnestly  desire  that  you  will  let  us  clearly  understand 
what  you  resolve  to  do.  When  our  chiefs  returned  from 
the  treaty  at  Fort  Stanwix,  and  laid  before  our  council 
what  had  been  done  there,  our  nation  was  surprised  to 
hear  how  great  a  country  you  had  compelled  them  to 
give  up  to  you,  without  your  paying  to  us  any  thing  for 
it.  Every  one  said  that  your  hearts  were  yet  swelled 
with  resentment  against  us,  for  what  had  happened  du- 
ring the  war,  but  that  one  day  you  would  reconsider  it, 
with  more  kindness.  We  asked  each  other,  what  have 
we  done  to  deserve  such  severe  chastisement  ? 

Father— When  you  kindled  your  thirteen  fires  separ- 
ately, the  wise  men  that  assembled  at  them  told  us,  that 
you  were  all  brothers,  the  children  of  one  great  Father, 
who  regarded  also,  the  red  people  as  his  children.  They 
called  us  brothers,  and  invited  us  to  his  protection ;  they 
told  us  that  he  resided  beyond  the  great  water,  where  the 
sun  first  rises  ;  hat  he  was  a  King  whose  power  no  peo- 
ple could  resist,  and  that  his  goodness  was  bright  as  that 


cornplanter's  speech. 


399 


sun.     What  they  said  went  to  our  hearts ;  we  accepted 
the  invitation,  and  promised  to  obey  him.     What  the 
Seneca  Nation  promise^  Jhey  faithfully  perform ;    and 
when  you  refused  obedience  to  that  King,  he  commanded 
us  to  assist  his  beloved  men,  in  making  you  sober.     In 
obeying  him,  we  did  no  more  than  yourselves  had  led  us 
to  promise.     The  men  who  claimed  this  promise,  told  us 
that  you  were  children,  and  had  no  guns  ;  that  when  they 
had  shaken  you,  you  would  submit.     We  hearkened  to 
them,  and  were   deceived,  until  your  army  approached 
our  towns.     We  were  deceived  ;  but  your  people,  in 
teaching  us  to  confide  in  that  King,  had  helped  to  deceive, 
and  we  now  appeal  to  your  heart.     Is  the  blame  allours  \ 
Father— When   we   saw  that  Ave  were  deceived,  and 
heard  tha  invitation  which  you  gave  us  to  draw  near  to 
the  fire  which  you  kindled,  and  talk  with  you  concerning 
peace,  we  made  haste  towards  it.    You  then  told  us,  that 
we  were  in  your  hand,  and  that,  by  closing  it,  you  could 
crush  us  to  nothing,  and  you  demanded  from  us,  a  great 
country,  as  the  price  of  that  peace  which  you  had  offered 
us ;  as  if  our  want  of  strength  had  destroyed  our  rights  ; 
our  chiefs  had  felt  your  power,  and  were  unable  to^'con- 
tend  against  you,  and  they  tiierefore  gave  up  that  coun- 
try.    What  they  agreed  to,  has  bound  our  nation ;  but 
your  anger  against  us  must^  by  this  time,  be  cooled  ;'  and 
although  our  strength  has  not  increased,  nor  your  power 
become  less,  we  ask  you  to  consider  calmly,  Avere  the 
terms  dictated  to  us  by  your  commissioners,  reasonable 
and  just? 

Father— Your  commissioners,  when  they  drew  the  line 
which  separated  the  land  then  given  up  to  you,  from  that 
which  you  agreed  should  remain  to  be  ours,  did  most  sol- 


I  i! 


!l:f' 


i   :W 


If 

'Nl-ii 

«* 

W  ! 

j 

li-  ■" 


■«  I 


||!'   ' 


i .  is 


400 


IIISTORy  OF  BUFFALO. 


emnly  promise,  that  wo  should  bo  secured  in  the  peacea- 
ble possession  of  the  lands  which  we  inhabited  east  and 
north  of  that  line.     Does  this  promise  bind  you  ?     Hear 
now,  we  beseech  jou,  what  has  since  happened  concern- 
ing that  land.     On  the  day  in  which  we  finished  the  trea- 
ty at  Fort  Stanwix,  commissioners  from  Pennsylvania 
told  our  chiefs  that  they  had  come  tliere  to  purchase  from 
us  all  the  lands  belonging  to  us,  within  the  lines  of  their 
State,  and  they  told  us  that  their  line  would  strike  the 
river  Suscpiehanna  below  Tioga  branch.    They  then  left 
us  to  consider  of  the  bargain  till  the  next  day  ;  on  the 
next  day,  we  let  them  know  that  we  were  unwilling  to 
sell  all  the  lands  witiiin  their  State,  and  proposed  to  let 
them  have  a  part  of  it,  which  we  pointed  out  to  them  in 
their  map.     They  told  us  that  they  must  have  the  whole  ; 
that  it  was  already  ceded  to  them  by  the  great  Kino-,  at 
the  time  of  making  peace  with  you,  and  was  their  own  ; 
but  they  said  that  they  would  not  take  advantage  ot  that| 
and  were  willing  to  pay  us  for  it,  after  the  manner  of  their 
ancestors.     Our  chiefs  were  unable  to  contend,  at  that 
time,  and  therefore  they  sold  the  lands  up  to  the  line, 
which  was  then  shown  to  them  as  the  line  of  that  State. 
What  the  commissioners  had  said  about  the  land  havin"- 
been  ceded  to  them  at  the  peace,  our  chiefs  considered  as 
intended  oidy  to  lessen  the  price,  and  they  passed  it  by  with 
very  little  notice  ;  but,  since  that  time,  wo  have  heard  so 
much  from  others  about  the  right  to  our  lands,  which  the 
King  gave  when  you  made  peace  with  him,  that  it  is  our 
earnest  desire  that  yju  will  tell  us  what  it  means. 

Father,— Our  nation  empowered  John  Livingston  to  let* 
out  part  of  our  lands  on  rent,  to  be  paid  to  us.    He  told 
us,  that  he  was  sent  by  Congress,  to  do  this  for  us,  and 


ooenplakter's  BHEECH.  401 

je  fear  he  has  deceived  us  in  the  writing  he  obtained 
from  us     For,  since  the  time  of  our  giving  that  power,  a 
inan  of  the  name  of  Phelps  has  come  among  us,  and 
claimed  oar  whole  country  northward  of  the  line  of  Penn- 
sylvania under  purchase  from  that  Livingston,  to  whom, 
he  said,  he  had  paid  twenty  thousand  dollars  for  it     hJ 
said  also,  that  he  had  bought,  likewise,  from  the  council 
of  the  thirteen  fires,  and  paid  them  twenty  thousand  dol- 
lars more  for  the  same.    And  he  said  also,  that  it  did 
not  belong  to  us,  for  that  the  great  King  had  ceded  the 
whole  of  It,  when  you  made  peace  with  him.    Thus  he 
claimed  the  whole  country  north  of  Pennsylvania  and 
westof  the  lands  of  the  Cayugas.  He  demanded  it   iel 
sisted  on  his  demand,  and  declared  that  he  would  have 
It  all.    It  was  impossible  for  us  to  grant  him  this,  and  we 
immediately  refused  it.    After  some  days,  he  proposed  to 
run  a  line,  at  a  small  distance  eastward  of  cur  western 
boundary,  which  we  also  refused  to  agree  to.    He  then 
threatened  us  with  immediate  war,  if  we  did  not  comply 
Upon  this  threat,  our  chiefs  held  a  council,  and  they 
agreed  that  no  event  of  war  could  be  worse  than  to  be 
driven,  with  their  wives  and  children,  from  the  only  coun- 
try which  we  had  any  right  to,  and,  therefore,  weak  as 
our  nation  was,  they  determined  to  take  the  chance  of 
war,  rather  than  to  submit  to  such  unjust  demands,  which 
seemed  to  have  no  bounds.    Street,  the  great  trader  to 
Niagara,  was  then  with  us,  having  come  at  the  request  of 
Phelps,  and  he  always  professed  to  be  our  great  friend 
;rt  consulted  him  upon  this  subject.    He  also  told  us' 
that  our  lands  had  been  ceded  by  the  King,  and  that  we 
nuist  give  them  up.    Astonished  from  what  we  heard 
from  every  quarter,  with  hearts  aching  with  compassion 


ll 


402 


HISTORY  OF  BUFFALO. 


for  our  women  and  children,  we  were  thus  compelled,  to 
give  u^  all  our  country  north  of  the  line  of  Pennsylvania, 
and  east  of  the  Genesee  river,  up  to  the  fork,  and  east  of 
a  south  line  drawn  from  that  fork  to  the  Pennsylvania 
line.  For  this  land  Phelps  agreed  to  pay  us  ten  thousand 
dollars  in  hand,  and  one  thousand  a  year  forever.  He 
paid  us  two  thousand  and  five  hundred  dollars  in  hand, 
part  of  the  ten  thousand,  and  he  sent  for  us  to  come  last 
spring,  to  receive  our  money ;  but  instead  of  paying  us 
the  remainder  of  the  ten  thousand  dollars,  and  the  one 
thousand  dollars  due  for  the  first  vear,  he  offered  us  no 
more  than  five  hundred  dollars,  and  insisted  that  he 
agreed  with  us  for  that  sum,  to  be  paid  yearly.  We  de- 
bated with  him  for  six  days,  during  all  which  time  he 
persisted  in  refusing  to  pay  us  our  just  demand,  and  he 
insisted  that  we  should  receive  the  five  hundred  dollars  ; 
and  Street,  from  Niagara,  also  insisted  on  our  receiving 
the  money,  as  it  v;as  offered  to  us.  The  last  reason  he 
assigned  for  continuin*;  to  refuse  paying  us,  was,  that  the 
King  had  ceded  the  lands  to  the  Thirteen  Fires,  and  that 
^e  had  bought  them  from  you,  and  paid  you  for  them. 
vV^e  could  bear  this  confusion  no  longer,  and  determined 
to  press  through  every  difficulty,  and  lift  up  our  voice 
that  you  might  hear  us,  and  to  claim  that  security  in  the 
possession  of  our  lands,  which  your  commissioners  so  sol- 
emnly promised  us.  And  we  now  entreat  you  to  inquire 
into  our  complaints  and  redress  our  wrongs. 

Father — Our  writings  were  lodged  in  the  hands  of 
Street,  of  Niagara,  as  we  supposed  him  to  be  our  friend  ; 
but  when  we  saw  Phelps  consulting  with  Street,  on  every 
occasion,  we  doubted  of  his  honesty  towards  us,  and  we 
liave  since  heard,  that  he  was  to  receive  for  his  endeav- 


cobnplanter's  speech.  403 

ors  to  deceive  us,  a  piece  of  land  ten  miles  in  width,  west 
of  the  Genesee  river,  and  near  forty  miles  in  length,  ex- 
tending to  lake  Ontario;  and  the  lines  of  this  tract  have 
been  run  accordingly,  although  no  part  of  it  is  within  the 
bounds  that  limit  his  purchase.  No  doubt  he  meant  to 
deceive  us. 

.w''l^''7^^*'"  ^''""^^  '^'"^  ^^^^  '^'  ^'^  ^^  your  hand,  and 
that,  by  closmg  it,  you  could  crush  us  to  nothin...    Are 
you  determined  to  crush  us  ?    If  you  are,  tell  us^so,  that 
bose  of  our  nation  who  have  become  your  children,  and 
have  determined  to  die  so,  may  know  what  to  do.    In 
this  case,  one  chief  has  said  he  would  ask  you  to  put  him 
out  of  pain.    Another,  who  will  not  think  of  dying  by 
be  hand  of  his  father  or  his  brother,  has  said  he  will  re 
tire  to  the  Chatejiugay,  eat  of  the  fatal  root,  and  sleep 
with  h.s  fathers,  in  peace.     Before  you  determine  on  a 
measure  so  unjust,  look  up  to  God,  who  made  us,  as  well 
as  you.     We  hope  he  will  not  permit  you  to  destroy  the 
whole  of  our  nation. 

Father-Hear  our  case :  many  nations  inhabited  this 
country  ;  but  they  had  no  wisdom,  and,  therefore,  they 
warred  together.    The  Six  Nations  were  powerful,  and 
compelled  them  to  peace  ;  the  lands,  for  a  great  extent, 
were  given  up  to  them  ;  but  the  nations  which  were  not 
destroyed,  all  continued  on  those  lands,  and  claimed  the 
protection  of  the  Six  Nations,  as  the  brothers  of  their  fa- 
thers.   They  were  men,  and  when  at  peace,  they  had  a 
right  to  live  upon  the  earth.    The  French  came  among 
us,  and  built  Niagara ;  they  became  our  fathers,  and  took 
care  of  us.    Sir  William  Johnston  came  and  took  that 
Fort  from  the  French  ;  he  became  our  father,  and  prom- 
ised to  take  care  of  us,  and  did  so,  until  you  were  too 


It"  I 


ii 


IH 


^'1 


I! 


'  iifj. 


■I 


404 


HISTORY   OF  BUFFALO. 


strong  for  his  King.  To  him  we  gave  four  miles  round 
Niagara,  as  a  place  of  trade.  We  have  already  said  how 
we  came  to  join  against  you ;  we  saw  that  we  were 
wrong ;  we  wished  for  peace ;  you  demanded  a  great 
country  to  he  given  up  to  you  ;  it  was  surrendered  to  you 
'-he  price  of  peace,  and  we  ought  to  have  peace  and 
^ .  .^session  of  the  little  land  which  you  then  left  us. 

Father — When  that  great  country  was  given  up,  there 
were  but  few  chiefs  present,  and  they  were  compelled  to 
give  it  up ;  and  it  is  not  the  Six  Nations  only  that  re- 
proach those  chiefs  with  having  given  up  that  country. 
The  Chippewas,  and  all  the  nations  who  lived  on  those 
lands  westward,  call  to  us,  and  ask  us  :  Brothers  of  our 
fathers,  where  is  the  place  you  have  reserved  for  us  to 
lie  down  upon  ? 

Father — You  have  compelled  us  to  do  that  which  has 
made  us  ashamed.  We  have  nothing  to  answer  to  the 
children  of  the  brothers  of  our  fathers.  When,  last  spring 
they  called  upon  us  to  go  to  war,  to  secure  them  a  bed 
to  lie  upon,  the  Senecas  entreated  them  to  be  quiet,  till 
we  had  spoken  to  you.  But,  on  our  way  down,  we  heard 
that  your  army  had  gone  toward  the  country  which  those 
nations  inhabit,  and  if  they  meet  together,  the  best  blood 
on  both  sides  will  stain  the  ground. 

Father — We  will  not  conceal  from  you,  that  the  great 
God,  and  not  men,  has  preserved  the  Cornplantcr  from 
the  hands  of  his  own  nation.  For  they  ask,  continually, 
where  is  the  land,  which  our  children,  and  their  children 
after  them,  are  to  lie  down  upon  ?  Y6u  told  us,  say  they 
that  the  line  drawn  from  Pennsylvania  to  lake  Ontario, 
would  mark  it  forever  on  the  east,  and  the  line  running 


oobnplanter's  speech. 


405 


from  Beaver  (Buffalo*)  Creek  to  Pennsylvania  would  mark 
It  on  the  west,  and  we  see  that  it  ig  not  so.     For,  first 
one,  and  then  another,  come,  and  take  it  away,  by  order 
of  that  people  which  you  tell  us  promised  to  secure  it  to 
us.    He  is  silent,  for  he  has  nothing  to  answer.      When 
the  sun  goes  down,  he  opens  his  heart  before  God,  and 
earlier  than  that  sun  appears  again  upon  the  hills,  he 
gives  thanks  for  his  protection  during  the  night;  for  he 
feels  that  among  men,  become  desperate  by  their  danger, 
it  is  God  only  that  can  preserve  him.      He  loves  peace, 
and  all  he  had  in  store,  he  has  given  to  those  who  have 
been  robbed  by  your  people,  lest  they  should  plunder 
the  innocent  to  repay  themselves.     The  whole  season 
which  others  have  e  aployed  in  providing  for  their  fami- 
lies, he  has  spent  in  his  endeavors  to  preserve  peace;  and 
at  this  moment,  his  wife  and  children  are  lying  on  the 
ground,  and  in  want  of  food  ;  his  heart  is  in  pain  for 
them,  bnt  he  perceives  that  the  great  God  will  try  his 
firmness,  in  doing  what  is  right. 

Father—The  game  which  the  Great  Spirit  sent  into 
our  country  for  us  to  eat,  is  going  from  among  us.  We 
thought  He  intended  we  should  till  the  ground  with  the 
plow,  as  the  white  people  do,  and  we  talked  to  one  anoth- 
er about  it.  But  before  we  speak  to  you  concerning  this, 
we  must  know  from  you  whether  you  mean  to  leave  us  and 
our  children  any  land  to  till.  Speak  plainly  to  us  con- 
cerning this  great  business.  All  the  land  we  have  been 
speaking  of,  belonged  to  the  Six  Nations ;  no  part  of  it 
ever  belonged  to  the  King  of  England,  and  he  could  not 

'Evidently  a  mistake  in  the  interpreter;  Beaver  and  Buffalo  in  the 
Seneca  are  similar  in  their  pronunciation;  the  termination  of  both  is  the 
lame. 


.''1  'nl- 


•|.Mi 


406 


HISTORY  OF  BUFFALO. 


give  it  to  you.  The  land  we  live  on,  our  fathers  received 
from  God,  and  they  transmitted  it  to  us,  for  our  children 
and  we  cannot  part  with  it. 

Father — We  told  you  that  we  would  open  our  hearts 
to  you.  Hear  us  once  more.  At  Fort  Stanwlx,  we  agreed 
to  deliver  up  those  of  our  people  who  should  do  you  any 
wrong,  that  you  might  try  them,  and  punish  them  ac- 
cording to  your  law.  We  delivered  up  two  men  accord- 
ingly?  but  instead  of  trying  them  according  to  your  law 
the  lowest  of  your  people  took  them  from  your  ma", 
istrate,  and  put  them  immediately  to  death.  It  is  just  to 
punish  murder  with  death  ;  but  the  Senecas  will  not  de- 
liver their  people  to  men  who  disregard  the  treaties  of 
their  own  nation. 

Father — Innocent  men  of  our  nation  are  killed,  one  af- 
ter another,  and  of  our  best  families ;  but  none  of  your 
people  who  have  committed  the  murder,  have  been  pun- 
ished. We  recollect  that  you  did  not  promise  to  punish 
those  who  killed  our  people,  and  we  now  ask,  was  it  in- 
tended that  your  people  should  kill  the  Senecas,  and  not 
only  rem;.  'npunished  by  you,  but  be  protected  by  you 
against  the  vl         e  of  the  next  of  kin  ? 

Father— These  ^^  to  us  very  great  things.  We  know 
that  you  are  very  si  -•,  and  we  have  heard  that  you  are 
wise,  and  we  want  to  L  r  your  answer  to  what  we  have 
said,  that  we  may  know  ti    "  you  are  just. 

his 
CORN  >;  PLANTER 
mark 
his 
HALF  ^  TOWN, 
mark 
bis 
GREAT  k^TREE. 

^  Signed  at  Philadelpliia,  the  1st  clay  of  December,   1  TOO  ""['resent  at 
signing,  Joseph  Nicholson,  Interpreter,  Tim'y  Matlack. 


OKN.    WASHINGTON  S    REPLY. 


407 


The  reply  of  Gen.  Washington  was  couched  in  kind  and 
conciliatory  language,  informing  the  chiefs  that  he  was 
aware  that  their  people  had  been  led  into  some  difficulty 
about  their  lands,  but  assured  them  that  the  government 
of  the  United  States  felt  bound  to  protect  them  in  all'the 
lands  secured  to  them  by  the  treaty  of  Fort  Stanwix,  in 
1784.  lie  also  assured  them  that  John  Livingston  was 
not  authorized  to  treat  with  them  in  regard  to  their  lands, 
and  that  every  thing  that  he  did  was  null  and  void,  and 
that  the  federal  courts  would  aftbrd  them  relief  as  readi- 
ly and  as  effectually  as  any  white  citizen,  and  that  it  did 
not  appear  from  any  proofs  in  possession  of  the  govern- 
ment, that  Oliver  Phelps  had  defrauded  them.  He  ad- 
vised them  to  be  strong  in  their  friendship  to  the  govern- 
ment which  was  sincerely  desirous  of  their  friendship, 
upon  terms  of  the  most  perfect  justice,  and  humanity. 
He  also  assured  them  that  an  agent  would  soon  be  ap- 
pointed to  reside  at  some  place  convenient  to  then.,  to 
whom  they  might  apply  at  all  times  for  advice  or  assist- 
ance. They  were  then  dismissed  with  handsome  pres- 
ents for  themselves,  and  for  other  chiefs  in  their  nation. 

Cornplanter  and  his  colleagues  had  complained  of  some 
of  the  provisions  of  the  treaty  at  Fort  Stanwix  in  1784. 
That  they  were  compelled  to  give  up  too  much  of  their 
lands,  and  asked  that  the  treaty  might  be  reconsidered, 
and  a  part  of  their  land  restored.  To^  this  the  President 
replied  :  "  You  seem  to  entirely  forget  that  you  your-* 
selves,  the  Cornplanter,  Half-Town,  and  Great  Tree,  with 
others  of  your  nation,  confirmed,  by  the  treaty  of  Fort 
Harmer,  upon  the  Muskingum,  so  late  as  the  9th  of  Jan- 
uary, 1789,  the  boundary  marked  at  the  treaty  of  Fort 
Stanwix,  and  that  in  consideration  thereof,  you  then  re- 


»!;»'■) 


408 


HISTORY   OF  BUFFALO. 


ceived  goods  to  a  considerable  amount.  *  *  The  lines 
fixed  at  Fort  Stanwix  and  Fort  Harmer  must  therefore- 
remain  established." 

The  delegation  took  their  leave  of  the  President  on  the 
7th  of  February,  1791,  in  anaddress  of  which  the  follow- 
ing is  a  copy : 

Fathkr-^No  Seneca  eyer  goes  from  the  fires  of  hia 
friend,  until  he  has  said  to  him,  « I  am  going."  We  now 
therefore  tell  you,  that  we  are  now  setting  out  for  our 
own  country. 

Father-We  thank  yon  from  our  hearts  that  we  now 
know  there  is  a  country  we  may  call  our  own,  and  on 
which  we  may  lie  down  in  peace.    We  see  that  there  will 
be  peace  between  your  children  and  our  children  •  and 
our  hearts  are  glad.    We  will  persuade  the  Wyandots 
and  other  western  nations,  to  open  their  eyes,  and  look 
towards  the  bed  which  you  have  made  for  us,  and  to  ask 
of  you  a  bed  for  themselves,  and  their  children,  that  will 
not  slide  from  under  them.     We  thank  you  for  your  pres- 
ents  to  us,  and  rely  on  your  promise  to  instruct  us  in  rai- 
sing com,  as  the  white  people  do ;  the  sooner  you  do  this 
the  better  for  us.    And  we  thank  you  for  the  care  you' 
have  taken  to  prevent  bad  men  from  coming  to  trade 
among  us ;  if  any  come  without  your  license,  we  will  turn 
them  back;  and  we  hope  our  nation  will  determine  to 
spill  all  the  rum  which  shall,  hereafter,  be  brought  to  our 
towns. 

Father-We  are  glad  to  hear  that  you  determine  to 
appomt  an  agent  that  will  do  us  justice,  in  taking  care 
that  bad  men  do  not  come  to  trade  amongst  us  ;  but  we- 
earnestly  entreat  you  that  you  will  let  us  have  an  inter- 


FAREWELL  BPEEOH  OF  OORNPLANTEB. 


40» 


preter  in  whom  we  can  confide,  to  reside  at  Pittsburgh  : 
to  that  place  our  people,  and  other  nations,  will  long  con- 
tinue  to  resort ;  there  we  must  send  what  news  we  hear, 
when  we  go  among  the  western  nations,  which,  we  are 
determined,  shall  be  early  in  the  spring.  We  know  Jo- 
seph Nicholson,  and  he  speaks  our  language  so  that  we 
clearly  understand  what  you  say  to  us,  and  we  rely  on 
what  he  says.  If  we  were  able  to  pay  him  for  his  servi- 
ces,  we  would  do  it ;  but,  when  we  meant  to  pay  him,  by 
giving  him  land,  it  has  not  been  confirmed  to  bim,  and 
he  will  not  serve  us  any  longer  unless  you  will  pay  him. 
Let  him  stand  between  to  entreat  yof. 

Father— You  have  not  asked  any  security  for  peace  on 
our  part,  but  we  have  agreed  to  send  nine  Seneca  boys, 
to  be  under  your  care  for  education.  Tell  us  at  what  time 
you  will  receive  them,  and  they  shall  be  sent  at  the  time 
you  shall  appoint.  This  will  assure  you  that  we  are,  in- 
deed, at  peace  with  you  and  determined  to  continue  so. 
If  you  can  teach  them  to  become  wise  and  good  men,  we 
will  take  care  that  our  nation  shall  be  willing  to  receive 
instruction  from  them. 

his 
COEN  M  PLANTER, 
mark. 

his 
HALF  M  TOWN, 
mark, 
his 
BIG  M  TEEE. 
mark. 
Signed  at  Philadelphia,  7th  Feb.,  1791,  in  presence  of 
Joseph  Nicholson,  Interpreter,  Thomas  Proctor,  Tim'y 
Matlack. 


"[ 


I 


In 


i:      It! 


\\' 


410 


HISTORY  OK    UUFHAI.O. 


Coniphinter  mid  Jjniiit  liiid  ivtteiulod  tlio  trcnty  at  Fort 
Stanwix  in  1784,  us  the  jji-incipiil  representatives  of  tlio 
Six  Nations.  Tlio  concessions  of  land  made  at  that  treaty 
had  been  a  subject  of  dissatisfaction  and  complaint,  on 
the  i)art  of  a  rjreat  majority  of  the  chiefs  and  sachemB, 
and  Cornphuiter  had  already  began  to  feel  the  growing 
unpopularity  of  those,  who  were  considered  the  authors 
of  those  measures,  and  it  is  not  surprising  that  ho  should 
make  strenuous  effoi'ts,  to  get  the  terms  of  that  treaty  so 
modified,  as  to  make  it  less  obnoxious  to  his  ])eople. 

Tlie  condition  of  Indian  affairs   in  the  Northwestern 
Territory,  was  daily  growing  more  and  more  threaten- 
ing.    It  was  the  policy  of  the  government,  by  every  pos- 
sible means,  to  conciliate  the  Six  Nations.    While  on  the 
other  hand,  the  British  were  active  in  inciting,  and  en- 
couraging them  to  join  the  western  Indians,  in  the  im- 
pending struggle.     Johnson,  Brant,  and  others,  were  ac- 
tive agents  of  the  British,  and  soon  after  the  visit  of  Corn- 
planter,  Half-Town,  and  Big  Tree,  to  their  great  father, 
President  Washington,  an  agent  was  dispatched  to  visit 
Cornplanter,  with  a  view  to  engage  him,  and  through 
him,  the  influential  chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations,  to  go  on  an 
embassy  to  the  western  Indians ;  particularly  the  Wyan- 
dots,    in   the  vicinity  of   Sandusky.      Accordingly,  in 
March,  1791,  Col.  Thomas  Proctor  was  appointed  to  pro- 
ceed to  visit  Cornplanter,  at  his  residence  on  the  head 
waters  of  the  Allegany  river.     As  his  journal  is  interest- 
ing, and  relates  to  the  condition  of  the  Senecas,  and  their 
lc^.cition  in  this  vicinity,  it  will  be  inserted  at  length,  in 
an  appendix. 

It  has  been  stated  that  Cornplanter  acted  in  concert 
with  Brant  at  the  Fort  Stanwix  treaty  in  1784.    It  should 


DKATII    OF   OORNI'LANTER. 


411 


bo  understood  however,  that  there  existed  between  these 
two  chiefs,  n  ])ersonal  dislike.    It  iiuvy  bo,  that  the  results 
of  that  treaty  iioightened  this  feeling  of  animosity  on  tho 
part  of  Cornplanter,  for  ho  never  ceased  to  regret  the  acta 
into  which  ho  was  drawn,  or  driven,  at  that  treaty ;  and 
bo  refers  to  it  on  almost  all  occasions,  cither  to  complain 
of  its  terms,  or,  of  tho  bad  faith,  in  which  its  provisions 
had  been  observed  on  tho  part  of  tho  whites.    lie  was  a 
war  chief  of  the  Sonecas.     Brant  held  tho  same  position 
among  the  Mohawks.    It  is  scarcely  possible  that  they 
should  have  been  rivals.     As  a  warrior,  whatever  may  bo 
thought,  or  said,  by  white  men,  Cornplanter,  in  tho  estima- 
tion of  tho  Indians,  who  were  their  cotemporaries,  was  his 
superior.  The  Senecas  wore  a  nation  of  warriors,  and  it  will 
bo  admitted,  that  they  did  most  of  the  fighting  for  the  Six 
Nations,  during  nearly  two  centuries  of  their  history,  with 
which  we  are  conversant.    From  the  time  Cornplanter 
came  on  to  the  stage,  (and  he  entered  upon  the  war  path 
early,)  down  to  the  close  of  tho  Kevolutionary  war,  he 
had  no  superior,  and  few  equals  as  a  warrior.    His  other 
qualifications  will  bo  judged,  by  the  record  he  has  left,  in 
his  speeches,  and  letters,  in  the  archieves  of  our  State, 
and  national  government.    After  the  war,  he  retired  to 
the  land  given  him  by  the  State  of  Pennsylvania,  where 
ho  continued  to  reside  until  his  death,  which  occurred  in 
March,  1836,  at  the  age  of  over  one  hundred  years. 


1  ii! 

m 

f'\ 

I4|l    'i 

l,U 

"if 


APPENDIX. 


NARRATIVE  OP  COL.   THOMAS  PROCTOR. 

March  12th,  1791.  Left  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  accompanied  hj  Capt. 
M.  G.  Houdin,  under  a  heavy  rain,  fully  evidencing  our  intention  to  stop 
at  no  difficulties,  until  we  should  gain  the  settlement  of  Cornplanter,  alias 
Capt.  O'Beel.oneofthe  chiefs  of  the  Seneca  Nation,  residing  on  the 
head-waters  of  the  Alleghany  river.  *  * 

March  Uth.  Proceeded  to  Curaherstown,  in  company  with  Mr.  Potts 
andMr.Baird;  the  latter  of  which  gentlemen  informed  me,  that  he  was 
engaged  to  attend  Gen.  St.  Clair  to  Fort  Washington,  whither  the  Gen- 
eral was  immediately  to  proceed,  in  order  to  prepare  for  a  campaign 
ag^nst  the  Miami,  and  other  Indians,  who  are  daily  committing  of  mur- 
ders on  the  defenceless  inhabitants  on  the  frontier  settlements. 

15th.  Set  forward  at  daylight.  The  roads  from  Philadelphia  hither, 
nearly  impa,ssible,  occasioned  by  the  heavy  rains  that  had  fallen  for  sev- 
eral days  past;  with  some  danger  we  forded  the  little  Schuylkill;  on  this 
day's  journey  we  crossed  the  Blue  Mountains. 

17th.  Crossed  the  east  branch  of  the  Susquehanna.  Lay  this  night  at 
B<^rwick,  a  small  town  situate  on  the  west  side  of  the  Susquehanna. 

I8th.  Proceeded  on  our  journey  Mp  the  west  side  of  the  Susquehanna, 
above  twelve  miles;  *  ^  from  thence  we  proceeded  on  the  road  for  Wilks- 
burgh,  by  the  way  of  the  mountain  path,  as  dangerous  for  man  and  horse 
as  was  possible;  and  at  9  o'clock  in  the  night  we  reached  the  first  house 
in  a  settlement  at  Wyoming. 

March  19th.  Arrived  at  Wilksbugh  about  eleven  o'clock,  halted  for  the 
night  in  order  to  rest  our  horges.  *  *  Spent  the  afternoon  at  our  lodg- 
ings with  Colonel  Butler  and  Capt.  Gnibb.  The  former  was  an  officer  in 
the  Connecticut  line,  and  stationed  here  during  the  late  war,  for  the  pro- 
tection of  the  frontier  inhabitants  against  the  British  and  Indians  in 


% !  ;i 


lis! 


414 


IIISTOBY  OF  BUFFALO. 


Which  station  he  proved  to  bo  a  vigilant  and  bravo  officer.  The  latter 
part  of  the  evening  I  accompanied  Col.  Pickering,  Prothonotary  of  the 
county,  and  lato  Adjutant  General  of  the  armies  of  the  United  States 
Much  snow  fell  while  we  remained  at  this  place;  weather  extremely  cold" 
20th.  This  day  we  set  forward  for  Capt.  Waterman  Baldwin's;  arrived 
there  in  the  evening,  halted  for  him  part  of  two  days,  as  I  had  orders  to 
take  him  with  me  to  the  residence  of  the  Cornplanter,  at  which  place  he 
was  intended  to  act  as  instructor  to  tho  Indian  youth,  as  also  a  director 
in  the  mode  and  management  of  agriculture,  for  the  use  and  benefit  of 
the  Indians.  This  gentleman  was  made  prisoner  by  Cornplanter,  during 
the  ate  war,  and  was  treated  by  him  with  remarkable  tenderness,  until 
legally  exchanged.  *  *  )        " 

22d.  Passed  the  first  narrows  of  Susquehanna;  *  '  encamped  this  eve- 
ning in  the  woods,  thirteen  miles  from  Lahawanock,  on  the  waters  of  the 
Buttermilk  Falls.  *  '  This  place  I  had  the  opportunity  of  examining  mi- 
nutely,  when  going  on  tho  expedition  of  Gen.  Sullivan  against  the  sava- 
ges, in  the  year  1779.  We  landed,  and  I  passed  to  the  top  of  tho  moun- 
tain to  review  so  great  a  curiosity. 

23d.  The  Susquehanna  being  so  extremely  high,   and  all  the  waters 

leading  thereto,  compelled  us  to  quit  the  river  road,  and  go  by  that  lately 

cut  (though  not  cleared)  by  John  Nicholson,  Esq.,  Comptroller  General 

ofthe  state  of  Pennsylvania.     Tho  taking  of  this  road  which  was  cut 

about  twenty  feet  in  width,  the  trees  lying  across  the  same,  and  m  every 

direction,  was  not  a  matter  of  choice,  but  necessity,  for  the  river  road 
was  impassible. 

24th.  Wo  were  obliged  to  encamp  early  this  afternoon  under  a  very 
heavy  storm  of  rain,  thunder  and  lightning,  and  what  is  very  remarkable 
the  snow  was  in  general  fifteen  inches  deep  on  tho  grouoid 

25th.  Wo  still  travelled  by  the  way  of  Nicholson's  road,'  till  we  reached 
he  one  cut  by  Mr.  Ellicott,  geographer  to  the  United  States,  which  leads 
to  the  g,-eat  bend  on  the  east  branch  of  the  Susquehanna,  and  to  describe 
the  same,  it  is  hardly  possible,  but  to  say  the  lea.st  of  them,  there  is  none 
can  equal  them  for  heigth  of  mountains,  and  swampy  valleys.  Encamped 
this  night  ten  miles  from  Tioga  point. 

26th  We  arrived  at  the  ferry  at  Tioga  Point,  the  river  still  very  high 
From  there  we  proceeded  on  our  way  to  Newtown  Point.  At  Tioga  Point 
I  was  compelled  to  purchase  a  pack-horse,  as  the  route  we  had  to  take 
from  the  Painted  Post  to  the  Genesee,  wa^  not  inhabited;  which  by  com- 
putation was  ninety-nine  miles.  Capt.  Baldwin  also  purchased  another 
horse,  the  better  to  enable  him  to  carry  on  the  fai-ming  business  for  the 


APPENDIX. 


415 


Cornplanter.  *  *  From  benco  I  also  took  a  guide  named  Peter,  in  his 
own  language  Cayantlia,  there  being  nothing  but  a  blind  path  to  the 
Genesee  river,  *  * 

Sunday,  27th.  Halted  for  the  night,  reviewed  the  ground  on  which  the 
British  and  Indians  were  entrenched  for  better  than  a  mile,  against  thu 
forcesunder  the  command  of  Major  Gen.  Sullivan.  *  * 

28th,  Proceeded  to  the  Painted  Post  or  Cohocton  in  the  Indian  lan- 
giiage;  dined,  and  refreshed  our  horses,  it  being  the  last  house  we  should 
meet  with,  ere  wo  should  reach  the  Genesee  river.  Here  I  was  joined  com- 
pany by  a  Mr.  George  Slocum,  who  followed  us  from  Wyoming,  to  place 
himself  under  our  protection  and  assistance  until  we  should  reach  the  Corn 
planter's  settlement  on  the  head-waters  of  the  Alleghany,  to  the  redeem- 
ing of  his  sister  from  an  unpleasing  captivity  of  twelve  years,  to  which 
end  he  begged  our  immediate  interposition.  On  leaving  the  Painted 
Post,  we  entered  the  wurriors  path,  lying  on  the  north  eaet  side  of  the 
Tioga  river. 

29th.  Continued  our  route  by  the  aforesaid  path  this  day.  *  * 

30th.  Wo  began  our  journey  before  sunrise;  *  *  the  course  of  the  war- 
riors path  gives  a  traveller  a  sight  of  the  river  Tioga,  upwards  of  sixty 
miles.  The  next  principal  water  we  crossed  is  called,  in  the  Indian  lan- 
guage, Connesserago,  from  whence  it  is  called  twelve  miles  to  the  Genesee 
river. 

31st.  This  morning  I  found  my.self  in  a  settlement  of  Indians,  called 
the  Squawkey  tribe,  but  a  branch  of  the  Seneca  Nation.  *  * 

April  1st.  Mr.  Horatio  Jones,  Indian  interpreter,  arrived  this  morning,, 
and  about  eleven  o'clock,  there  were  thirty  odd  Indians  collected  ;  and 
shortly  afterwards  I  convened  into  council,  and  introduced  my  message 
by  some  prefatory  sentiments,  touching  on  the  candor  and  justice  of  the 
United  States.  I  read  the  message  to  them  from  the  Hon.  Secretary  of 
War  ;  having  ended  the  same,  they  signified  their  full  approbation  in 
their  accustomed  manner.  Capt.  Little  Beard  acquainted  mo  that  their 
great  warrior,  Capt.  O'Becl,  or  Cayantawanka,  in  the  Indian  language, 
had  arrived  at  Pittsburgh,  from  Philadelphia,  and  sent  out  runners  from 
thence,  to  summon  the  chiefs  and  warriors  of  the  Six  Nations  at  Buffalo, 
where  he  desired  that  the  great  council  fire  might  be  kindled,  and  whore 
he  should  lay  before  them  all  the  business  that  had  been  done  by  him  at 
Philadelphia,  and  the  public  papers  and  documents,  which  he  had  recei- 
ved for  the  Six  Nations,  from  the  President  of  the  United  States,  the 
Secretai-y  of  War,  and  from  the  Governor  of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania. 
This  information  induced  rao  to  prepare  myself  for  going  to  Buffalo  in  the 


fi 


IN: 


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V-1 


vlii 


416 


HISTORY   OF  BUFFALO. 


morning,  instead  of  continuing  my  route  to  O'Beelstown,  «nd  Hrged  it 
upon  them  in  a  very  pressing  manner,  that  they  would  accompany  me  on 
this  deserving  errand  to  Buffalo,  m  its  design  was  big  with  advantages  to 
every  Indian  on  the  continent.  Five  of  them  immediately  offered  to  at- 
tend  Capt.  Houdin  and  myself,  and  chiefs  of  the  first  notoriety  in  this 
eettlemont,  and  accordingly  appointed  a  sugar  camp,  eight  miles  distant 
the  place  of  meeting  in  the  morning,  where  they  must  go  and  acquaint 
their  people  of  this  hasty  departure.  I  now  made  the  necessary  inquiry 
whether  it  was  easy  to  obtain  a  good  interpreter  at  Buffalo,  or  otherwise: 
and  being  informed  that  there  were  no  interpreters  there  but  those  under 
British  pay  and  establishments,  I  conceited  it  a  duty  incumbent  on  me, 
to  engage  Mr.  Jones,  as  being  a  proper  person  for  my  business,  from  the 
reputation  he  b^ro  from  inquiries  I  have  made,  and  I  accordingly  agreed 
with  him,  in  the  behalf  of  the  United  States,  to  pay  him  the  customary 
wages,  so  long  as  1  should  find  occasion  for  his  services, 

April  2d.  Departed  from  the  council  fire  at  Squawkey  Hill,  to  proceed 
by  the  way  of  Tonawandy,  to  Buffalo— presumed  distance  between  ninety 
and  one  hundred  miles  ;  but,  agreeable  to  my  promise  to  the  chiefs  yes- 
terday, I  had  to  call  for  them  at  their  sugar  encampment.    On  my  way 
thither,  I  stopped  at  the  hut  of  Stump  Foot,  with  the  Black  Chief,  who 
accompanied  me,  just  at  the  instant  that  a  runner  had  arrived  there  from 
Buffalo  Greek,  who  brought  the  information  that  the  council  fire  at  that 
place  had  been  quenched,  by  direction  of  the  chiefs  who  had  lighted  the 
sane,  at  the  instance  of  O'Beel's  message  to  them,  and  was  to  be  covered 
for  one  moon.    Upon  this  sudden  information  to  me,  and  their  determi- 
nation to  continue  as  above  directed,  I  determined  to  change  my  route 
from  this  place,  and  go  for  the  Oil  Springs,  near  which  the  Cornplantej 
has  hib  residence,  and  of  which  intention  of  mine  I  immediately  informed 
them,  that  should  I  be  so  fortunate  as  to  find  him  at  home,  I  would  use 
every  possible  endeavor  to  bring  forward  to  Buffalo,  Capt.  O'Beel  and  hii 
chiefs,  in  order  to  rekindle  the  council  fire.    On  these  remarks  we  part- 
ed, and  I  proceeded  with  my  people  to  a  village  eight  miles  distant, 
called  Nondas,  and  halted  for  the  night  at  the  hut  of  a  white  woman, 
who  had  been  with  the  savages  from  her  infancy,  and  had  borne  to  one  of 
them  nine  children,  all  of  whom  were  living.    Two  of  her  daughters  I 
have  seen,  possessing  fair  features,  bearing  the  bloom  upon  their  cheeks, 
and  inclining  to  the  side  of  beauty  ;  and  her  second  son  had  lately  been 
adopted  a  sachem,  and  styled  the  promoter  of  peace. 

Sunday,  April  hd.  Arrived  this  day  at  an  Indian  village  called  Carase- 
dera,  situated  on  a  high  bluff  of  land  overlooking  the  Genesee  river.    It 


rr 


APPENDIX. 


417 


consistod  of  about  thirty  bouses,  and  some  ol"  them  done  in  a  way  that 
showed  some  taste  in  the  workmen.  The  town  was  vacated  by  its  inhab- 
Hants  principally,  save  only  one  squaw,  and  a  young  girl,  who  were  left 
as  guards  to  the  interest  of  others,  who  were  out  providing  sugar  for  their 
general  .stock.  This  day  we  wore  compelled  to  swim  our  horses  three 
times  across  the  Genesee  river  ;  and  at  one  of  the  crossings,  Capt.  How- 
diu's  horso  took  down  the  current  with  him,  and  could  not  steer  him  to 
taoiuieuded  shore,  having  crossed  the  reins  of  his  bridle  at  mountinjr, 
and  were  it  not  that  he  had  left  the  horse  to  his  own  management,  (by 
our  entreaties,)  and  our  Indian  guide  rushing  into  the  water  to  his  assist- 
ance, and  the  horse  turning  for  him,  the  Captain  must  have  certainly 
drowned  in  the  ciu'rent,  which  was  excessively  rapid  a  little  lower  down. 
April  4th.  This  morning  we  again  swam  our  horses  over  the  same 
river.  From  this  place  we  have  scarcely  the  trace  of  a  path  ;  and  took  up 
our  encampment  for  the  night  in  an  old  Indian  encampment,  where  the 
covering  of  their  wigwam  served  to  shelter  us  from  the  inclemency  of  the 
weather. 

April  5th.  We  gained  an  Indian  settlement  called  Oliliisheu.  situate  on 
the  waters  of  Oil  Creek,  the  emptying  of  which,  into  the  Alleghany 
about  two  hundred  yards  below  the  huts.  In  crossing  the  Oil  Creel-  at 
a  very  steep  shelving  place,  my  horso  fell  back  into  the  water.  I  disen- 
gaged myself  from  falling  under  him,  but  got  wet  through  all  my  clothes 
We  encamped  this  night  at  the  Groat  Bend  of  the  Alleghany.  This  place 
was  formerly  called  Duncwangua. 

April  6th.  This  morning,  having  advanced  about  four  miles,  we  met 
two  Indian  runners,  with  belts  and  speeches  from  the  Cornplanter  alias 
O'Beel,  to  the  Indians  resident  in  the  upper  towns,  at  the  head  waters  of 
the  Alleghany,  to  inform  them  that  several  of  the  Delaware  Indians  were 
k.Ued  by  the  white  people,  said  to  be  a  recruiting  party  of  Virginians 
near  Fort  Pitt  The  said  Indians  informed  us,  that  the  Indians  who  had 
escaped  the  catastrophe,  that  their  brothers  had  iallen  into,  turned  their 
resentment  for  the  injury  their  nation  had  received,  on  the  white  inhal)i- 
tants  who  resided  on  the  Alleghany,  some  miles  above  Pittsburgh,  and 
killed  and  scalped  seventeen  in  number ;  that  at  the  same  time  this  mis- 
chief happened,  Capt.  O'Beel,  the  New  Arrow  Chief,  and  several  other 
chiefs  of  the  Senecas,  as  also  the  commanding  officer  of  Venango,  coming 
up  in  the  garrison  ),oat,  and  in  canoes,  from  Pittsburgh,  were  overtaken 
by  a  party  of  militia,  who  threatened  them  with  instant  death,  which 
was  happily  prevented,  but  (they)  forcibly  carried  back  the  garrison  boat 
and  canoes,  with  all  the  property  purchased  by  Cornplanter  and  his  na- 
27 


418 


HISTORY   OF   BtltrALO. 


tion.  Having  at  this  time  no  path  to  go  by,  mado  the  way  lengthy  and 
disagreeable.  *  *  Our  guide  conducted  us  in  safety,  at  about  10  o'clock, 
at  night,  to  O'Beel's  town.  This  town  is  pleasantly  situated,  on  the  north 
side  of  the  river,  and  contains  about  twenty-eight  tolerable  well  built 
houses  I  and  the  one  which  they  had  selected  for  me  and  my  followers  to 
reside  in,  was  commodiously  fitted  up,  with  berths  to  sleep  in,  and  uncom* 
monly  clean,  and  provided  us  for  the  night  with  plenty  of  provisions,  such 
as  boiled  venison  and  dumplings.  Matters  were  no  sooner  arranged,  than  I 
desired  my  interpreter  to  have  the  chiefs  collected  where  I  could  speak  to 
them.  Upon  which,  we  found  that  all  the  chiefs  and  warriors  of  the 
town  were  gone  on  to  Venango,  hcai'ing  that  their  head  warrior,  O'Beel, 
and  their  sachem,  tlio  New  Arrow,  were  forced  to  take  sanctuary  in  Fort 
Franklin,  (one  of  our  garrisons, )  for  the  protection  of  their  lives  ;  that 
none  remained  in  the  (own  on  tliis  account,  but  three  very  old  men,  the 
women  and  children.  '^  *  I  then  desired  that  they  would  furnish  me 
with  a,  canoe  and  a  guide,  to  conduct  me  to  the  place  where  I  could  meet 
with  O'Beel  and  his  people,  being  desirous  of  going  forward  immediately; 
and  that  I  should,  without  doubt,  be  the  instriiment  of  bringing  their 
chiefs  and  warriors  to  tlicm  in  a  few  days.  Upon  which,  they  sent  five 
miles  to  procure  me  a  canoe,  and  by  daylight,  two  young  Indians  attend- 
ed me,  with  whom  my  interpreter  and  Capt.  Baldwin,  went  for  French 
Creek,  distant  about  one  hundred  and  thirty  miles^  and  arrived  on  the 
8th  day  of  April,  about  four  in  the  afternoon,  as  we  worked  our  canoe  by 
turns,  all  night. 

I  no  sooner  arrived  at  the  garrison  on  French  Creek,  than  I  received  a 
visit  from  Cornplantor,  and  those  Indians  that  accompanied  him  at  Phila- 
adelphia,  who  professed  the  greatest  happiness  to  see  me,  being  under  the 
greatest  anxiety  of  mind,  for  the  safety  of  the  New-Arrow,  who  was  car- 
ried in  the  Garrison  boat  to  Pittsburgh  in  the  forcible  manner  ])efore  re- 
lated. *  *  I  desired  him  (Cornplantor)  without  loss  of  time,  to  bring 
with,  him  into  the  garrison  all  the  head  men  of  the  nation  then  present, 
so  that  I  might  inform  tliem  of  the  message  I  Avas  charged  with  from  his 
excellency,  the  .Secretary  of  War,  to  tlu,' Six  Nations;  *  *  upon  this  Capt. 
O'Beel  left  me,  and  soon  after  summoticd  the  chiefs  present,  eleven  in 
number,  wlio  met  me  in  tlio  garrison  ))y  permission  of  Lieut.  Jeffcrs,  and 
in  the  fullest  manner  I  gave  tliom  the  necessary  information.  I  propo.sed 
meeting  them  again  in  tlieir  encampment  over  French  Creek,  early  in  the 
forenoon,  and  of  which  I  desired  that  they  might  inform  their  people,  so 
that  none  might  be  absent. 

April  9th.  I  crossed  French  Creek  to  their  encampment,  about  eleven 


APPENDIX. 


419 


H 


o'cloek,  where  I  found  them  prepared  to  receive  me  about  scventy-flve  in 
number,  exclusive  of  women,  children  and  youth;  in  the  whole  one  hun- 
dred and  eighty.  I  read  Orst  the  message  to  the  Seneca  Nation  from  the 
Secretary  of  War,  and  after  explaining  to  them  the  principles  upon 
which  it  was  founded,  I  read  to  them  the  messages  from  Governor  St. 
Clair  to  the  Wyandot  and  Delaware  tribos,  who  were  deemed  and  ob- 
served to  be  friends  of  the  United  States.  Hero  I  thought  it  my  duty  to 
explain  to  them  the  force  of  my  message  to  the  Indians,  who  were  carry- 
ing on  their  wanton  depredations  and  cruelties  on  the  defenceless  inhabi- 
tants resident  near  the  Ohio.  *  *  That  with  this  present  council  it  rests 
to  save  those  misguided  people  on  tho  Miami  aiul  Wabash,  from  the  dis- 
truction  that  is  just  ready  to  fall  and  crush  them;  and  the  better  to  effect 
80  laudable  an  undertaking,  lot  there  be  selected  from  amongst  you,  any 
number  of  your  chiefs  and  warriors,  not  more  than  fifteen  nor  less  than 
five,  to  guide  and  accompany  me  to  tho  Miami's,  as  by  your  going  from 
hence  we  shall  save  the  distance  of  four  hundred  miles,  if  not  compelled 
to  go  to  Buffalo  Creek;  and  by  this  act  you  will  fully  complete  the  end  of 
my  message  to  the  Seneca  Nation;  and  for  your  services  you  shall  receive 
ample  reward  from  tho  United  States,  and  due  honor  to  your  nation.  "  * 
We  left  them  for  aljout  an  hour  and  a  half,  when  a  chief  came  to  inform 
mo  that  they  were  dusirous  of  seeing  me  again  at  their  lire.  I  according- 
ly attended,  and  Capt.  O'Beel  was  appointed  to  acquaint  me  with  the  de- 
termination of  their  council;  which  brielly  was  that  they  could  not  agree 
to  my  request  of  going  directly  to  the  Miamies,  as  they  must  determine 
on  that  business  in  full  council  of  the  Six  Nations  at  Buffalo  Creek.  See- 
ing therefore,  that  I  had  no  other  alternaliv"  but  by  going  to  Buffalo  I 
requested  then,  that  they  would  prepare  themselves  to  leave  this  place, 
and  proceed  for  Buffalo  on  to-morrow,  which  they  readily  complied  with; 
and  for  Cornplanter's  address  to  me  ujion  this  occasion,  see  subsequent 
page.  ''  "* 

April  10th.  Agreeably  to  tho  urrangemouts  made  by  me  at  the  general 
council  yesterday,  we  set  out  from  French  Creek  to  go  up  the  Alleghany 
river  with  thirty  canoes.  -^  *  Halted  this  night  at  Oil  Creek,  about  eight 
miles  from  tho  garrison.  Lieut.  Jetfers  came  to  us  at  this  place  about  12 
o'clock  at  night,  and  brought  with  him  certain  letters  that  he  had  re- 
ceived from  Pittsburgh  that  evening,  with  verbal  messages  he  had  re- 
ceived by  express,  by  which  moans  the  Indians  were  infornud  that  some 
of  their  canoes  were  plundered  of  what  they  contained,  Itut  the  garrison 
boat  was  returning  with  their  chief,  the  New  Arrow  .tc.,  under  tho  escort 
of  Major  Hart,  with  a  jiroper  guard.  * 


I 


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Ifiji 


li^ii 


III 


m 


420 


III8T0RY  OF  BUFFALO. 


Monday,  lllh  of  April.  AVo  silently  began  to  load  our  canoes,  and 
shortly  after  took  up  the  line  of  marcl),  O'Beel  taking  the  lead.  I  held 
it  proper  to  tako  my  place  no.xt  to  his  canoe  to  stimulate  him  to  press  for- 
ward on  his  journey.  Ere  we  could  reach  Buflalo  Creek,  wo  arrived  this 
evening  at  an  old  Indian  settlement  called  Ilog's  Town;  wo  had  much 
rain  this  night  and  very  cold. 

April  12th  I  was  invited  this  morning  to  breakfast  with  Capt.  O'lJeel 
his  squaw,  &c.  Our  repast,  boiled  chestnuts,  parched  meal  sweetened- 
his  daughter  made  us  some  tea,  also,  which  she  put  into  an  ojjen  kettle 
when  the  water  was  cold,  and  being  boiled  in  that  manner  without  any 
cover  to  the  kettle,  it  became  very  dirty  and  disagreeable  to  the  taste- 
but  of  the  chestnuts  I  took  sufficiently.  *  *  This  day  about  one  o'clock 
we  arrived  at  the  Munsee  settlement,  where  all  the  canoes  came  to  at,  in 
order  to  rest  and  prepare  for  our  dinners.  Immediately  after  we  had 
landed,  and  what  appeared  very  strange  to  me,  several  Indian  women 
came  forward  with  kettles  full  of  boiled  corn  and  bear's  meat,  and  jihiced 
it  before  Capt.  O'Beel,  who  they  had  heard  was  approaching  with  his 
people.  This  being  done,  each  family  of  a  canoe,  (as  in  each  were  women 
and  children)  approached  witli  their  kettles,  without  any  signal  being 
made,  to  receive  their  stipend;  and  to  do  which,  an  old  squaw  was  ap- 
pointed to  act  as  an  issuing  commissary,  who  dealt  it  out  in  proi-ortions 
so  justly,  that  each  went  away  fully  satisfied.  Ca])(.  O'Tie-l  rciiuesled  of 
my  interpreter  to  inform  me  it  was  expected  tliat  I  wouM  jiavluke  of  what 
was  prepared;  I  did  so  accordingly,  to  prevent  displeasure,  but  with  the 
weakest  appetite.  *  * 

12th.  At  9  o'clock  at  niglit  Capt.  O'Beel  the  Delaware  chiefs  and  Sen- 
ecas,  when  Capt.  Snake's  interpretor  gave  his  sjieech  as  follows: 

'•  Uncle,  (for  that  is  the  term  given  by  the  Delawares  to  the  Senecas) 
God  has  been  good  to  )is  this  day;  for  we  have  each  heard  llie  good  (alk 
from  the  great  chief  of  the  thirteen  tires;  and  we  liave  ever  .siid  thai 
we  would  advise  each  otlier  of  everything  we  heard  tliat  was  bad,  or  was 
like  to  befall  either  of  our  nations.  Now  uncle,  we  havi;  determined  to 
go  with  you  and  our  brother,  who  brings  to  us  these  good  tidings,  to 
Bullalo,  and  there  meet  our  nations  at  the  great  council  fire.  Blood  inav 
fall  upon  us  while  wo  are  going,  l>ut  now  we  give  you  our  hands  as  we 
promised,  and  we  will  lie  down  and  will  rise  logether."  Hlere  a  belt  ol 
wam])iiin  was  given,  consisting  of  ::ve  strings,  wiiich  Capt.  U'i:oel  viewed 
in  his  hand  a  short  time,  and  then  presented  it  to  me.)  Caj)!.  Fii.akc 
again  repeated:  "  Uncle  in  three  days  we  remove  our  women  i.nd  child- 
ren, and  all  that  we  have  to  your  towns,   they  arc  to  renmin    with  your 


APPENDIX. 


I 


421 


women  until  our  return."  In  the  course  of  Lis  speech,  ho  al.se  mentioned 
that  their  people  expected  to  receive  a  stroke  from  the  Massasaugas,  a 
part  of  that  nation  who  were  led  to  war  I)y  their  brotlicrs. 

13th.  Our  fleet  set  out  from  llickorytown,  and  reached  Logtrap  Creek, 
ten  miles  distant,  and  encamped.  Kained  all  night,  and  not  a  dry  thread 
on  myself  or  companions. 

nth.  Proceeded  up  the  river  to-day,  took  up  our  encampment  near  the 
mouth  of  Casyoudang  Creek,  it  being  tiie  place  where  Col.  Broadhead,  in 
1779,  had  fought  against  the  savages;  and  in  whicli  action  Joseph  Nich- 
olson,  his  interpreter,  was  woiuided. 

15th.  Being  very  unwell  this  morning,  and  overtaken  with  rheumatic 
pains,  and  to  such  a  degree  that  I  was  obliged  to  have  assistance  to  con- 
vey me  from  my  canoe  to  the  fire  ;  at  the  same  iim'o  it  being  cold  and 
raining,  I  informed  Cornplanter  that  1  should  leave  his  fleet,  and  proceed 
to  his  lower  town,  to  procure  some  assistance  ;  and  I  aniv«d  there  some 
time  in  the  night,  after  a  very  laborious  day's  work  for  the  Indians  ;  *  * 
tho  Indians  whom  I  hired  at  Venango,  to  bring  mo  to  O'Boel's  town,  (there 
being  two  called  by  his  name,)  drew  so  nice  a  distinction,  that  they 
chose  the  first,  or  lower  town,  and  insisted  that  this  was  the  town  they 
intended  to  come  to,  and  not  tlie  other  ;  and  should  I  require  their  as- 
sistance to  go  to  the  upper  town,  I  must  pay  to  eacli  one  dollar.  The 
terms  being  agreed  upon,  we  proceeded  to  the  upper  town,  aforesaid  *  * 
At  this  town  I  loft  Capt.  Houdin,  Indian  Peter,  theguide  which  I  ),rought 
from  near  Tioga  Point,  also  our  horses,  when  I  departed  thence  to  Ve- 
nango. *    ■ 

IGth,  At  this  town  1  met  in  company  with  Capt.  Uoudin,  a  French 
gentleman  from  Montreal,  by  the  name  of  Dominick  de  Barge,  who  had 
followed  the  Indian  trade  in  this  country  for  six  years  past,  and  wlio  lost 
by  the  same  a  considerable  fortune,  by  tho  credits  he  had  given  to  some 
of  the  Indians,  &c. ;  with  them  I  found  also  a  Mr.  Culbertson,  a  trader 
from  Genesee,  and  ifgave  mo  i)leasure  to  Ihid  tliat  the  Captain  was  not 
altogether  alone,  Lo  seeming  to  have  an  aversion  in  general,  to  the  com- 
pany  of  Indians. 

17tli.  This  day,  tho  canoes  whicli  left  on  the  l.-ith.  arrived  here,  and 
brought  the  news  which  tliey  had  received  from  an  Indian  runner,  that 
on  Wednesday  last,  the  13th,  the  New  Arrow  and  his  associates,  with  tlie 
garrison  lx.at,  had  arrived  at  Fort  Franklin  ;  liaving  suffered  no  damage 
in  their  persons,  nor  loss  of  their  merchandise,  as  was  reporled.     •     "^ 

18th,  An  express  arrived  here  from  the  New  Arrow,  advising  tliat  they 
must  send  down  to  him  at  Fort  Franklin,  a  certain  number  of  canoes, 


A: 
iLii 


m 


m 


lip 


422 


HI8T0KY   OF  BUFFALO. 


BuffloliMit  to  carry  tho  goods  brought  forward  by  Cornplantor  from  Pblla- 
dolphiiv.  •  »  Tliis  aftornoon,  tho  canocH  wbicli  had  waited  on  tho  way, 
arrived;  and  I)y  which  I  waa  informed  that  tho  Delaware  and  MiinHco 
Indians  at  Ilickorytown,  were  moving  with  their  stock,  Ac,  to  Cattarau- 
gus. 

I'Oth.  O'Ueel  and  chiefs  arrived  hero  from  tho  lower  town,  and  ordered 
their  conch  slioll  to  be  sounded  throiigli  tho  town,  to  summon  tlie  heml 
men  to  council.    Nothing  more  material  tliin  day. 

20th.  An  express  arrived  from  Bulfalo  Creelt,  informiuir  tiiat  the  lire  of 
tho  Six  Nations  had  boon  Icindled  Ity  a  number  of  chiefs  and  warriors, 
and  they  had  been  stirring  it  long  (o  keep  it  alive,  waiting  for  tlui  sa- 
chems of  tho  Senecas  and  thcur  brothers,  who  were  sent  by  the  great 
chief  of  tho  thirteen  (ires,  whom  wo  want  to  hear  speak  with  us,  *  *  On 
receiving  this  public  message,  I  was  requested  by  O'Beol  and  tho  other 
chiefs,  to  write  an  answer,  on  their  beliulf,  as  hearing  that  Col.  Butler 
and  Brant  were  at  Buffalo,  waiting  our  coming.  I  complied  witli  tlieir 
request,  and  directed  tho  same  to  tho  Farmers'  Brother,  Kayasatta.  and 
Red  Jacket,  cliiefs  of  tho  Six  Nations,  at  Buffalo  Creek. 

21st.  This  morning,  tlie  whole  of  the  town  were  jireparing  to  have  a 
grand  feast,  to  return  thanks  to  tho  great  keeper  of  all  men,  for  their  be- 
ing spared  to  meet  once  more  together  ;  several  of  the  chiefs  called  on 
us  to  invito  us  to  bo  present.  In  the  evening,  Cajii.  O'Beel  and  other 
chiefs,  informed  me  that  llu^  would  be  ready  to  go  with  me  to  Buffalo 
Creek  in  tho  morning,  if  I  thought  proper  ;  tiio  infonnation  gave  mo  the 
most  heart-felt  satisfaction,  and  I  accpiaintcd  him  that  I  was  ready  to  de- 
part, at  any  hour  they  should  agree  to  go,  as  mucli  precious  time  had  been 
wasted  since  my  crrival  in  tliis  place  from  the  (Jenesee  country. 

23d.  AVe  left  O'Beel's  town  about  twelve  o'clock,  and  proceeded  with  a 
few  chief*  and  warriors,  (the  whole  not  being  ready  to  depart  wiili  us,) 
taking  tlie  route  for  Buffalo  through  tho  village  called  Cattaragus,  which 
we  did  not  reach  before  the  2.')th,  in  tho  evening  ;  aiul  on  our  way  thith- 
er, passed  througli  a  settlement  of  Delaware,  or  Munsee  Indians,  in  which 
was  about  twenty  houses. 

2Cth.  We  took  up  our  journey  towards  Buffalo,  and  in  about  live  miles 
going  from  thence,  we  came  in  upon  tho  verge  of  lake  Erie,  which  had  a 
beautiful  ajjpearance,  it  being  a  pleasant  morning,  and  the  wafers  wen- 
very  serene,  and  looking  over  the  lake,  we  could  just  perceive  the  land 
upon  tho  other  side.  We  traveled  along  tlic!  sandy  beach  for  some  miles, 
but  were  obliged,  at  three  or  fi.ur  different  places,  to  leave  tho  shore,  and 
take  to  the  wooils,  the  rocks  having  come  blnff  up  to  the  deep  water. 


APPENDIX. 


423 


27th.  Weurrivcd  at  Buffalo  Crock,  having  travelled  through  a  country 
bf  exceeding  rich  land,  from  our  lai<(  encampment,  the  extent  of  which  1 
have  not  been  able  to  ascertain.    Thu  prc-('in).tivo  right  to  this  valuable 
country  in  vested  in  the  state  of  Massachusetts,  but  at  present  the  proper- 
ty of  the  lion.  Robert  Morris  of  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  by  a  late  pur- 
chase.    The  princii-al  village  ofnuflulo  l.elongs  to  iho  Seneca  Nation, 
and  in  it  the  Voung-Kiug  and  Farnier's-Urother  reside;  as  also  Red  Jaclt. 
et  the  great  speaker,  and  prince  of  the  turtle  tribe.    On  my  entering  the 
town  there  weie  numbers  of  Indians  collected  at  the  hut  where  we  alight- 
ed  Irom  our  horses,  and  on  taking  a  general  view   of  them,  I  found  that 
they  were  far  better  clothed  than  tl,Q80  Indians  were,  in  the  towns  at  a 
greater  distance,  owing  entirely  to  the  immediate  intercourse  they  had 
with  the  British,  being  but  thirty-flvo  miles  distance  from  Niagara,  and 
but  SIX  miles  from  Fort  Erie,  situate  on  the  north  side  of  the  lake;  from 
which  places  tliey  are  supplied  yearly  with  almost  every  necessary  they 
require,  so  much  so  as  to  make  them  indifferent  in  their  huntings,  and 
the  chiefs  who  are  poor  in  general,   have  to  look  up  to  them  for  almost 
their  daily  subsistence,  not  only  of  provisions  but  for  apparel;  for  the 
Young-King  was  fully  ivgimenlaled  as  a  Colonel,  red,  faced  with  blue,  as 
belonging  to  some  Royal  Regiment,  and  equipped  with  a  pair  of  the  best 
epauletts.     So  that  from  his  alter  conduct,  it  may  na  appear  extraordi- 
nary   where   the    King     has    thrown    in    his  opposition    to    my   er- 
rand, he  beinpr  paid  so  well  for  his  influence  over  the  Indian  Nations  as 
to  carry  his  favorite  point  in  question.  I  had  not  been  long  in  the  village 
before  1  was  invited  to  the  great  council  house,  with  my  companion    at- 
tended by  Red  Jacket,  O'Beel  and  other  chiefs.      Just  as  we  approached 
the  porch  they  had  a  two  pounder  swivel  gun,   which  had  been  loaded 
very  heavy,  having  put  into  her  an  uncommon  chnrge  which  the  acting 
gunner  being  sensiljlo  of,  stood  within  the  door,  and.fired  it  from  the  end 
of  a  long  pole  which  he  passed  between  the  logs;  which  being  done   the 
explosion  upset  the  gun  and  its  fixture.     This  thev  said  was  done' as  a 
treat  for  our  safe  arrival  through  the  dangers  that  we  had  encountered 
and  for  which  they  were  thankful  to  the  Great  Keeper.  The  speech  given 
by  Red  Jacket,  being  ended,  he  came  forward  to  me  to  the  seat  I  had  been 
invited  to  in  the  centre  of  the  council,  and  presented  me  with  four  strings 
of  wampum,  which  he  had  held  in  his  hands  while  speaking  (for  particu- 
lars of  which  see  another  page)  Capt.    O'Beel  having  been  particularly 
named  by  Red  Jacket,  he  rose  and  returned  the  compliment  in  behalf  of 
us  that  were  strangers. 

Being  just  at  sun  setting,  I  apprised  the  council  through  my  interpre-' 


■m 


M 


I 


m 


HISTORY  OF  UUFFALO, 


tor,  that  I  had  uiossngcM  from  Ooti.  Wiwhiiigtoii,   tho  groal  clii(<r  of  the 
thirteen  (Ires,  which  wcro  pi,  ti.".:.v,iy  ncldriwod  to  thd  notieoof  tlio  Six 
Nutioiis,  tlio  roprcst'iUallvcs  of  wliich  nations  I  pri'.sumod  woro  principal- 
ly inx'scnt;  but  as  It  was  gi'tting  l.ito,  I  rt)(pio8t('d  leuvo  to  postpone  the 
inc.oduction  till  the  niorninf,',  wliicli  was  con«entod  to.     Upon  thin,  Rod 
Jaclvct  rose  to  roniiirlc  tinvt  nmny  personH  had  occaHlonally  corao  into  th<Mr 
conntry  who  said  they  hud  aiwo  come  in  )>y  the  authority  of  tho  thirteen 
Arcs,  l)ut  of  tho  truth  of  which  they  woro  not  always  convinced.    Tlds  in- 
timation ojiened   the  dooi  tliat  I  expected;  having  heen   informed  by  a 
French  frentleniaii,  a  trader  amongst   tliem,   that   Iheso  nentimenls  had 
fallen  from  Brant  and  Butler,  about  seven  days  previous  to  our  arrival  at 
this  place,  who  desired  of  the  chiefs  in  private  council  to  pay  no  atten- 
tion to  wliut  shonid  be  said  to  tlieni  by  me;  and  an  they  knew  tlut  pur- 
port of  my  mission,  from  tlie  cliiefs  whom  1  had  held  council  with  at  Gen- 
PBeo  river;  the  Colonels  advised  them  not  to  assist  mo  in  going  to  thoMi- 
amies,  as  tho  conse(|uenccs  would  ))»«  fatal  to  those  that  should  attend  me, 
and  consequent  death  to  me  and  my  companion.     From  these  suggestions 
which  hail  fallen  from  Red  Jacket,  I  mentioned  in  open  council,  that  I 
was  desirous  tl)at  tiiey  might  call  forward  any  gentleman  of  veracity  in 
whom  they  iiad  confidence,  to  l)t>  present  while  I  should  deliver  myself  to 
them,  and  examine  any  writing  that  I  was  directed  to  lay  before  tho  Six 
Nations,  as  by  that  means  proof  would  bo  made  that  my  commission  was 
founded  on  tlie  authority  of  th(^  United  Slates  of  America.     They  then 
agreed  upon  sen<iing  for  the  commanding  ofllcor  of  Fort  Erie,  and  dis- 
patched a  runner  for  that  purpose.    Soon  after  the  council  l)roko  up,  Capt. 
.lohn  of  the  Onondagas  came  to  my  hut,  and  informed  mo  in  a  private 
convcrsution,  that  no  scruple  was  made  of  tho  authority  I  came  under  to 
them,  being  well  informed  by  the  chiefs  of  the  Genesee,   wlio  had  given 
that  information  some  considerable  time  before  my  reaching Bulfalo.    The 
reason,  he  said,  they  were  so  particular  with  me,  was  on  account  of  a  cer- 
tain William  Ewing,  a  resident  from  Connedesago  lake,  who  had  come  in 
behalf  of  tho  Hon.  Robert  Morris,  whom   he  called   the  second  greatest 
man  in  tho  union;  that  he  had  convened  a  council  tho  day  previous  to 
my  arrival,  informing  those  of  the  Six  Nations  jjresent,  that  the  pre-emp- 
tive right  to  tho  land  in  tiii.s  country  as  Itelonging  to  the  state  of  Massa- 
chusetts, were  now  the  property  of  the  said  Rol)ert  Morris,  whensoever  the 
Six  Nations  of  Indians  were  disposed  to  sell  any  part  of  tho  same;  that 
the  better  to  authenticate  the  business  he  had  to  perform,  he  produced  his 
instructions  under  tho  hands  and  seals  of  the  said  Robert  Morris,  and  the 
Honorable Ogden,  both  of  the  state  of  Pennsylvania,  adding  that  now 


APPENDIX. 


425 


tho  chain  of  frlondHhip  now  hItvAM  lH,hvcon  the  Nald  g^nth-mon  and  Ibo 
SixNationn,    tho  rontro  of  which  was  to  I.o  .u,.„or...d  hy  hin,;  t  „    , 
con«oc,uenco  thereof,  ho  do^h-od  their  ponninHh.n  to  trav.L  th    J"  ra 

cournoH  of  tho  iaudH  granted  l.y  tholr  agon. U  ving«ton,  of  New  Yo  k 

to  tho  Haid  State  of  Mas.achuHettH.  '  "'• 

28th.  Tho  councli  I.eiug  convo.u.d  within  the  house,  there  u,,K.ared  to 
bo  abou  one  hundred  and  llfty  in  number.  Mr.  Kwing  ,...«„',.  '  ' 
and  contmuo  hin  Lunines^,  whieh  ho  had  introduced  the  day  before-  Zo^ 
which  1  rose  to  inform  him  that  ho  mu.t  .lesist  fron.  golugL;,;:;,,  'a, 
it  wa«  an  interferanco  with  my  n.i^sion,   that  wa.  of  ,ho  uUn  1'^ 

<.l.u..co  to  t..o  Unite.,  State,  and  to  the  Indians  in  Konerai  t  Ta; 

«oo„  us  to  same  was  completed,  agreeable  to  the  purport  of  n.y  ^Z 
hero  that   hen  I  would  lend  him  nuch  a.sistauce  as  was  in  ny^     of 

en      „„.     a  He  comman.l.ng  ollker  of  Fort  J.'rio  sent  word  this  „.orning 
that  lu,  could  not  leave  his  garrison  without  the  express  pernn.slou  "  "it 
con^mandant  of  Niagara,  (Co,.  Gordon,)  but  that  he  had  sent  C        Pow 
ell,  of  the     .uban  Department,  as  a  suitable  person  to  snperin      d 

and  .lesi.c  ol  O  Bee,,  I  began  by  reading  his  ad.l.-ess  to  the  (Joveruor  .u,d 
counc.  0  Pennsylvania,  a.s  also  his  several  letters  to  the  Presid;      'r 
Unued  .Ma  es,  a.u,  his  E.vcellencys  answer  to  tlu.n,  in  order, 'an    ah   d 
letter  to  tho  same,  from   tho  Secretary  of  War.     The  rea.l         ,    ,     ' 
Bovora,  papers,  and  tho  deed  from  his  Excellency,  the  IVesident;  o 
restorafonoft  eirlandsin  the  Si.v  Nations,   and  the  interpreting  tho 
ame,  took  up  the  whole  of  the  day.  upon  which  I  concluded    o  adjot  n 
tm  to-morrow.  *  ^  I  thought  it  proper  to  give  tho  invitation  to  C>t 
Powell,  to  take  up  h.s  abode  at  my  hut  for  the  night,  which  lu- ,  ery  w  ,1 
angly  accepted.     After  we  had  taken  a  little  refreshment,  we  entered  into 
a  general  conversation,  and  spoke  <u.  many  matters,   „,e  consequence  of 
the  ato  war.     Tho  Captain  being  free  in  conversation,  gave  nu,.  to  unl 
Btand  that  Col.'s  Ru.ler  and  Brant,  hin.elf,  and  severd  othoers  Im  N  ' 
ngara  and  Fort  Erie,  had  been  at  Butlalo  some  tin.e,  waiting  my  con.lng 
as  they  had  advice  that  I  was  on  n.y  way  hither;  that  while,  thi   Bra.U 
received privato  instmctions  from  head-,p,arters,  to  .set  out  for  the  Grand 
River,  and  from  tiu-nco  to  Detroit.     This  business.  Capt.  Powell  judged 
was  to  carry  .nstructions  of  some  kin.l.  to  the  Indians  at  war  Jith  tho 
United  States.     It  had  the  appearance,  of  what  ha.l  fallen  fron.  the  lips 
of  Butler  and  Brant,  some  days  since,  with  tho  chiefs  of  the  Onondais 
and  Senecas.  as  it  had  tho  tendency  of  their  joint  advice,  when  they  spoke 

28 


!• 


i* 


I 


426 


raSTORY  OF  BUFFALO, 


in  the  great  council,  viz:  that  they  would  not  determine  on  any  matter 
of  consequence  with  me,  without  their  concurrence.  These  injunctions 
being  laid  upon  them,  (as  I  received  it  from  my  informant,)  the  British 
oflScers  retired  to  their  different  posts. 

Friday,  April  29th.  The  business  which  I  postponed  yesterday,  I  opened 
in  a  ranch  larger  council,  than  had  appeared  before;  and  after  I  had  read 
the  Secretary  of  War's  message  to  the  Six  Nations,  I  continued  to  read 
those  also  directed  to  the  Delawares,  &c.,  and  closed  the  whole  with  an 
address  to  them.  *  *  The  reply  of  Red  Jacket  to  the  foregoing,  as  it 
will  come  more  proper  in  its  place  here,  I  will  insert  it  at  full  length: 

«  Brother  from  Pennsylvania— Wo  have  heard  all  that  you  have  said  to 
us,  and  by  which  you  have  infomed,  that  you  are  going  to  the  bad  Indi- 
ans to  make  peace  with  them,  and  that  you  are  sent  to  us,  to  seek  our  as- 
Bistance.  Now  we  must  consider  the  matter  thoroughly,  and  to  choose 
which  way  to  go,  either  by  land  or  by  water.  You  likewise  tell  us  that 
you  have  messages  to  the  Wyandots,  and  to  Capt.  Snake  of  the  Delawares.-, 
and  that  they  are  to  take  hold  of  you  and  us  by  the  hands,  and  go  to  the 
bad  Indian  nations  with  us;  and  tliis  also,  wo  must  consider  of  thorough- 
ly, for  we  find  that  all  our  Six  Nations  are  not  present;  and  as  our  broth- 
er, Capt.  Powell,  of  the  British  is  here,  and  true  to  us,  for  he  is  hero  at 
every  treaty,  we  must  let  you  kno\ir  that  we  shall  move  our  council  (ire  to 
Niagara  with  him,  and  that  you  must  go  with  us  to-morrow,  as  far  as 
Capt.  Powell's  house.  And  as  soon  as  we  can  know  what  time  we  can 
reach  Niagara,  wo  will  send  runners  off  to  the  Fort  to  acquaint  tlie  com- 
manding officer  of  the  garrison.  And  now  the  council  want  to  have  your 
answer."  I  did  not  long  hesitate  fo  make  answer  in  what  I  deemed  a 
very  unwarrantable  request.  ^  *  therefore  I  should  decline  accompanying 
them.  *  *  A  silence  prevailed  for  some  time  in  the  whole  council,  after 
which,  Red  Jacket  and  Farmer's  Brother,  spoke  to  the  council  by  turns; 
the  result  of  it  being  that  a  runner  must  be  immediately  sent  to  Niagara, 
to  request  the  attendance  of  Col.  Butler,  &c.,  to  meet  them  in  their  coun- 
cil as  soon  as  he  could  make  it  convenient. 

rContinued  in  appendix  to  second  volume.  ] 


INDEX. 


Abenaquis— Subdued  by  the  Illinois 33 

Abeel— An  Albany  trader 140,  141 

Abeel,  John— Skins  he  fraudulently  obtained  inthe  Seneca's  coun- 
try  j^2  333 

Abeel— Alias  O'Bail,  alias  Cornplantcr.i4lV379J"38"3i¥84,'385,"392|  sVs 

.,      ,         ^,.     394,395,406,407,409,410,411 

Artarakta— Chiel  Sachem  of  the  French  deputation  to  Onondaga 8(i 

Adirondacks— Attack  and  surprise  a  party  of  the  Five  Nations, 

hunting  beaver loc 

Agastarax— Or  Gastrax,  a  great  Seneca  chief,  lately  deceased . . . . . . . .  166 

Allen,  Col,  Eathan— Crossed  to  the  Island  of  Montreal 251 

Alden,  Col.— Mentioned 308.  309 

Albany— Mentioned !!'.!  !!'.37,  86,  89,92 

AJgonkins— Subdued  by  the  Iroquois 33 

Allemon  t,  le  Father— Report  made  to 2 

Anencraos— A  great  chief  of  the  Iroquois,  prisoner  with  the  Cat  Nation.5 

Baker,  Capt.— A  noted  rebel,  killed  near  lake  Champlain 248 

Bald  Eagle— A  Delaware  chief,  murdered  on  the  Ohio..  .  171 

Barque— Lost  on  lake  Ontario 57 

Battle— Near  Oriskany '. 280,  281,  282 

Bermudas— Rebel  cruisers  attack  an  English  war  vessel  near 255 

Bears— Mode  of  killinfi;;  400  killed 23,  24 

Big  Tree— A  Seneca  chief 306,  307 

Bolton,  Col.  Mason— His  letters 292,  300 

Bellomont,  Earl— Appointed  Governor  of  New  York 106,  110 

Black  Snake— A  Seneca  war  chief 328 

Bleeker,  Rutgers— Bearer  of  Dispatches  to  Sir  John  Johnson '.  .258 

Bough  ton  Hill— Seneca  village;  battle  at 45,  48,  49 

Brant,  Joseph— (Thayendenegea,)  sent  to  Moor's  Charity  School 126 

154,  252,  271,  272,  273,  279,  373,  374,  378,  379,  381,  38.3,  385 

386,  387,389,  390,410,411 

Brant,  John— Mentioned ; 326 

Braddock,  Gen.— Proposes  to  capture  the  posts  occupied  by  the  French.l  27 

Brant,  Molly— Oneidas  revenge  themselves  on 273,  274,  372 

Bre))euf,  Jean— Mission  to  the  Neutre  Nation 2 

Butler,  Col.  Jehn— Left  at  Niagara 256 

Burgoync,  Gen.— Sir  John  Johnson  reaches 255 

Burnett,  Gov.— Holds  a  council  with  the  Six  Nations 112 

Buffalo— Buffalo  Creek 18.  328,  329,  353,  359,  373,  379,  .384 

Bulls  and  Cows— Wild,  observed  by  Le  Moine 22 

Buffaloes— Formerly  abundant  in  Ohio  and  New  York 21 

Bush  Lopers--Or  Indian  traders 89 


■H^ 


428 


HISTORY  OP  BUFFALO. 


Buckley,  Capt.  Edward— Mentioned.  ^%°d 

Butler.  Col.  Zebiilon— Mentioned...      on? 

But  erslMiry-Opiiosite  Fort  Niagara ".V." Veg  "367"  •  rX^ 

Butler,  Mrs.  Jolin....  '^^''' "^^ ' '  tH 

Butler,  Capt.  -Walter '. Snfi"  Vii"  ViV '^i't"  H-, 

^Z^"^^' ■■■-■■-■■--■-    ':^,  S ;  S 

c3S.m  :::;: 255,^93, 294, 295, 2%:  297;  298 

Catarrt,,ui-(Kingston, )  abandoned  by  the"  French.' 8;{  84  UYi 

CamlS  '  vi~-TT'  ^"•.•'•°'""1<'-J..  ^""ily  taken  prisoneV;.-/.'  '3SI,  sJt 
tanii)bel),  Mrs.-Taken  prisoner  witli  her  children. . .  ..;il2,  314,  315,  32;{ 

Carrying  PIace--At  Niagara.' ^^^'  ?^- 

Campbell,  iAlajor— Arri  ves  at  Montreal' ...  oV,,"  "oV?" ' o^l 

Canawagus— Mentioned ...  "^  >  ^^^'  .^^\ 

Cannon  Mr.-Taken  prisoner  at  Cherry  ValYey'. %X 

Caldwell,  Capt.— .Mentioned.  .\n? 

Callender— A  trader,  plundered  jgo 

canSgir  li^:""":  \ !"™" !'"":  j"^^  '"''•  •^"^»^°"  ------■■--  -^jj! 

Caiinahodt— A  Seneca  sachem,  delivers't^ho  nie.ssage  of  "his"  i/eonle 87 

.anoes-2()0  loaded  with  furs  arrive  at  Quebec  from  Mach.ac   ^       "  "m 
Cana;|lu,u.eson-Cliief  Oneida  sachem,  his  speech      -"^""^'- " "  j.^-.j " |J" 

Canadian  M.litui-Gen.  Carleton  depends  upon       '  24" 

Carloton    Cen.-Col.  Guy  Joluison's  interview  with 245  250 


245,  250 


Casconchagon-(Gc.nesee  River,)  Indians  ask  to  have  Jonciare'set- 

tie  there ,^_ 

Ca.iglwiawagas-T wo  killed  and"  several" wo"u"n'(ied 940 

Cat  Nation— Lived  ujion  the  south  side  of  Lake  Erie r 

Calawbas— I'lie  lro(juois  war  agiiinst.  00 

Chamidain-Attacks  the  Onondagas.  and  i:s"w'o"imdc>d" .".".■.".".": i5"28 

Cherry  \alk^v-Massacreat....30«,  308.  309,314,310,  318,  319","32],  322 

Charle^•oix-Spcak;;;f■tl;(;  dread;  ;n"fi-a;-; of  "liu^i^oquois.";."*'^'''  ^^^'  '% 
Chauin.mot.  .Joseph  Marie-Visits  tlie  Iroquois  o  ^ 

C  I!;u'''r!I'7'V'''''*i "'■  ""i  ^''""•''''  ''S"s  treaty  ^if" peace: : ! ! ! : ! ! " "  1^2 
Chew.  Joseiih—.Secie(ary  of  Indian  Affairs.  '}W\'rn 

Chorokees— Tlie  lr(.(|uois  war  against  '    .'i 

C'honeguen— (Oswego.)  culled  bftlie  Fi      " 

Clans,  C(d.  Daniel— Slurries  a  daughter  I 


"  rencli j  9;; 

L'rof  Sir  \\'\\\.  Johnson 12G,  184 

Cliutoii.  DeWitt-His "remarks  on  ti"ie"l"ro"(|uo"is ^^"'  ^S 

Connecticut— Purchased  lands  of  the  Irocniois u 

Cocinan.  Major-Commanding  at  Fort  Slanwi.x         qnf! 

Conm,lly,  Capl.-Of  militia  at  Pittsburgh  170 

Cornl.my.  Lord  -Appoinled  Gov.  of  New  York {  f 

Con-airli-qui-eson-An  Oneida  chief,  opens  council  at  JoiinsonHali:  ^ISC, 

-280 
■9 


Cox,  Col.— Killed. 

Cornstock-.Vt  t  lie  bat  I  le  of  the  Kanira'wa." .".""". "nV  Y78  "  Tv) 

Crogiian,  Wm.-Agent  of  Sir  Win.  Joiinson  on  theUlno" " " "       '  139   172 

i.^in.'N  Tr"''"!--'^^^^^  iMhal)itantof Va.lt;;.  1G9: 170, 175 

Dablon.  Lallier— \  isiis  the  Iro(|uois  '  '^^^^'"^ 

uartmotith,  Larl— Sir  W  ni.  Johnson's  report  to  igt 

Wanbury— Lord  Howe  s(;nds  a  body  of  troops  to ".'.'.".'.'  .'.'.WW'.  271 


INDEX. 


429 


Dan  cl,  Capt.-A  faithful  Mohtiwk  killed . .    .  ^  ?FA, 

Dayton  Col  -Repairing  Fort  Stanwix     oVP  "op: 

Dean,  Mr. -(Interpreter,)  his  letter      ^^^'^M 

Durant.Mons. -Meets  M.  de  Longueville  and  jonct    '-^-'^     '      '    "'-^ 


Dunmce,  Lord-Gov  of  Va    or  n  i.,  l*;,n''''  "^""-"".■^  ***  Oswego. .. .'135 
Duor,Mr/--I3enutcTi;v  Pen  '-in  .?         !  '"'  '''"'.'^  ""S"'"^*  *''*^  Indians.  17G 


,      .  ^  100 

Fort  Schlosser. ...   ^^'i,  339 

Fort  Niagara— C(jini)iet'ed ^^'^^  •'"'l 

Fort  Forty 5(i,  .'iS 

Fort  Cr^eceoiu^Onihe-lliinoisriVerlcouunana  of  given  ^  Tc^ntiiylJ 

Fort  Stanwix— TreatV  at •^^"'  •**'0 

Fort  Edward  158,151) 

K  S-^^^-^T^i!  J"i--.ioh;.;on^s  fnrnifun/soM^u::;;^    '''' '"''  ^;!I 


Fort  Pitt— Alarming  infcllii-enco  at 
I'ranciscans— Missions  began  to  bees 


ForestsZrnvve  l^n  ,;S'  ^^  '^^^''^''''^''^d  'i^«t  among  the  Hurons.  .25 


2(i4 
1C9 


Franklin,  Docl. -Agent  of  I'eniisyivan 
I;razer,Capt.-Mentionc-d..  '' 

F"ncJl£;::^:\Shr'''''  '"""^f  ^^^'^  "^''^'  ^-■•^  ^-tem-  Nations: 

Frencli  Feople-Gn.wing  disappointed'. Z 

b lench  i.vpedition-Against  the  Mohawks. ". :  iys," lO.'j;  ill,'  V3();'l29;  134 
Frontenae.  Count 


20 
114 

;j:i8 

-45 
4'J 


-Sends 


-lao.  137,  l.'i 

si,m  (o  .)„.  T,Mv"  V  r    "  '■'-^^"™'^^*1  prisoners  on  a  mis- 
sum  10  uie  JMve  r\afions 

PI  f  1        Kd"i='<"'i'<l  as  Gov.  of  Canada' ". ".".'.". f-!  -{A.: "  u]- 

F  otcjier  (  ol.     G,.v.  of  New  York,  ealls  a  eonndYarvib'uiv  '    nn 

!•  lem.ng,  Col.-Wonnded  in  the  battle  of  the  KauLun   .      '' f-'^ 

-154 


141 


85 


uastrax   or  Gastrax_A  Seneca  chief,  speech    oe  Five"  Vation 
Game-On  the  south  shore  of  lake  Erie  "" 

Garacontio-A  cliief  .,f  the  Senecas,  siieeclVat"  Quebec t, 

rT:  ^;^'"-"'«  instructions  to  Col.  Guv  John    n.     ; .".f: 


Gates,  Gen. 
Germain,  Lord 


,  Lord  George-Keplies  to  lirant's "si)e"ech '        '  •/ a 

Genesee- Prisoners  at  ^"iK-ttn 254 

Gilbert— Family  .V, 23b 

Glbson,Col.  Johii-Sontlo'uie cabin  of  Logan,"heard'his;p(3  j?ll:  iJ} 


13 

297,  298,  299 

54 


^ 


430 


HISTORY  OF  BUFFALO. 


Glen,  Henry— Bearer  of  dispatches  to  Sir  John  Johnson 258.  2G0 

Governor  ol  Canada— Kefuses  to  recognize  the  English  sovereign- 
ty over  the  Indians io6 

Gratehoiiso— And  others,  collected  at  the  house  of  one  Baker. .,  167,  287 

Greenhalgh— "Visits  the  Seneca  village 43 

Gregg,  Capt.— Wounded  and  scalped '286,  287 

GrilHn— Name  of  the  snip  built  above  the  Falls  of  Niagara.  60, 63,'66,  67,  68 

Guniorsall — His  statement 256,  257,365 

Gui-yah-gwaah-doh— Or  Gi-cn-gwah-toh ! .' '.327 

Harris,  Rev.  ':h: — Journey  to  Ohio 23 

Hayadonda— A  head  warrior  of  the  Cenisseo  castle .' .'  .  .141 

Haulimand,  Gen 326,  333 

Hartley,  Col. 3^1,  322 

Harper,  Capt.  Alexander 373,  374 

Hennepin,  Father— Visits  the  Senecas 4,  52,  53,  62,  63 

Hendrick— A  great  Mohawk  chief  killed... 130,  131,  132 

Hillsborough,  Lord— His  circular  letter  to  the  Governors 164 

Hillier,  Lieut. 352 

Herkimer,  Col — Joins  Gen.  Schuyler  with  the  Tryon  county  mi- 
litia  259,  275,  277,  278.279,  280,283 

[[owe.  Sir  ■William ' 271,  300 

Hodeyoye 324 

Ice — From  lake  Erie  in  the  Niagara  river 66 

Illinois  Indians — Subdued  by  the  Iro(piois 33 

Indian  Tradition— In  regard  to  the  origin  of  the  war  with  the  Lries 6 

Ingoklsby,  Capt.— Assumes  the  government  of  New  York 97,  98 

Iroquois— Their  country 1,  4,  5,  29,  33,  34,  35,  43,  69,  64,  97 

Irondeijuoit  Bay — French  landed  at •. 45 

Isle  nu  Noix — Re1)el  army  retire  to 249 

.Jesuit  Missionaries — Wit'li  the  Iroquois 5 

Jemison.  .Afary— Her  statement  of  the  marriage  of  a  captive 285,  286 

Jonciare.  Chabcrt — (Jean  Couer,)  long  a  prisoner  with  the  Sene- 
cas  10.3,  107,  117,  118 

Jonciare.  rha))ert  Jr.— Appointed  to  till  his  father's  oOJce 118,  119 

.135,143,  140,  101 


Jonciare,  Clau/.(jnne — Sent  to  the  Senocas „.  .......lis 

Johnson,  Sir  William— Born  in  Ireland. .  124,  125,  126,  127,  128,  130.  133 

137,  138,  142,  148,  15,3,  155,  150,  161,  162,  103, 165,  166,  167 

184,  189.  190,  191,  192 

Johnson,  fiuy— Nephew  of  Sir  William,  married  a  daughter  of  Sir 

William  Johnson.  126,  240,  242,  243,  250,  252,  253,  271,  337 

334,  335,  336,  ;i52.  356,  377 

.Tohnson.  Sir  John— Son  of  Sir  William  Johnson.. 259,  200,  261,  262,  264 

, 265,293,391 

.[(ihnsim.  Wm.  and  Peter— Natural  sons  of  Sir  William  Johnson. 372,  373 

379,205,267,254 

.lolinson.  Lady— Wife  of  Sir  Wm.  Johnson,  of  Dutch  or  German  descent.!  2(; 

"•  Wile  of  Sir  John 258,  260,  265 

Karongliyaimghqui— A  sachem  of  the  Cenisseo  castle 141 

Ivandanintie — The  great  Sen(>ca  warrior 140 

Ka-an-yes — A  Seneca  L'hief '52 

Kanliawa  river— Battle  near 176,  i77 

Kanakles-  -  A  place  on  the  Susquehanna 307 

Kanedasaga— xVot  mentioned  by  Do  Nonville. .  .50,  120, 102,  306,  307,  315 

323,  328;  329,  349,  353 


INDBX. 


431 


Kaw  Quaws,  Raw  Kwas--Ke,side  near  18  mile  Creek,  not  a  rem-    ''""'• 


nant  of  the  Erlos 


Kayashota.  or  Kayagshota-A  Seneca  chief  aV Fort  Pi'tt"  hh  IhdVn^V '  i  -•! 
Kaymgvvaarto---Aduef  of  the  Senecas,  as  spelled  VnVhe  i:^^^^ 

Kagswoughtanewan.ia/aliaM  iJeUl-'-^oncca  warri"o"i" 10'' 

King  Young-A  chief  of  the  Senecas  •^^'*'  ^^"'  .fJi' 

Kirkland,  Ret^  Saniuel-IIis  letter  to  ti.e  AYl.any"  ComniiHee ' " " " 2,)!)  '1% 

La  Moyne-Visftsthe-Iroqnols"''^'  ''''  ^''^'  ''''  ~'''  '^^  ^^^^^V?' 
Lake  Erie-.AVuter.s  of,  have  subsided ;." *''''•  in'  ?"•  f, 

Lake  Ontario---Watersof,  have  suicided;  calYedlala;iro,,noi«"'2(?'o^^^ 

Lake  St.Clair::-Verv-shanow--'''  '''  '''  ""'  ^"•''  ^^^'  ^^^^  '^^-  l^^- l^? 


Lake  ITuron- 


--Very  shallow 

r     CM       „.  -I^ntcred  by  the  Griflin ,. . 

La  balle-His  journey  from  Illinois  to  QuebW  23, 33  So"  51)"  "fi9  fiV  "fir "  r- 
I.a  IhiTe-His  expedition  against  the  Iroquois  '  '      "  ^^'  ^'^'  ^i 

u'iXZ'  ?:^'«'--:"*'^''^'l«  "  commission  to  Onondaga. if n 

Lit  ehales,  Go— Surrenders  the  Fort  at  Osue<vo        }o - 

i.ittle  Beard's  Town— Mentioned ...  °   ^:-^^^' 

-Secretary  of  the  Proprietors  o'f  "Pennsylvania 


..05 
05 
07 
45 


324,  325 
171 


Logan,  James- 

Logau— Achiefofthc  Mingoes...  174   n-,   ,-,j  ,-„  ,^,,   ,^.„  -■.., 

Lonan-Pretended  speech  of.  i'*.  l/J,  1<(>,  1/9,  Ifeo,  182,  1S3 

Longueville— Mentioned  ^^^'  ^^^ 

.Marshall,  O.H  -Visits  Boughton  llili ." '.  ]  ."50: ." ."  isee aNo ^'^^'  ^la 

Mohawks-To  keep  the  eastern  door  of  the  long  hoiiPc       ~" 


94.  '.1: 


Moore.  Mrs-Captured  at  ClienV  Vallev;  witi;  lieTci  ild^en 

Moore,  Miss  J  ane-Marries  Capt.  Powell  Jiao.  M^m'v 

.Montour— Historical  notice  of  '       '    ' 

Montour,  Catharine '" 

Montour,  Rowland 

Montour,  Caj)!.  Andrew 

Jloutour,  John— Interpreter 

Montcalm.  Marquis  de-Com;.iands"an  expedition  a- 

Montgomery  Gen.-Lands  near  St.  Johns  with  loot)  men 

Z^iits^^J^^'r  -'"*'  •-'"'  '-^"  •■s;'- 

McDonell,  Mr.  Allen -''*'  -' 

Nason.  John— Lieut.  Gov.  of  New  Vorlv ~' 

Xeutre  Nation— French  first  discover        

Neville,  Mr.— From  Virfinia  

Niagara  FiiUs,  or  Oneagara-Fi"rst  "de.scrii.iion'of 

N  lagara,  Fort- Abandoned  by  tlio  French .  83      Spok 


242,  200,  2G1,  291 

..311 

4.  375,  37(i 

M3 

325,341,344 

345,  34().  35!) 

343 

345.  34(> 

ainst  Oswego...   L'M 
ns  with  1000  men 249 

143 

95,  290 

259 

111 


-.1(J7,  Kis 

•SO.  51,  52 

jKikenof  325,  376,  112 

Xundow  or  Niinda-::PrisonmVhiken  to '  "'^'  ^^''  ^^°'  ^^^'  ^ 

Oak  Openings-Forraerly  prairies ". "i"?  "srt "  in?" '1  ,'• 

Oh;o— Events  upon  the  ^  '  ^'^'  ^"^'  ^''J 

Oneidas ...  ■  - ^  <''^>  l<i7 

Onondaga-Councii  at^S.  att'acked  byChanu.iain '  ^^^'  ^^9',^^"; 

Ontano-Spoken  of ^ /        :,,:;  —  ■  -„  ,2.^yl  J 


6.  attacked  by  Chamiiiain . 

p^^^o-Tradei^leaVc^;.-;;. 7^' ;ti' ^^^^"^ 

Perthus-An  Indian  interpreter,  ki'licd ."."."." "'       '  ^''  i!i!' 


250 


482 


IIISTOKY  OF  UUFFALO. 


Prescott,  Brig.  Gen Page. 

Pontiac— Conspiracy  of.  246 

Pittsburgh— A  meeting  at '  46 

Praines-Their  origin  17,  seen  by  LeMoino ;A^B 

■nrn    ■'•'»' 

Jgara 
Cana 

0,  aci 

River,  Niagara— First  vessel  enters'  '       -^^-^ 

River,  Welland— Mfmtioned  ^5 

RobiirA'bS^'ir^-^?' n  '"'"«^»' f"''  the'releaso  ofprisoners 41 

Kobin  Abbe— Reports  tlie  speecli  of  Lonan .  '^ 


Sell enectady—Des troy ed  "'^'  ^^*'  ^^^ 

Schuyler,  Philip- Requires  hostages  of\<ir  John  J.;hnson,'259  "  ^V  "ssl^ 

Six  Na<ions-.vitack  Montreal;: ''''  ''"'  ''' ^''y'ili^ii-  ^^  7 

«>•'•  feo,  H7,  88,  1;j5 

Serihowano-X  Seneca" ehief;  i;is\;pecch ". ^"^'  ^ '''  ?S'  ?o^»-  rUl 

biiawnose-  Answer  to  Capt.  Connelly  '  ^^''  1 1° 

telielby,  Capt.  Jsaac-Loads  the  attaJk  at  Kan'hawa Uo 

bkannandano— Lake  Ontario,  so  called  ''r 

Skanonyade— Or  lialf  King  of  the  SenecasVliiV  " " 
Slaughter,  Col.,    ^r-'i---       •■     •■     ■   ' 


.-.„..v.,  v.„,— li,;,  uuiicu  oi  ^.aiuarme  Montour ■ton  o-j,    ..Tri 


Tsoiiontouaruj-Nanie  given'iolhe  S;>necas"by"ti;.:  FroPcf '  ~''^|^/,^ 

^audrieul,  M.  de-Gov.  of  Canada. .. .  ^  •""''  •'^'  ^.^ 

Van  Slyke,  Capt.— Killed ^'I^ 

Victor— Town  of,  Boughlon  Hill  in ™ 

Washington,  Gen. -Written  to  by  Lady  .John.son ." ." ." 'o,-;. "  ± 

U  att.s,  Ma,,or.--nro(l.er-ln-law  of  Sir  John  Johnson. ~''"''  o?,^ 

A\  arren  Sir  Feter-l  ncle  to  Sir  Win.  Johnson,  his  estate v4 

J  arragb.j..n,,y.   lad       „anie  of  Sir  Willinn,  J„hn.on     n;^ 

A\  e  Is,  Kobcrt-And  his  family  massacred .  "..V,"  -,;,-.. '  .V, , 

A  eld,  Mi-.-Vn  English  traveler, ^ isits  Buflah.' ^'  '^^'^^  '^.l^ 

AVemp  Mr.  (Myndert,)  Indian  blacksmith :22i:  'Ki3  'Hi  '^'In  "o^S 

Wja^''-  ^«"---'^^-"  '--io»«'T  and  i„terprefc.r  hi^n;;^:^ 
^         ° 301,  305,  30G,  mo.  322,  325,  326 


246 

146 

172 

1!),22 

142 

119 

37!>,  385 

368,370.375,364 

3«3 

65 

55 

•s 352 

181 

265 

V2,  323.  357. 3Q!) 
-8(i,  87.9!),  Ill 
17.  3()0.  371.  37G 
3,  44.  55.  (ii).  84 
^  152,  155.  156 
-11)2,  164,185 

.-37 

,  259,  257,  258, 
i3,2(;4,  314,317 
80,  87,  88,  135 
e,  268,  290,  291 
--186,  187,  1.^8 

173 

178 

54 

348 

Ilia  death.  95 
-274,276,277 

241 

■  -326.  331,  .TlO 

ing  Place.  147 
303 

,  273,  294  '297 
.  329,  341,  354 
55,  61,  64,  65 
Froiitonac.  12 
----58.67.68 
,  265,  266,  267 
--..5.'>.  59,  60 

96 

280 

15 

-  - . .  :265,  306 

279 

125 

138 

31],  313,  317 

20 

231.  236,  239 
1  letter... 327 
322,  325,  326 


m 


